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Summing up the data deriving from the Natufian burials at Hayonim Cave which incorporates information pertaining to the last grave uncovered on site (Grave XVII), the paper endeavours to understand the role of burials within the evolving Natufian society at large. It seems that certain sites—Hayonim Cave being a case in point—served as special localities, used by a particular group as a burial ground all through the Natufian time-span (i.e. for more than 3000 years). Members of that group returned to the cave again and again in order to bury their dead, being aware of the location of the preceding graves, apparently retaining a long-term memory of their burial practices. At the same time, at least some burials provide evidence for inter-group ties, as evident through particular similarities between certain burials in two distinct Natufian sites, Hayonim Cave and Eynan (‘Ain Mallaha). Clearly, retention of mortuary practices played a significant role in consolidating and preserving social cohesion in the Natufian society.

Internal and external bony tissues from diverse mammalian taxa are one of the primary animal raw materials exploited for technical and symbolic purposes by Eurasian Upper Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers. Identifying the source species used for osseous raw material is critical to gain insights into these populations’ behaviour, technology, and subsistence. The study of osseous tools has advanced in the last few years by combining archaeological and biomolecular methods. Ancient genomics opens many new analytical opportunities. Ancient DNA (aDNA) can provide a wealth of information about the animal sources of these objects. Unfortunately, aDNA analyses often involve destructive sampling. Here, we develop and apply a minimally-invasive aDNA sampling method for an assemblage of 42 prehistoric hunting weapons and tools from various Eurasian archaeological sites. We evaluated the impact of our approach on the specimens visually, microscopically and through Micro-CT scans. The surface impacts are marginal, ranging from 0.3-0.4 mm. Using a custom-made DNA capture kit for 54 mammalian species, we obtained sufficient aDNA to identify the taxa of 33% of the objects. For one of the tools, we recovered enough endogenous aDNA to infer the genetic affinities of the individual. Our results also demonstrate that ancient antler, one of the primary raw materials used during a large part of prehistory, is a reliable source of aDNA. Our minimally-invasive aDNA sampling method is therefore effective while preserving osseous objects for potential further analyses: morphometric, technical, genetic, radiometric and more.

Symbol making involves active agency, as it is, by definition, intentional and aims to deliver messages, worldviews, and social contents to designated audiences. As archaeology can specify only elements of behavior that are expressed as material objects, it must focus on material objects and their contexts. Accordingly, this chapter does not aim to elucidate the symbolic content of objects. Whether the role of objects is perceived as a clear dichotomy between utilitarian and symbolic or as a “mixed bag,” in the practice of prehistoric archaeology it is the context of artifacts that is often enlisted to provide telltale signs about their role in the behavioral system. Employing archaeological tools (material culture, chronology, and context), the chapter addresses (1) the epistemology of understanding prehistoric symbols by reviewing criteria that are prevalent in the research to assess whether an object may have acted as a symbolic manifestation and (2) the diachronic shift from a cognitive capacity to comprehend and make symbolic objects to a broader, evolved, symbolic behavioral system. Its review of the Pleistocene symbolic record of the Levant suggests that the trajectories of change parallel patterns (though not necessarily the same chronology) observed in neighboring regions. The analysis suggests that rather than changes in the neurological infrastructure per se, the coevolution of symbolic behavior and social complexity is driven by changes in social cognition as a major adaptive tool in hominin cultural evolution.

The emergence of the Upper Palaeolithic in Southwest Asia is considered a unique phenomenon in relation to other parts of the Old World. Besides the local circumstances that are particular to each region, this is the only region outside Africa with the clear presence of modern humans producing Middle Palaeolithic industries. Still, it seems that also here, as elsewhere outside Africa, the UP is conceived mostly as portraying a break with MP life-ways, and continuity, if indicated, is on a rather modest scale. While the geographical extent of the Levant (i.e. the eastern Mediterranean, from the Taurus Zagros mountains in the north, to southern Sinai and from the coast eastwards of the Rift valley into the Saudi Arabian deserts) is relatively small, at least four or five variants of Initial Upper Palaeolithic lithic industries have been identified/defined, based on techno-typological criteria, geographical constraints and differing chronologies, as demonstrated at Boqer Tachtit, Tor Sadaf, Ksar Akil, Umm el-Tlel, and Ucagizli. Besides the usual obstacles archaeologists face in trying to identify and define relationships between various archaeological assemblages in time and space, prehistoric research of the Levant, like other regions, suffers from its Eurocentric past and international present, whereby research reflects the different ‘weltanschauung’ and paradigms of the scholars currently conducting it. We shall attempt to present a coherent picture of the present state of affairs, as well as our own understanding of the Levantine IUP, based on the locally available data within the wider context of current prehistoric research.

The research of the Kaizer Hill site (the Hilltop and its Terraces), recognized as a Pre Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA) quarry site, involved studies of the rock damage associated with the quarrying activities as well as of the recovered material remains, mostly chipped stone artifacts. We present here the results of our on-site explorations (excavations, surveys and surface-collections), focusing on the findings deriving from the Terraces. Diverse rock damage patterns were identified and described, portraying systematic rock mass-exploitation through quarrying fronts, natural rock joints and fissures enlargement, drilling and chiseling. There are multiple indications that the local bedrock (Bi’na Formation, Turonian) comprising flint and limestone was quarried under a systematic quality evaluation, leaving residual flint unsuitable for exploitation. Of interest to note that nearly all of the flint artifacts excavated and collected on the Terraces were made on raw material transported from the Hilltop (Mishash Formation, Campanian), knapped in-situ, on the quarried rock surfaces of the slopes. The flint tools bear witness to intensive use involving mainly boring and drilling. The dominant tool type is the flint axe for which a variety of waste products related to its production were found in-situ, enabling the reconstruction of axe reduction sequence. Similar axes and waste products were found in many PPN sites indicating that there was a common, widely-used scheme of making flint axes during the PPN. Interestingly, besides the flint waste, there were also limestone waste products typical of the last shaping and thinning stages of axe production, indicating that limestone axes were shaped technologically similar to the flint ones, contrary to what has been assumed before. Rare findings, such as obsidian pieces, originating from much further a-field indicate ties with other PPN communities, near and/or far. Overall, this study provides unique and novel insights on Levantine PPN lifeways.

The appearance of art as a constant component of human culture is attributed to several Upper Paleolithic traditions. The record of earlier artistic manifestations is rather scanty and chronogeogra...

SummaryArchaeological sediments have been shown to preserve ancient DNA, but so far have not yielded genome-scale information of the magnitude of skeletal remains. We retrieved and analysed human and mammalian low-coverage nuclear and high-coverage mitochondrial genomes from Upper Palaeolithic sediments from Satsurblia cave, western Georgia, dated to 25,000 years ago. First, a human female genome with substantial basal Eurasian ancestry, which was an ancestry component of the majority of post-Ice Age people in the Near East, North Africa, and parts of Europe. Second, a wolf genome that is basal to extant Eurasian wolves and dogs and represents a previously unknown, likely extinct, Caucasian lineage that diverged from the ancestors of modern wolves and dogs before these diversified. Third, a bison genome that is basal to present-day populations, suggesting that population structure has been substantially reshaped since the Last Glacial Maximum. Our results provide new insights into the late Pleistocene genetic histories of these three species, and demonstrate that sediment DNA can be used not only for species identification, but also be a source of genome-wide ancestry information and genetic history.HighlightsWe demonstrate for the first time that genome sequencing from sediments is comparable to that of skeletal remainsA single Pleistocene sediment sample from the Caucasus yielded three low-coverage mammalian ancient genomesWe show that sediment ancient DNA can reveal important aspects of the human and faunal pastEvidence of an uncharacterized human lineage from the Caucasus before the Last Glacial Maximum∼0.01-fold coverage wolf and bison genomes are both basal to present-day diversity, suggesting reshaping of population structure in both species

The region of western Georgia (Imereti) in the Southern Caucasus has been a major geographic corridor for human migrations during the Middle and Upper Paleolithic. Data of recent research and excavations in this region display its importance as a possible route for the dispersal of anatomically modern humans (AMH) into northern Eurasia. Nevertheless, within the local research context, bone-working and personal ornaments have yet contributed but little to the Upper Palaeolithic (UP) regional sequence’s characterization. Here we present an archaeozoological, technological and use-wear study of pendants from two local UP assemblages, originating in the Dzudzuana Cave and Satsurblia Cave. The ornaments were made mostly of perforated teeth, though some specimens were made on bone. Both the manufacturing marks made during preparation and use-wear traces indicate that they were personal ornaments, used as pendants or attached to garments. Detailed comparison between ornament assemblages from northern and southern Caucasus reveal that they are quite similar, supporting the observation of cultural bonds between the two regions, demonstrated previously through lithic techno-typological affinities. Furthermore, our study highlights the importance attributed to red deer (Cervus elaphus) by the UP societies of the Caucasus in sharing aesthetic values and/or a symbolic sphere.

This paper examines the nature of initial neolithisation indications during the terminal Pleistocene and earliest Holocene in the Southern Levant. This interval corresponds to a period of significant and geographically variable environmental changes in the region. Various lines of evidence are provided to demonstrate the long durée (c. 15 000 years) character of interactions during the Early, Middle and Late Epipalaeolithic that were instrumental to the emergence of the fullyfledged agricultural life ways in the later phases of the Early Neolithic (PPNB).

Lithic artifacts and animal bones form the bulk of the material remains of the Paleolithic. This has led archeologists to interpret these two types of finds as tethered components of subsistence systems. Differences observed through time and space in the lithic repertoire were considered as functional adjustments, designed to maximize gains from a diverse faunal resource base. While we do not challenge the general notion that lithic artifacts were used (also) for exploiting faunal (and other) resources, we note that significant lithic technological breakthroughs, clearly directed towards higher efficiency of procurement of faunal resources (e.g., hafting, projectile weapons), are few and far-apart in the evolution of material culture. Based on case studies from the Levantine Middle Paleolithic (MP), we question the degree to which fauna-based subsistence determined lithic variability. Current research focus on functional relationship between lithics and fauna may preclude consideration of other causes for lithic typo-technological diversity. These may include technological traditions, differences in cultural transmission processes, or the level of within- and between-group connectivity, various combinations of which may have operated in the MP.

We evaluate suggestions as regards the assumed sharp division between the Early (so called Pre-Pottery) and the Late (so called Pottery) Neolithic in the southern and central Levant. The traditional division marker was the appearance of ceramics, which has become rather an obsolete criterion, since there is growing evidence that ceramics as an established phenomenon appeared earlier during the Early Neolithic. Is such a division still valid? The answer is equivocal depending upon which aspect of the Neolithic human existence we focus. At least in the southern and central Levant, it seems that the existence of an independent, Late (Pottery) Neolithic stage is rather of a short and limited duration, as parts of what was previously considered Late Neolithic are currently assigned to the following Chalcolithic era, that is, the Wadi Rabah phase. Similarly, the Yarmukian phase, which was considered as the first stage of the Late Pottery Neolithic, under detailed scru- tiny and with more information at hand, displays closer similarities with the later stages of the Early Neolithic, namely the PPNB. Finally, even if one can come up with some unique characteristics, are they sufficient to consider the existence of an independent stage in local human history, given the problematic dating of southern Levantine sites originally assigned to this stage?

Social "connectivity" through time is currently considered as one of the major drivers of cultural transmission and cultural evolution. Within this framework, the interactions within and between groups are impacted by individuals' distinction of social relationships. In this paper, we focus on changes in a major aspect of social perceptions, "other" and "stranger." As inferred from the archaeological record, this perception among human groups gained importance during the course of the Pleistocene. These changes would have occurred due to the plasticity of cognitive mechanisms, in response to the demands on behavior along the trajectory of human social evolution. The concepts of "other" and "stranger" have received little attention in the archaeological discourse, yet they are fundamental in the perception of social standing. The property of being an "other" is defined by one's perception and is inherent to one's view of the world around oneself; when shared by a group it becomes a social cognitive construct. Allocating an individual the status of a "stranger" is a socially-defined state that is potentially transient. We hypothesize that, while possibly entrenched in deep evolutionary origins, the latter is a relatively late addition to socio-cognitive categorization, associated with increased sedentism, larger groups and reduced territorial extent as part of the process of Neolithization. We posit that "others" and "strangers" can be approached from contextual archaeological data, with inferences as regards the evolution of cognitive social categories. Our analysis focused on raw material studies, observations on style, and evidence for craft specialization. We find that contrary to the null hypothesis the archaeological record implies earlier emergence of complex socio-cognitive categorization. The cognitive, cultural and social processes involved in the maintenance and distinction between "others" and "strangers" can be defined as "self-domestication" that is still an on-going process.

Metagenomic analysis is a highly promising technique in paleogenetic research that allows analysis of the complete genomic make-up of a sample. This technique has successfully been employed to archaeological sediments, but possible leaching of DNA through the sequence limits interpretation. We applied this technique to the analysis of ancient DNA (aDNA) from Late Quaternary stalagmites from two caves in Western Georgia, Melouri Cave and Solkota. Stalagmites form closed systems, limiting the effect of leaching, and can be securely dated with U-series. The analyses of the sequence data from the Melouri Cave stalagmite revealed potential contamination and low preservation of DNA. However, the two Solkota stalagmites preserved ancient DNA molecules of mammals (bear, roe deer, bats) and plants (chestnut, hazelnut, flax). The aDNA bearing layers from one of the two Solkota stalagmites were dated to between ~84 ka and ~56 ka BP by U-series. The second Solkota stalagmite contained excessive detrital clay obstructing U-series dating, but it also contained bear bones with a minimum age of ~50 BP uncalibrated years and ancient DNA molecules. The preservation of authentic ancient DNA molecules in Late Quaternary speleothems opens up a new paleogenetic archive for archaeological, paleontological and paleoenvironmental research.

Situated at the crossroads of Africa and Eurasia, the Levant is a crucial region for understanding the origins and spread of Upper Paleolithic (UP) traditions associated with the spread of modern humans. Of the two local Early Upper Paleolithic technocomplexes, the Ahmarian and the Levantine Aurignacian, the latter appears to be unique in the endemic UP sequence, exhibiting greater similarity to the West European ‘classic’ Aurignacian than to the local preceding and proceeding UP entities. Previous publications have mostly focused on the similarities between the two lithic industries and less on studies conducted on Levantine Aurignacian bone tools and ornaments. Here, we present an archaeozoological, technological and use-wear study of ornaments on animal teeth from the Levantine Aurignacian layers at Manot and Hayonim caves (the Galilee, Israel). The selection of taxa, the choice of teeth, the mode of modification, and the use-wear analysis exhibit clear similarities with the European Aurignacian. This, with the technology of the osseous raw material exploitation, the presence of antler simple-base points, and some lithic typotechnological features, suggest a link between the symbolic spheres of the Levantine and the European Aurignacian cultural entities. Such similarity also supports some contribution of European Aurignacians groups to the local cultural entities, intermingling with the local material culture features.

The MIS 3/2 transition (Denekamp interstadial and beginning of the LGM) is a crucial point in time for understanding adaptation of modern humans to climate. The Southern Caucasus is a unique place to study human ecology within this time period because it served as a refugium during the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and thus allows us to study how human populations responded to the climatic shifts during the Last Glacial. This study presents the results of the paleoecological analysis of Dzudzuana cave during the MIS 3/2 transition using small mammal community structure as a proxy for paleoenvironment. Of the four units in Dzudzuana (Units A through D), Unit C, divided into subunits C5 to C1, has been dated to 27–24 ka cal BP and the MIS 3/2 transition. Thus, Unit C allows for a diachronic analysis throughout this important time period. Small mammals were found primarily in subunit C2 and C1. Analysis of the small mammal assemblages of Dzudzuana subunits C2 and C1 confirm the paleoecological reconstruction obtained from macrobotanical remains, and suggest a refugium habitat during the last phase of MIS 3 and the onset of the LGM. Comparison with a contemporaneous site in the region (Satsurblia) suggests a high spatial-temporal mosaic habitat in the region. Small refugium areas within the Rioni River valley and its tributaries that enjoyed ameliorated climatic conditions and proximity to water resources may have promoted local human habitation. Furthermore, results suggest that the small mammal assemblages of Dzudzuana are non-analogue communities typical of European Denekamp assemblages, and provide a new datum point for the faunal remains during this time period.

The earliest ancient DNA data of modern humans from Europe dates to ∼40 thousand years ago1-4, but that from the Caucasus and the Near East to only ∼14 thousand years ago5,6, from populations who lived long after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) ∼26.5-19 thousand years ago7. To address this imbalance and to better understand the relationship of Europeans and Near Easterners, we report genome-wide data from two ∼26 thousand year old individuals from Dzudzuana Cave in Georgia in the Caucasus from around the beginning of the LGM. Surprisingly, the Dzudzuana population was more closely related to early agriculturalists from western Anatolia ∼8 thousand years ago8than to the hunter-gatherers of the Caucasus from the same region of western Georgia of ∼13-10 thousand years ago5. Most of the Dzudzuana population’s ancestry was deeply related to the post-glacial western European hunter-gatherers of the ‘Villabruna cluster’3, but it also had ancestry from a lineage that had separated from the great majority of non-African populations before they separated from each other, proving that such ‘Basal Eurasians’6,9were present in West Eurasia twice as early as previously recorded5,6. We document major population turnover in the Near East after the time of Dzudzuana, showing that the highly differentiated Holocene populations of the region6were formed by ‘Ancient North Eurasian’3,9,10admixture into the Caucasus and Iran and North African11,12admixture into the Natufians of the Levant. We finally show that the Dzudzuana population contributed the majority of the ancestry of post-Ice Age people in the Near East, North Africa, and even parts of Europe, thereby becoming the largest single contributor of ancestry of all present-day West Eurasians.

International audience; The Levantine Aurignacian is a unique phenomenon in the local Upper Paleolithic sequence, showing greater similarity to the West European classic Aurignacian than to the local Levantine archaeological entities preceding and following it. Herewith we highlight another unique characteristic of this entity, namely, the presence of symbolic objects in the form of notched bones (mostly gazelle scapulae) from the Aurignacian levels of Hayonim Cave, Lower Galilee, Israel. Through both macroscopic and microscopic analyses of the items, we suggest that they are not mere cut marks but rather are intentional (decorative?) human-made markings. The significance of this evidence for symbolic behavior is discussed in its chrono-cultural and geographical contexts. Notched bones are among the oldest symbolic expressions of anatomically modern humans. However, unlike other Paleolithic sites where such findings were reported in single numbers, the number of these items recovered at Hayonim Cave is sufficient to assume they possibly served as an emblem of the Levantine Aurignacian.

This is a short account of recycling observed in Levantine Aurignacian assemblages in Kebara and Hayonim cave sites in Israel. It appears that the makers of the Aurignacian industries made use of flint pieces collected outside the caves, to modify them a new. Thus Upper Palaeolithic morphotypes were modified either on Mousterian tools or Mousterian blanks produced by the Levallois technique. Though quite distinct, this behavior portrays an exception rather than the rule, as most of the modified flint recovered in both caves was collected from resources of local flint, located in the general vicinity, some 2–15 km away, of the sites. Moreover, while recurring (though to a degree) recycling of Mousterian items was observed in other Levantine Aurignacian assemblages, this was not the case for the local Ahmarian assemblages, including the ones underlying the Aurignacian levels in Kebara Cave. Speculations as regards the reason(s) for this behavior should await further studies and a better database of its extent and recurrence.

There is a general consensus that the Ahmarian techno-complex represents an endemic Upper Palaeolithic entity that emerged in south-western Asia. Its entrenchment in the region is apparent over a long chronological span and a wide geographic range, as is most especially apparent in the Levant. Notwithstanding diachronic and synchronic variability, its basic parameters have been widely recognized since it was first defined over 30 years ago. The Ahmarian characterization is based on certain intrinsic features as well as on the absence of hallmarks of other Upper Palaeolithic entities identified in the region.

Here we report additional Upper Palaeolithic human remains from the Imereti region, western Georgia (SOM Fig. S1): two isolated teeth from Dzudzuana cave, Dzu 1 and Dzu 2 (both deciduous; Bar-Yosef et al., 2011), and one isolated tooth (SATP5-2, deciduous) and a hemi-mandible (SATP5) bearing permanent and deciduous teeth (SATP5-3 e SATP5-7) from Satsurblia cave (Pinhasi et al., 2014). In particular, the human remains from Dzudzuana cave, dated between 27,000 and 24,000 cal. BP, fill a huge gap in the Upper Palaeolithic Georgian fossil record and play an important role in the debate about modern human peopling of the Caucasus.

A century of research has led to the recognition of multiple levels of technological variability in the Levantine Middle Paleolithic (MP) that cannot be resolved through single-cause explanatory models. Recent ecological models argue for continual occupation of the region and competitive coexistence of Neanderthal and modern human populations. Current paleogenetic studies underline the feasibility of the latter scenario. The Levantine MP offers a perspective on the interface of historical circumstances and long-term evolutionary mechanisms that structured in-tandem trajectories of technological and behavioral changes as well as insights into the dynamics of nondirectional behavioral complexities in the archaeological record.

The Natufian culture is of great importance as a starting point to investigate the dynamics of the transition to agriculture. Given its chronological position at the threshold of the Neolithic (ca. 12,000 years ago) and its geographic setting in the productive Jordan Valley, the site of Nahal Ein Gev II (NEG II) reveals aspects of the Late Natufian adaptations and its implications for the transition to agriculture. The size of the site, the thick archaeological deposits, invested architecture and multiple occupation sub-phases reveal a large, sedentary community at least on par with Early Natufian camps in the Mediterranean zone. Although the NEG II lithic tool kit completely lacks attributes typical of succeeding Pre Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA) assemblages, the artistic style is more closely related to the early PPNA world, despite clear roots in Early Natufian tradition. The site does not conform to current perceptions of the Late Natufians as a largely mobile population coping with reduced resource productivity caused by the Younger Dryas. Instead, the faunal and architectural data suggest that the sedentary populations of the Early Natufian did not revert back to a nomadic way of life in the Late Natufian in the Jordan Valley. NEG II encapsulates cultural characteristics typical of both Natufian and PPNA traditions and thus bridges the crossroads between Late Paleolithic foragers and Neolithic farmers.

The Near East is one of those unique places where the transition(s) from hunter-gatherers to farmers occurred locally, so it is possible to observe the whole sequence of these processes within the region as a whole. We discuss the archaeological evidence pertaining to those transformations within the Levant, presenting the particularistic local changes in settlement patterns and the character of the different communities juxtaposed with the landscapes and environmental background. The asynchronous developments clearly reflect the mosaic nature of the Levant in terms of specific local environmental conditions that influenced the scope and pace of Neolithization processes.

of 5th International Congress on the Ar-chaeology of the Ancient Near East workshop Houses for the Livingand a Place for the Dead .J.M.Co´rdoba, M. Molist, M. Pe´rez, I.Rubio, and S. Marti´nez, eds. Madrid: Universidas Autonoma deMadrid.Cordell, L. S. 1994. Ancient Pueblo peoples: exploring the ancient world .Montreal: St. Remy.Croucher, K. 2006. Death, display and performance: a discussion ofthe mortuary remains at C¸ ayo¨nu Tepesi. In The archaeology of cultand death . M. Georgiadis and C. Gallou, eds. Pp. 11–44. Budapest:Archaeolingua Alapi´tva´ny.David, N., J. Sterner, and K. Gavua. 1988. Why pots are decorated. Current Anthropology 29:365–389.Davis, S. J. M., and F. R. Valla. 1978. Evidence for domestication ofthe dog 12,000 years ago in the Natufian of Israel. Nature 276:608–610.Delerue, S. 2007. L’obsidienne dans le processus de Neolithisationdu Proche-Orient (12000–6500 av. J.-C. cal.). PhD dissertation,Universite´ Bordeaux 3.Dunbar, R. 1996. Grooming, gossip, and the evolution of language

The Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition (MP-UP transition) is considered a major technological and cultural threshold, at the time when modern humans spread “out of Africa”, expanded from the Levant into Europe and possibly into central and northern Asia. The dating of this techno-cultural transition has proved to be extremely difficult because it occurred sometime before 40,000 radiocarbon years before present (14C years BP), which is close to the end of the effective dating range of radiocarbon. Other dating methods such as Thermoluminescence (TL) or Electron Spin Resonance (ESR) are not sufficiently precise to date the recorded archaeological MP-UP transition in the Levant. Here we report a consistent set of stratified radiocarbon ages on freshly excavated charcoal from Kebara Cave, Mt. Carmel (Israel), that span the late Middle Paleolithic (MP) and Early Upper Paleolithic (EUP) This study applied novel strategies to improve sample preparation techniques and data analysis to obtain high-resolution radiocarbon models. From this study it is proposed that the MP-UP transition for this site can be placed immediately after 45,200 ± 700 14C years BP and before 43,600 ± 600 14C years BP or from 49/48 to 47/46 radiocarbon calibrated years before present (years Cal BP).

The Eurocentric (or rather Western European) outlook on cultural evolution envisioned a sharp demarcation between the phenomena grouped under the title Middle Paleolithic (i.e., archaic) and the phenomena recognized as Upper Paleolithic (i.e., modern). This view became the framework for testing cognitive, social, and economic hypotheses explaining the emergence of modern behavior. After nearly a century of research, it seems that this categorization is not applicable in the Levant despite some broad similarities between the two regions. The Levantine archaeological record provides us with the option to think outside the “European box” with regard to this important phase in human cultural evolution.

We present new faunal data from Kotias Klde rockshelter, Republic of Georgia, where a substantial part of the faunalv assemblage consists of brown bear remains (Ursus arctos) found in clear association with Mesolithic artifacts. Bear remains are unusually well represented in comparison with other faunal assemblages from the Caucasus and Eurasia in general. The diversity of species, dominance of young individuals, full representation of skeletal elements, and skinning butchery marks indicate that bears were actively hunted. Such an endeavor of hunting denotes the complex network of relationships that linked the Mesolithic hunting societies with the animal world surrounding them.

Microlith production in the Levant began with the Upper Paleolithic. Two microlithic production techniques have been observed: straight retouched (Ahmarian) bladelets from a blade bladelet-oriented reduction sequence; and tiny, twisted “Dufour” (Levantine Aurignacian) bladelets, intentional and/or unintentional byproducts of carination. Twisted bladelets appear in varying frequencies throughout the Upper Paleolithic. The straight variety ultimately dominates and characterizes the fully fledged microlithic Epipaleolithic. A major conceptual change occurs in fashioning microliths during the late Upper Paleolithic/Early Epipaleolithic. Earlier assemblages were produced by a predetermined chaine operatoire and blanks closely parallel the microliths in shape and size. During the Early Epipaleolithic tool shapes increasingly resulted from subsequent blank modification, by invasive retouch and, sometimes, use of the microburin technique. By the late Epipaleolithic almost any small, elongated flake was opportunistically fashioned into a microlith. Explanations for the appearance of microliths include developments in economizing behaviors, hafting practices, projectile-point propulsion mechanisms, and functional variability. The described changes could be interpreted as declining knapping abilities, yet such developments probably reflect increasing efficiency and flexibility.

We extend the scope of European palaeogenomics by sequencing the genomes of Late Upper Palaeolithic (13,300 years old, 1.4-fold coverage) and Mesolithic (9,700 years old, 15.4-fold) males from western Georgia in the Caucasus and a Late Upper Palaeolithic (13,700 years old, 9.5-fold) male from Switzerland. While we detect Late Palaeolithic–Mesolithic genomic continuity in both regions, we find that Caucasus hunter-gatherers (CHG) belong to a distinct ancient clade that split from western hunter-gatherers ∼45 kya, shortly after the expansion of anatomically modern humans into Europe and from the ancestors of Neolithic farmers ∼25 kya, around the Last Glacial Maximum. CHG genomes significantly contributed to the Yamnaya steppe herders who migrated into Europe ∼3,000 BC, supporting a formative Caucasus influence on this important Early Bronze age culture. CHG left their imprint on modern populations from the Caucasus and also central and south Asia possibly marking the arrival of Indo-Aryan languages., Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe; 1334

Over the past several decades a variety of models have been proposed to explain perceived behavioral and cognitive differences between Neanderthals and modern humans. A key element in many of these models and one often used as a proxy for behavioral “modernity” is the frequency and nature of hunting among Palaeolithic populations. Here new archaeological data from Ortvale Klde, a late Middle–early Upper Palaeolithic rockshelter in the Georgian Republic, are considered, and zooarchaeological methods are applied to the study of faunal acquisition patterns to test whether they changed significantly from the Middle to the Upper Palaeolithic. The analyses demonstrate that Neanderthals and modern humans practiced largely identical hunting tactics and that the two populations were equally and independently capable of acquiring and exploiting critical biogeographical information pertaining to resource availability and animal behavior. Like lithic techno-typological traditions, hunting behaviors are poor proxies for major behavioral differences between Neanderthals and modern humans, a conclusion that has important implications for debates surrounding the Middle–Upper Palaeolithic transition and what features constitute “modern” behavior. The proposition is advanced that developments in the social realm of Upper Palaeolithic societies allowed the replacement of Neanderthals in the Caucasus with little temporal or spatial overlap and that this process was widespread beyond traditional topographic and biogeographical barriers to Neanderthal mobility.