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Màster de Ciutadania i Drets Humans: Ètica i Política, Facultat Filosofia, Universitat de Barcelona, Curs: 2019-2020, Tutor: José Luis Gordillo Ferré, El objetivo de esta investigación es el de analizar el proceso de construcción del relato sobre Siria y ver cómo eso influye en el devenir del conflicto, se tratará de observar cómo se ha intentado, a través del discurso, convertir a esos “malos”, a esos “enemigos”, en amenazas existenciales contra las que hay que actuar en base al efecto psicológico producido en el público amenazado. La lógica del Shock and Awe (terror y pavor) que aplicó el Pentágono en Afganistán e Irak tras el 11-S no fueron acciones políticas ad hoc, más bien fueron el inicio de un nuevo método de coerción social. Se parte aquí de una de la hipótesis de considerar que esa innovadora lógica funcionó en Siria con unos actores determinados (los “terroristas”), pero no con otros (Bashar al-Asad y su gobierno). Para atestiguarlo se atenderá a un puntual repaso cronológico de las acciones militares emprendidas por los países occidentales en Siria y a su relación temporal con la aparición del relato demonizador en tres momentos puntuales del conflicto: 1) la acusación al gobierno sirio de utilizar armas químicas contra su población en el año 2013; 2) la aparición y consolidación del grupo armado Estado Islámico en la zona; y 3) una acusación similar a la del 2013 pero acontecida un lustro después, en 2018.

[spa] Esta investigación se centra en el análisis discursivo de dos trilogías cinematográficas, The Dark Knight (Nolan, 2005, 2008, 2012) y Iron Man (Favreau 2008, 2010; Black, 2013), producidas entre el 2005 y el 2013, en el marco de la llamada War on Terror, que encabezara el entonces presidente de Estados Unidos, George W. Bush, después del ataque a las torres gemelas de Nueva York. Batman es el superhéroe que más ganancias ha redituado a la industria del entretenimiento en todos los tiempos, su trilogía The Dark Knight se construye a partir del cómic en miniserie Batman Year One, en 1988, de Frank Miller, obra de culto que presenta la versión más oscura del superhéroe. En cuanto a Iron Man, el personaje ha tenido una gran aceptación en la audiencia, la película Iron Man 3 es una de las cinco películas más taquilleras de todos los tiempos en el mercado mundial, es sin duda, la representación del superhéroe en la modernidad líquida. Ambas trilogías se insertan en el paisaje mediático de los últimos años como prácticas culturales donde la figura del superhéroe destaca como sistema de representación dominante que posibilita la defensa de una política intervencionista disfrazada de protección. La guerra se lleva a la gran pantalla, y es en el juego de la representación donde toma sentido esta tesis. Los superhéroes como íconos de la cultura popular americana han sido ampliamente estudiados, sin embargo esta investigación se inspira en el trabajo de Stuart Hall, por lo que conceptos como contextualismo radical, articulación y coyuntura, resultan fundamental en el planteamiento del problema. Se subraya además que el análisis se realiza desde una perspectiva semiótica-discursiva transdisciplinaria a partir del trabajo realizado por Julieta Haidar., [eng] This study is a discursive analysis of two cinematographic trilogies produced between the years 2005-2013: The Dark Knight (Nolan, 2005, 2008, 2012) and Iron Man (Favreau 2008, 2010; Black, 2013). Both were produced at the height of 'The War on Terror', which encompasses the post 9-11 administration of President George W. Bush. In all of the movie industry's history, the highest profit yielding superhero has been none other than Batman, whose trilogy The Dark Knight is based on the comic miniseries Batman Year One (1988) by Frank Miller—the darkest rendition of the cult superhero-. As for Iron Man, this persona has been well received by the public. The movie Iron Man 3 is one of the top five highest grossing films of all time on the world market. It is without a doubt, the representation par excellence of the superhero in liquid times. Both trilogies permeate the mediascape of the past few years as cultural practices in which the image of the superhero stands out as a hegemonic system of representation justifying or legitimating an interventionist foreign policy under the guise of security. The war unfolds on the big screen and it is in the art of representation that this thesis takes place. Superheroes as icons of American popular culture have been studied at length. However, this study, inspired by the works of Stuart Hall on "radical contextualism" and on "conjuncturalism", an essential component to the problem statement, emphasizes analysis from a semiotic- discursive and interdisciplinary perspective and builds on the work done by Julieta Haidar.

According to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes. Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world. To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.

Bu çalışma, kalpleri ve akılları kazanma kavramını tarihi açıdan ele alarak günümüzde terör ile mücadeledeki uygulamasını araştırmaktadır. Literatür'ün kavramı anlama açısından eksik kaldığı düşünüldüğü için bu çalışma gerekli görülmüştür. Yapılan araştırma sonucunda kavramın sadece ayaklanma ve terör ile mücadelede uygulanmadığı tarihte din ve siyaset biliminde de yer aldığı ortaya çıkmıştır. Söz konusu çalışma, kalpleri ve akılları kazanmak kavramının kullanımındaki eksikleri beş öğe oluşturarak incelemektedir. Bahsi geçen öğelerin geçerliliği ise ikili gruplardan oluşan vaka çalışmalarıyla incelenmektedir. This thesis examines the concept of winning hearts and minds from a historical analysis to a contemporary framework. The literature on the concept fell short of success to implement the practice of winning hearts and minds. The concept did not solely attribute to security studies but to religion and political science as well in history. Therefore, within a historical outlook, winning hearts and minds has a robust conceptualization. Moreover, this thesis attempts to formulate the components of the concept of winning hearts and minds. To analyze the components, two sets of case studies, Vietnam War and Malayan Emergency, and London attack and Madrid bombings are taken into consideration with regard to the success and failure of state policies. 137

This thesis analyzes the effects of the United States' policy of the second front in the global war on terrorism (GWOT) on the conflict in the southern Philippines. The policy's reliance on intervention measures that are both "preemptive" and "direct" by military means echoes Mearsheimer's argument that "simply put, great powers are primed for offense." The question may be asked: how effective is the second front policy in terms of resolving the conflict? The ongoing violence in the southern Philippines, since the policy's inception in early 2002, suggests its ineffectiveness in addressing the root causes of the conflict. This thesis investigates the history of the Moro and the Mindanao conflict to determine the root causes of the conflicts. On the foundation of the existing theory of conflict resolution, the thesis then performs an analysis of the past peace processes. Following the analysis are the recommendations for future policy and peace negotiations: A comprehensive peace policy that clearly distinguishes armed terrorists from Islamic separatists with legitimate political grievances and applies direct and indirect approaches accordingly. For future peace negotiations, the thesis recommends that both the GRP and the MILF to concentrate their efforts on building trust and consensus at all levels of society. The thesis concludes with recommendations on future studies. http://archive.org/details/southernphilippi109454573 US Navy (USN) author. Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This thesis empirically examines how a political administration in power legitimates important and controversial policies in public political discourse over a period of time. Based on an in-depth study of the "politics of representation" processes surrounding the early U.S. War on Terrorism between 2001 and 2004, utilizing more than 1,500 public speeches and documents as data, it shows how the George W. Bush Administration developed and applied a cultural script--the War on Terror script--to create and sustain a socially intelligible "reality" (collective representation) with implications for world politics through its incremental interactions with other political players in public discourse. The constitution and maintenance of this "reality" depended on complex and artful epistemic and discourse practices, including using selective facts, deploying linguistic devices, connecting to deep-seated cultural conceptions, analyzing cost and benefit, mobilizing investigative resources, and enacting coercive political actions. These elaborate representational practices assembled otherwise unconnected events and ideas into intelligible, coherent, meaningful order in different epistemic forms, consequently legitimating many important political decisions that have grave societal and historical effects while suppressing oppositional voices and challenging contradictory evidence. In contrast to existing analyses and criticisms of the Bush Administration's legitimation effort that focus on practices of misinformation, cultural appeal, or arbitrary rhetorical exercises, this research shows the artful uses of a discourse legitimation tool-- the script of the War on Terrorism--that flexibly incorporates and integrates facts and events presented on the political stage over time and sustains many policy arguments pertaining to the War on Terrorism. Showing the richness and versatility of the War on Terror knowledge system, this analysis speaks to the larger issue of the practical formation of political ideology for war by calling attention to the powerful--but often invisible-- uses of deep cultural premises in political reasoning and the incredibly elaborate discursive and evidential mechanisms sustaining those premises. It makes a case for sociological researchers to move beyond interrogating thematic and contextual meanings espoused by public political actors into dissecting situated discursive and epistemic practices upholding those meanings

The purpose of this thesis is to explore an alternative strategic focus for the Department of Defense to implement in the conduct of the Global War on Terrorism. Our thesis is as follows: A non-conventional approach to strategic policy, led by an enhanced Foreign Internal Defense concept, and judicious execution of U.S. Sponsored Unconventional Warfare, applied as a primary tool of U.S. national policy through the Department of Defense, will serve as an effective solution to the global "terrorist" threat. This paper will justify such by analyzing the historical conduct of the United States through the framework of its own doctrine and the "Mystic Diamond" a State/Counter-state dynamic model as presented by Dr. Gordon McCormick. Elements of the Department of Defense and the Department of State know the operational strategy to take, but are hampered by the misapplication of counter-guerilla tactics as strategy, and are reluctant to use sponsored UW to preempt or curtail the exportation of terrorism. In essence, the Department of Defense has been and continues to be limited by its conventional tactical successes, when what is required is strategic application of FID, UW, and limited Direct Engagement to defeat an enemy employing a non-conventional method of engagement. http://archive.org/details/anonconventional109453485 US Army (USA) authors. Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

In the liberal democratic tradition, dominant nationalist discourses articulate citizenship as the domain of the nation-state, functioning as a mechanism for dispensing rights and claims through political membership. However, in the wake of heightened globality, national paradigms are rapidly being altered by the increased transnational movement of people, capital, and culture. This phenomenon has resulted in the decline of the nation-state as the primary nucleus for cultural, political, and economic organization and undercuts the traditional power of the state to monitor citizenship and govern the conditions of cultural belonging. This project looks to examine how the changing role of the nation-state under the imperatives of globalizing cultural dynamics is impacting both the conceptualization and enactment of citizenship. I read citizenship as a contested site of identity that is being simultaneously affected by the consolidating, centripetal force of the national, and the re-organizing, centrifugal force of the global. Utilizing various genres of cultural production - novels, films, photographs, and speeches - my project analyzes the cultural meaning of American citizenship as it has been affected by the forces of globalization. I argue that new global formations are challenging the conceptualization of identity as it is situated in nationalist narratives of citizenship. I locate this tension within particular categories of American identity: race, class, gender, sexuality, and nationality. I first consider how the reorganization of the global labor economy impacts gender at the intersection of race, focusing on transnational sweatshop labor among Asian and Mexican women. I go on to examine the ways in which configurations of queer globalization present a liberatory potential for sexual dissidence while also posing the threat of reifying heterosexist nationalist norms. Although these analyses demonstrate the increased permeability of national borders as they police citizenship and cultural identity, I also argue that the rise of post-9/11 nationalism in the U.S. reveals the persistent potency of the rhetoric of the nation-state, as well as evaluate the effect of increased globality on the processes of racialization among Arab and Muslim Americans. I conclude with a discussion of the (im)possibility of a universal citizenship beyond national boundaries, one that engages in questions of human rights theory

The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the importance of sharing information when dealing with activities related to international terrorism in Latin America, especially in the aftermath of the terrorist events against the United States on September 11, 2001. The importance of information on international terrorism is critical in the war against terrorism, particularly in the region due to the potential for those activities associated with the already existent organized crime. The importance of information includes organizations. Therefore, the proposed organizational process makes it possible to facilitate the sharing of information considering the complexity involved. At the same time, the necessity of information about the threat of terrorism can be demonstrated through the use of game theory. This model can drive the states to use all means necessary to obtain relevant information. The requirement for information sharing must be solved based on the relevance of the threats and the need for increased security for the states in the region. http://archive.org/details/informationshari109452175 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Determining the conditions that lead to the formation of radical Islamist groups will help analysts and policymakers prioritize countries within sub-Saharan Africa that may need monitoring to prevent the onset of indigenous terrorism. This thesis attempts to produce knowledge toward that end by determining causal variables hypothesized to be associated with radical Islamist group formation through inductive analysis. A narrative describing the formation of a known Islamist movement in Nigeria is compared against a narrative describing the conditions in Zanzibar, where radical groups have yet to emerge given different structural conditions. The goal of the thesis is to try and generate an initial understanding of the underlying conditions that cause radical group formation to help tailor U.S. policy goals toward fighting radical Islamist group emergence through prevention. http://archive.org/details/emergingthreatsn109452178 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Based on the challenges of the new global security environment, Hungary conducted a strategic Defense Review, which served as the basis of a reform of the Hungarian Defense Forces. One of the consequences of this reform is that the Hungarian Government has directed the establishment of a Special Forces group within the HDF. The government based this decision on an examination of the current security environment, likely threats, and its responsibilities as a member of NATO and the European Union. Recent experience has shown that in the GWOT one of the most important requirements is information dominance. Information gathered by human intelligence becomes even more important in asymmetric warfare. The role of the SOF in the collection of important information in theater requires a robust intelligence architecture at the unit level. The final goal should be the complete integration of SOF-based intelligence into the national intelligence community, both as an information provider and as an information user. The aim of this thesis is to address the importance of the proper intelligence structure within the Hungarian SF unit, especially in the current global security environment, as well as its cooperation with other intelligence agencies in the global war on terrorism. http://archive.org/details/intelligencerchi109452192 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This thesis explores shifting perceptions within the U.S. government regarding Iraq's Shi'i majority, and their impact on the decision to remove Saddam, and on current U.S. endeavors in post-war Iraq. It explains how perceptions of Shi'is as a radical, monolithic, anti-American sect, were formulated during the late 1970s and 80s, as the U.S. government assumed a dominant role in the Middle East following Britain's withdrawal. During that time, Shi'is were viewed as a significant threat to U.S. regional interests, and for over 20 years U.S. policy had sought to contain them. These perceptions changed dramatically prior to Operation Iraqi Freedom, in a manner that seemed to support U.S. objectives for a post-Saddam Iraq. The Bush administration now believed that Iraq's Shi'is were unified, supportive of a long-term alliance with the U.S. government, and amenable to an imposed secular democracy that would be friendly with the West. In the aftermath of the war, such misperceptions are becoming increasingly obvious. This thesis will identify and correct these errors, and will explain how these shifts in viewpoint occurred. Furthermore, the importance of understanding Iraq's Shi'is will be underscored by positing that the Shi'i are an essential element to any viable, long term solution for post-war Iraq. http://archive.org/details/understandingira109451897 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The role of airpower in the Persian Gulf security framework is approaching an important crossroads as old missions end, strategic assumptions change, and uncertain requirements emerge. Future requirements will be defined in a strategic environment where regional threats, relevant actors,and U.S. interests have all evolved. For over a decade, airpower has contributed important capabilities to persistent missions to coerce and contain Iraq, but with these missions ending new posture requirements must be defined. The effects based methodology framework presented here provides a useful system level model for thinking in terms of optimizing effects as strategy is operationalized. Airpower will continue to support U.S. interests to preserve stable oil flows, diminish terrorism, promote regional stability, and deter weapons of mass destruction proliferation from a new global posture construct emphasizing agile, expeditionary forces. Extremist sub-state actors, Iranian nuclear ambitions, and uncertain political, economic and social trends increasingly challenge these interests. The regional military strategy for U.S. Central Command focuses on three broad goals of warfighting, engagement, and development. Airpower's precision, global reach and strike, and network centric advances offer decision-makers useful capabilities to support these making continued access to regional basing a strategic imperative. http://archive.org/details/airpowerndemergi109451879 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Alternate Military Strategy for the War on Terrorism calls for addressing the war as a global insurgency. Addressing the war on terrorism as a Global Insurgency provides an alternative strategic framework for prosecuting the campaign. This study is intended to determine the utility of analyzing the war on terrorism using an insurgency/counterinsurgency conceptual framework. Additionally, the recommendations can be applied to the strategic campaign, even if it is politically unfeasible to address the war as an insurgency. The study is broken down into five chapters: an introduction, explanation of Dr. McCormick’s Counterinsurgency model used for analysis, application of the model to a historical case, application to the war on terrorism, and conclusions. The first half of the study is intended to provide a thorough understanding of Dr. McCormick’s model. This is done by, first providing an overview of the model and, second, applying the model to a historical case: the insurgency in Lebanon following the Israeli invasion in 1982. The second half of the study addresses the current U.S. lead war on terrorism. The counterinsurgency model is applied to the war on terrorism based on the al Qaeda Network and the United States’ vision and mission for the conflict. Ten on terrorism are drawn from the analysis. The final chapter addresses the utility provided by the insurgency/counterinsurgency framework as applied to the war on terrorism. http://archive.org/details/anlternatemilita109451289 Major, United States Army Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The September 11th terrorist attacks triggered an unexpected rapprochement between the United States and the Russian Federation. Russia joined the US-led coalition and supported Operation Enduring Freedom. US-Russian collaboration in Afghanistan surpassed most previous efforts in terms of the level of cooperation attained, especially in traditionally inviolable areas such as intelligence-sharing however, disagreements over the invasion of Iraq confirmed that the US and Russia have not yet achieved a strategic partnership. This study uses Russia's decisions during the war on terrorism to discover the motives driving Russian foreign policy. Analysts offer three dominant rationales regarding Russia's behavior: 1) the desire to balance US unilateralism, 2) to gain support for "anti-terrorist" action in Chechnya, or 3) to advance the nation's economic interests. Each variable is individually assessed to see if expected gains in that sphere covary with Russia's decision to support and potential losses correlate with Russia's decision to oppose the war on terrorism. The study also reveals the true nature of the US-Russian relationship and exposes challenges and future possibilities for US-Russian relations. The last section makes policy recommendations and suggests how to build a stronger USRussian partnership. http://archive.org/details/russiasinterests109451366 Captain, United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Countries sponsoring and supporting terrorism impede the efforts of the United States and the international community to fight terrorism. Until states that support terrorism cease such sponsorship, they remain a critical foundation for terrorist groups and their operations. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the U.S. military's role in coercing states to cease their sponsorship of terrorism. Using game theory, this thesis analyzes the utility of military force against state-sponsored terrorism. It explains why past military responses did not pose a credible threat and were thus, an ineffective instrument of national power. It then examines how military force is employed in the current war on terrorism. The findings of this thesis suggest that the limited military strikes employed against states for their role in terrorist attacks prior to September 11, 2001, preconditioned the leaders of supportive states to believe U.S. leadership lacked commitment in its strategy to end statesponsored terrorism. The findings also suggest the dramatic change in the United States' method of employing its military forces against state sponsors of terrorism after September 11, 2001, created the credible, coercive military threat required to accomplish the U.S. national objective of ending state-sponsored terrorism. http://archive.org/details/understandingmil109451465 Major, United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This thesis looks beyond the tragic events of 11 March 2004 to uncover the greater Spanish strategic culture that motivates and influences Spain's political elites. By examining the interaction between Spanish conservatives and liberals, discerning the Spanish strategic culture will allow for a greater understanding of the foreign policy implications to both the Spanish-US relationship and Spanish-EU integration after the Madrid bombings. By understanding how Spanish elites make decisions on the utilization of military force with respect to NATO operations and European Union security, this thesis first demonstrates the strategic preferences of the Spanish elites. Secondly, this thesis shows that the collective identity of Spanish elites seeks further influence in regional economic and global policy making. Lastly, this thesis reveals that Spain is in a unique position to develop a strong bilateral relationship with the US while furthering its integration with the EU but is unwilling to support the furthering of cooperation and integration at the expense of Spanish national interests. Uncovering the Spanish strategic culture will provide a possible generalization to whether this event will lead to a shift in the Spanish strategic culture or open a new chapter in the transatlantic relationship. This thesis suggests that the bombings will not redefine the strategic culture of Spain but reinforce Spain's commitment against international terrorism. http://archive.org/details/spaineuropeunion109451493 Major, United States Marine Corps Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The Philippines is one of the foremost supporters of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), responding to the call for robust counter-terrorism (CT) measures through policy and legislation, intelligence-sharing, and military and law enforcement cooperation. As a strategic ally, the United States (US) has renewed political and security relations with Manila, strained since the base closures in 1991; Washington has given hundreds of millions of dollars in military and economic aid since 9/11. However, instead of improving the country's CT capabilities to eradicate terrorism, the GWOT and related US policy have created a cyclical incentive structure: certain actors within the government, military, and insurgency groups in the Philippines profit politically and financially from US aid and the warlike conditions, and thus sustain, at a minimum, a presence of conflict and terrorism in order to continue drawing future benefits. This paper will investigate how such actors profit from the GWOT and perpetuate conflict, as well as examine the implications of these finding and recommendations on future US policy and Philippine counter-terrorism efforts. http://archive.org/details/isphilippinespro109451601 Captain, United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This thesis examines the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the global war on terrorism. It focuses on NATO’s objectives as well as the obstacles to its active and effective participation in countering this new security challenge. The thesis first analyzes NATO’s response to the terrorist attacks against the United States on 11 September 2001 and the resulting transformation in NATO’s strategic focus and capabilities, which is designed to ensure its relevance in the new security environment. The thesis then examines the key political and military factors that might, in some circumstances, undermine the Atlantic Alliance and hinder the important task of combating terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. These factors constitute challenges that must be successfully met for the Atlantic Alliance to play a strong role in the war on terrorism. http://archive.org/details/natondwaronterro109451706 Lieutenant, United States Navy Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.