Search

have been considered largely irrelevant in the discipline of International Relations due to its predilection for theo- rizing a “Westphalian” state system made up of “like units.” Among the four cases examined, the contemporary case of deviance (Al Qaeda) and the case of the Mongols (13 th century) are fairly well known. The two other cases, however, are likely to represent truly novel cases of systemic challengers for most IR scholars: the Nizari Ismailis (or “Assassins”), located in what we today would call the Middle East and operating from the late 11 th century to mid-13 th century, and the Barbary powers, located in today’s Maghreb and Northern Africa and active between the 16 th and early 19 th century. Second, Brenner performs an excellent job in mining diverse sets of historical scholarship. He also largely succeeds in arranging and tailoring it to his research needs and overarching theoretical arguments, while acknowledging controversies and diversity of opinion among historians as well as the partial dearth of records (especially for the cases of the Nizari Ismailis and the Mongols). Third, while some of the findings about tailor-made and partly novel strategies of concealment and conquest, identity formation, and over- arching systemic transformation may not be too surpris- ing, the key findings are less than obvious. The rise and extended survival of systemic challengers is not only linked to great power decline, and what is more, all of the eventual systemic challengers initially courted closer or loser relationships with the dominant powers, which they eventually challenged. Brenner provides quite a bit of evidence that this kind of breathing (and breeding) space may indeed be a critical variable which might help explain why there are, after all, surprisingly few historical instances of successful systemic challenges and why even gradual systemic change takes more than a sustained effort by daring challengers and happens, if at all, slowly at best. Despite its strengths, the book also has some short- comings. The decision to approach the subject matter from a systemic perspective, which eclectically combines neorealism and the English School, stands out in that regard. This structural bias is surprising for several reasons. First, agency in general and individual (and partly charismatic) leadership in particular stand out in all cases as prime candidates to explain the success of the respective movements. The author explicitly addresses this point at a general level (pp. 6, 19, 251-252) and, more or less strongly, in all the case studies (pp. 78-81, 108, 123, 157-159, 214). If “agency often plays a forma- tive role” (p. 251) and if it obviously does so, as the historical record shows in all the cases examined here, why would one consciously limit oneself to a model which “emphasizes the material and structural constraints that actors face”? To be sure, it is an open question to what extent the individual leaders “produced or were products of their environments and circumstances” (pp. 252, 19). But in analogous form, the same question can be (and ought to be) raised about the potential causal impact of agency of different sorts upon prevailing structural con- ditions. Obviously, what we normally call “structures” are productive phenomena in the sense of being causally relevant. Yet it should be equally obvious that it is not merely structures that produce structures. All processes of socialization involve two types of agents, the socializers and the socialized. None can be reduced to be merely a product of structures. The second part of the research question that draws on the English School indirectly grants that agency- related factors may be instrumental in possibly bringing about systemic change (here, in the form of normative change). Thus, it is not only counterintuitive but also quite arbitrary to opt one-sidedly for a systemic approach. It is also surprising in view of the fact that Brenner mobilizes a dual “pragmatist ethos.” First, he rightly draws on the liberating “analytical eclecticism,” which Peter Katzenstein and Rudra Sil have championed in order to muster “whatever analytical leverage” can be gained in addressing an important research problem, which may, at first sight, elude standard disciplinary approaches (p. 15). Second, in emphasizing (with explicit reference to John Dewey) the significance of possibility and novelty as drivers of social (inter)action (pp. 1, 243) he actually lays the ground for thoroughly engaging the so-called structure-agency prob- lem head-on. To follow these tracks with a balanced research design, which pays equal attention to structural and agency-related factors, would have been much more obvious than the one-sided structural route actually taken. Anthony Giddens, to name one obvious point of departure for developing such an approach besides Dewey, is quoted in this study as well. Tellingly, however, the sociologist who has been most instrumental, especially via the work of Alexander Wendt, in popularizing the “co-constitution” of structure and agency in IR is mobilized rather lopsidedly in justifying a particular conceptualization of constraints (pp. These restrictions notwithstanding, “Confounding Powers” makes a valuable contribution to the expanding literature on international systems with “dissimilar” types of actors. It also helps in opening up space for more innovative approaches that will hopefully reach, in truly “analytically eclectic” fashion, far beyond the constricting bounds of ahistorical structural approaches such as neo- realism. An Unfinished Foundation: The United Nations and Global Environmental Governance. By Ken Conca. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. 332p. $99.00 cloth, $27.95 paper. doi:10.1017/S1537592716003923 — David N. Pellow, University of California, Santa Barbara Ken Conca is an internationally renowned authority on the subject of global environmental politics and policy, December 2016 | Vol. 14/No. 4

Considering the proliferation of global systemic risks in the Anthropocene, this short paper expresses the need to reframe sustainability as the acquisition and invention of symbiotic and regenerative diplomatic skills to make peace with the Earth, i.e. to preserve and restore the conditions of its habitability. This post-environmental paradigm shift reflects the deep transformation that is now underway in our understanding of the Earth, not as a planetary system nor as a reservoir of resources, but as a web of meanings and interactions. It manifests the social-ecological as well as the ethical implications of precaution.

The three sustainability pillars of social, environment and economy were initially introduced by the United Nations in 2002, addressing major global sustainability issues including economic problems, income inequality, environmental pollution and social shortcomings. Comparing East Asia & Pacific with North America, there is a growing concern over economic, political and even social competition as a result of recent development and industrialization that is taking place in Asian countries. This might lead to an unhealthy conflict that favors regional independency as opposed to the current globalization and trade facilitation trend. As a result, this study aims to assess the effects of development in three main pillars of sustainability (social, environment and economy) in the East Asia and Pacific on that of North America and vice versa. To estimate this interactive or spillover effects of sustainable development (or sustainability elasticities), our research employs Econometric methodologies including Simultaneous Equations System, Vector AutoRegressive (VAR) and Granger Causality approaches during 1971-2016. The results show that most of the sustainability elasticities are positive between and inside the two regions, supporting the synergetic character of the sustainability spillover effects and confirming constructive role of globalization and openness in the sustainability progress. Based on the results, this research suggests policy-makers to follow cooperative and flow-based governance rather than the placed-based or regional independent thinking that supports integrated sustainable development benefiting not only the two parties but also the overall global sustainability.

The central theme of the 2011 World Development Report (WDR) is that violent conflict remains a constant threat to human rights, peace and sustainable development. While the nature of violent conflict maybe changing1 its negative impact on poor people in terms of rights violations, public health, forced displacement and diminution of life chances is the same. Critical to establishing peace and the necessary confidence between state and citizen is providing a sense of security, freedom from fear, and the protection of basic rights and entitlements. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship, overlapping and sometimes contradictory, between a range of approaches to security and justice in conflict affected contexts, and to place these efforts within a broader rule of law framework. This, it will be argued, greatly assists in addressing the kind of frictions and blind-spots that commonly exist in making the transition from violence to peace. The paper will then examine some of the instruments and approaches adopted by governments and international partners in addressing the kinds of stresses which result in violent conflict. Finally, it will examine the gaps in the international arena which continue to persist in this area of support. A series of security and justice-themed papers produced for the WDR 2011 outline in more detail the issues, approaches and lessons of the key components including: security, public security in peacekeeping settings, criminal justice, justice and administrative law, and transitional justice.

Discussions of the animal have repeatedly examined both our epistemological desire and our epistemological insufficiency towards the non-human animal. In different ways Spinoza, Derrida, Nagel and Berger have shown that once the anthropomorphic layer of assumption has been peeled back, there appears the abyss of incomprehension between humans and the non-human animals. Yet the ‘abyssal difference’ does not address the scale or the scope of existing knowledge; it only points to the elusive and ultimate epistemological certainty, obscuring important distinctions between degrees and kinds of interspecies communication. This paper will consider the ground that is too often overlooked in arguments that appeal to the anthropomorphic fallacy. While we cannot share another species’ experience, we can, to some extent understand it through processes of inductive inference – that is anthropomorphism – and through studying it, broaden and deepen the ontological significance of both humans and animals. By looking at the process of humanizing the non-human as a basic cognitive method, this paper will argue that anthropomorphic reasoning can not only bridge the ‘abyss’ in crucial ways but have a powerful impact on animal ethics. Then it will link anthropomorphic reasoning to the process of othering – dehumanizing the human – and make salient the processes that inform the discursive and political practices of speciesistic and cultural hierarchization. Finally, it will examine representations of anthropomorphism, dehumanization and the construction of otherness in Amitav Ghosh’s The Hungry Tide (2005), a novel which is based on the Morichjhani massacre of 1978–79, when animal rights came into conflict with human rights.

Background Female entertainment workers (FEWs) in Cambodia experience a greater prevalence of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), other sexually transmitted infections (STIs), psychological distress, substance abuse, and gender-based violence (GBV) than the general female population. Reaching FEWs with health education and linking them to services has been difficult because of their hidden and stigmatized status. Objective This study evaluated the efficacy of the Mobile Link intervention in improving FEWs’ health by engaging and connecting them to existing HIV, sexual and reproductive health, and GBV services. Methods A randomized controlled trial was conducted between March 2018 and June 2019 in the capital city and 3 other provinces in Cambodia. FEWs in the intervention arm received automated twice-weekly Short Message Service messages and voice messages with health information and direct links to outreach workers. The control group received the existing standard care, including free HIV and STI counseling and testing and a toll-free helpline staffed by trained counselors. We used a stratified random sampling method to select participants from 5 study sites in the 4 selected provinces. Initially, we randomly selected 600 participants from a list of 4000 FEWs by age group (18-24 and 25-30 years) and study site using a random number generator and enrolled them in person. The primary outcome measures included self-reported HIV and STI testing, condom use, and contraceptive use assessed through a face-to-face structured interview. We also measured secondary outcomes, including contact with outreach workers, escorted referral service use, forced drinking, and GBV experiences. Intervention effects were modeled using repeated measures, multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression. Results A total of 1118 participants were recruited and enrolled in the study. We included 218 FEWs in the intervention arm and 170 FEWs in the control arm in the per protocol analyses after removing 730 dropouts. Evidence of positive intervention effects was detected for the following secondary outcomes: contacting an outreach worker (at 30 weeks: adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 3.29, 95% CI 1.28-8.47), receiving an escorted referral (at 30 weeks: AOR 2.86, 95% CI 1.09-7.52; at 60 weeks: AOR 8.15, 95% CI 1.65-40.25), and never being forced to drink at work (at 60 weeks: AOR 3.95, 95% CI 1.62-9.60). Over time, no significant differences between intervention and control groups were observed for any primary outcomes in the fully adjusted models. Conclusions The Mobile Link intervention effectively connected FEWs with outreach workers and escorted referrals but did not show an effect on primary outcomes. Reduced forced drinking at work was also significantly more extensive in the intervention group than in the control group. Longer-term messaging may increase access to services and impact FEWs’ health outcomes in the future. Trial Registration Clinicaltrials.gov NCT03117842; https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT03117842 International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID) RR2-10.1186/s13063-018-2614-7

Violent conflict is the multifaceted and cyclical problem that the international community is trying to grapple with. To date, there has been a clear hierarchy concerning what forms of violence are seen to matter most, with political violence that threatens the state taking pole position. In examining this argument, this paper sets out a number of issues relating to security and justice definitions. It will then examine some of the problems associated with placing conflict into a box-set typology: mass violence associated with war and genocide carries unique features but also spawns new challenges which are often being ignored. The paper will then examine in brief some of the measures used by communities, governmental actors and international partners in contending with violence before outlining some key conclusions and recommendations. In reading this paper two further points need be borne in mind: 1) this does not provide a comprehensive overview of violence and security - that is the role of the World Development Report (WDR) itself, and 2) this paper does not present fresh research, but more an overview, along with the other papers in the security-justice series, of some of the key issues confronting policy makers in the domain of security and development.

There is broad recognition, across the political spectrum and in both 'northern' and 'southern' countries, that justice reform, and more generally the promotion of the 'rule of law', are central to development policy, particularly in conflict-affected, fragile and violent contexts. More recently an increased focus on global security and the interaction between security and development as put a renewed emphasis on such efforts. However, while legal, regulatory and 'justice' institutions are now seen as key part of the 'solution' to problems of conflict, fragility and development, this recognition is not matched by a correspondingly clear sense of what should be done, how it should be done, by whom, in what order, or how 'success' may be determined. There often tends to be a clear misunderstanding of both the nature of the problem and (thus) of the solution. In this paper, the author seek to provide some insight into these questions and sketch out a practical conception of effective justice reform in situations of conflict and fragility that may provide the basis for effective programming.

As soon as transitional justice mechanisms are instruments to address the problems of "justice" that any peace process pose, it is important to choose the most appropriate one for each different situation. This is the reason why we need to know about the situation in the country or territory concerned, which are the crimes that must be addressed and what is the social context to which it should be applied. The paper starts from the special situation of vulnerability in which women are in many of the countries affected by armed conflicts or situations of serious social crisis, including the occupied territories. Gender-based violence and crimes targeted specifically against women increase in these contexts and this has been especially dramatic in recent years (for instance the use of rape as war weapon or the increase of serious sexual and physical assaults in these contexts). Women have been invisible in peace processes throughout the twentieth century and, of course, only after the 90ties, transitional justice mechanisms have had a gender perspective. The twenty-first century seems to begin with hope in this field and UNSC Resolution 1325 (2000) is an example of the fact that International Community is waking up to this question. Women must have a very important role in building peace and, transitional justice should have a gender perspective. However, only after understanding and analysing the origins, consequences and the special features presented by this violence in general and in each specific context, we will be able to determine the appropriate mechanism for its punishment and prevention and for using these mechanisms in order to decrease women vulnerability in these societies. If the mechanism selected to solve the problems of transitional justice in the occupied territories is not the appropriate for the punishment of such crimes, it will be necessary to know their strengths and weaknesses to address gender questions. Once this is done, we will be able to make the necessary institutional reforms in order to meet the needs of women. Therefore it is our goal to make a review of the main mechanisms of transitional justice (International Criminal Courts, Mixed Courts, Truth Commissions, Internal Courts) identifying, with specific cases, the benefits and challenges of their use for the punishment of crimes of gender.

Life chaos, the perceived inability to plan for and anticipate the future, may be a barrier to the HIV care continuum for people living with HIV who experience incarceration. Between December 2012 and June 2015, we interviewed 356 adult cisgender men and transgender women living with HIV in Los Angeles County Jail. We assessed life chaos using the Confusion, Hubbub, and Order Scale (CHAOS)and conducted regression analyses to estimate the association between life chaos and care continuum. Forty-eight percent were diagnosed with HIV while incarcerated, 14% were engaged in care 12months prior to incarceration, mean antiretroviral adherence was 65%, and 68% were virologically suppressed. Adjusting for sociodemographics, HIV-related stigma, and social support, higher life chaos was associated with greater likelihood of diagnosis while incarcerated, lower likelihood of engagement in care, and lower adherence. There was no statistically significant association between life chaos and virologic suppression. Identifying life chaos in criminal-justice involved populations and intervening on it may improve continuum outcomes.

The idea of social inclusion has garnered considerable attention, especially in the context of two recent developments: the Sustainable Development Goals and the heightened attention to inequality. This paper reviews the manner and extent to which social inclusion is addressed in the first 17 Systematic Country Diagnostics (SCDs), which are ex ante, country-level assessments conducted by the World Bank Group, ahead of the preparation of its Country Partnership Frameworks. In addition to this primary purpose, the paper fulfils three other purposes. It allows for a broader reflection on the value of the social inclusion construct in macro-level diagnostics; it takes the opportunity to develop and refine a methodology to assess social inclusion and finally, it positions the narrative on social inclusion into the ongoing discourse on poverty, shared prosperity, inequality and the thinking around the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. It is therefore, a refined articulation of the idea of social inclusion in the context of global epistemological shifts

Haiti's economic development has been held back by a history of civil conflict and violence. With donor assistance declining from its exceptional levels following the 2010 earthquake, and concessional financing growing scarce, Haiti must learn to live with tighter budget constraints. At the same time, the United Nations forces that have provided security in the past decade are scaling down. Against this backdrop, this paper explores the conditions under which public spending can minimize violent conflict, and draws possible lessons for Haiti. Drawing on an empirical analysis of 148 countries over the period 1960-2009, simulations for Haiti suggest that increases in military spending would be associated with a higher risk of conflict, an observation in line with Haiti's own history. Greater welfare expenditure (education, health, and social assistance), by contrast, would be associated with lower risk of conflict.

This study contributes to the literature on legal institutions and determinants of adult mortality. The paper explores the relationship between the presence of domestic violence legislation and women-to-men adult mortality rates. Using panel data for about 95 economies between 1990 and 2012, the analysis finds that having domestic violence legislation leads to lower women-to-men adult mortality rates. According to conservative estimations, domestic violence legislation would have saved about 33 million women between 1990 and 2012. The negative relationship between domestic violence legislation and women-to-men adult mortality rates is robust to several checks and also confirmed using the instrumental variables approach.

Most reports on refugees deal with the immediate needs of displaced people. This paper seeks to go beyond the emergency phase and explore the challenges surrounding protracted refugee situations. The paper examines the refugee situation in Sub-Saharan Africa from a long-term angle, from the perspective of refugees own agency as well as from the perspective of the host community. The paper aims to shed light on the economic lives of refugees in their host communities. Starting with an overview of the situation of refugees in Sub-Saharan Africa, the paper draws on findings from the literature to debunk some entrenched beliefs about refugees. The discussion of refugee crises in Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda draws some lessons. The decision to return is discussed and it is argued that the decision depends on the socioeconomic condition in the host country versus the country of refuge, integration versus return policies in place, the individual set of skills of each refugee, and his or her subjective perception of the political climate in both countries.

Social norms affect almost every aspect of people’s lives, and can be an obstacle to or support economic development. This paper outlines what social norms are and how they work, providing examples from everyday life and from development case studies. Sometimes not much can be done about changing undesirable social norms. In those cases, development economists need to be aware of how the existence of those norms can impact the effects of the policies they advocate. But of particular importance to development economists is the ways in which social norms can be changed, at least under some circumstances. Understanding of social norm change is still patchy at best, but the paper outlines the theoretical underpinnings of change, with empirical evidence from various policies aimed at changing social norms. However, some of those policies raise ethical concerns that would require attention.

This paper brings together sociological theories of culture and gender to answer the question – how do large-scale development interventions induce cultural change? Through three years of ethnographic work in rural Bihar, the authors examine this question in the context of Jeevika, a World Bank-assisted poverty alleviation project targeted at women, and find support for an integrative view of culture. The paper argues that Jeevika created new “cultural configurations” by giving economically and socially disadvantaged women access to a well-defined network of people and new systems of knowledge, which changed women’s habitus and broke down normative restrictions constitutive of the symbolic boundary of gender.

This paper is motivated by two stylized facts about poverty in Africa: female-headed households tend to be poorer, and poverty has been falling in the aggregate since the 1990s. These facts raise two questions: How have female-headed households fared? And what role have they played in Africas impressive recent aggregate growth and poverty reduction? Using data covering the entire region, the paper reexamines the current prevalence and characteristics of female-headed households, and asks whether their prevalence has been rising over time, what factors have been associated with such changes since the mid-1990s, and whether poverty has fallen equi-proportionately for male- and female-headed households. Rising gross domestic product has dampened rising female headship. However, other subtle transformations occurring across Africa—changes in marriage behavior, family formation, health, and education—have put upward pressure on female headship, with the result that the share of female-headed households has been growing. This has been happening alongside declining aggregate poverty incidence. However, rather than being left behind, female-headed households have generally seen faster poverty reduction. As a whole, this group has contributed almost as much to the reduction in poverty as male-headed households, despite the smaller share of female-headed households in the population.

This paper analyzes the impact of the 2012 crisis in Mali on internally displaced people, refugees and returnees. It uses information from a face-to-face household survey as well as follow-up interviews with its respondents via mobile phones. This combination was found to present a good and robust way to monitor the impact of conflict on hard-to-reach populations who at times live in areas inaccessible to enumerators. Results indicate that better educated and wealthier households as well as those exposed to less violence fled the crisis. Significant amounts of durable goods (20–60 percent) and animals (75–90 percent) were lost and the welfare of the displaced declined considerably as a result of the crisis. Yet over time its impact has diminished. By February 2015, most eligible children were going to school and employment levels and number of meals consumed were at pre-crisis levels. The paper finds that different ethnic groups chose different places of refuge. Depending on location, the narrative of the crisis and the solutions that are envisaged differ diametrically.

Summary Peace expression determined flower colouration whether pigmented or variegated. In spite of the close relationship between Peace and AtMYB123, a proanthocyanidin regulator, Peace regulates anthocyanin biosynthesis in flowering peach., Flowering peach Prunus persica cv. Genpei bears pink and variegated flowers on a single tree. The structural genes involved in anthocyanin biosynthesis were expressed strongly in pink petals but only very weakly or not at all in variegated petals. A cDNA clone encoding a MYB-like gene, isolated from pink petals was strongly expressed only in pink petals. Introduction of this gene, via biolistics gave magenta spots in the white areas of variegated petals, therefore this gene was named as Peace (peach anthocyanin colour enhancement). Differences in Peace expression determine the pattern of flower colouration in flowering peach. The R2R3 DNA-binding domain of Peace is similar to those of other plant MYBs regulating anthocyanin biosynthesis. Key amino acids for tertiary structure and the motif for interaction with bHLH proteins were conserved in Peace. Phylogenetic analysis indicates that Peace is closely related to AtMYB123 (TT2), which regulates proanthocyanidin biosynthesis in Arabidopsis, and to anthocyanin regulators in monocots rather than to regulators in dicots. This is the first report that a TT2-like R2R3 MYB has been shown to regulate anthocyanin biosynthesis.

Developing countries have urbanized rapidly since 1950. To explain urbanization, standard models emphasize rural-urban migration, focusing on rural push factors (agricultural modernization and rural poverty) and urban pull factors (industrialization and urban-biased policies). Using new historical data on urban birth and death rates for seven countries from Industrial Europe (1800–1910) and thirty-five developing countries (1960–2010), this paper argues that a non-negligible part of developing countries’ rapid urban growth and urbanization may also be linked to demographic factors, such as rapid internal urban population growth, or an urban push. High urban natural increase in today’s developing countries follows from lower urban mortality, relative to Industrial Europe, where higher urban deaths offset urban births. This compounds the effects of migration and displays strong associations with urban congestion, providing additional insight into the phenomenon of urbanization without growth.

This paper studies the sharp increase in violence experienced in Mexico after 2006, known as The War on Drugs, and its effects on human capital accumulation. The upsurge in violence is expected to have direct effects on individuals schooling decisions, but not indirect effects, because there was no severe destruction of infrastructure. The fact that the marked increases in violence were concentrated in some municipalities (and not in others) allows for implementation of a fixed-effects methodology to study the effects of violence on educational outcomes. Different from several recent studies that have found significant negative effects of violence on economic outcomes in Mexico, the paper finds evidence that this is not the case, at least for human capital accumulation. The paper uses several sources of data on homicides and educational outcomes and shows that, at most, there are very small effects on total enrollment. These small effects may be driven by some students being displaced from high-violence municipalities to low-violence municipalities; but the education decisions of individuals do not seem to be highly impacted. The analysis discards the possibility that the effects on enrollment of young adults appear small because of a counteracting effect from ex-workers returning to school. The results stand in contrast with recent evidence of the negative effects of violence on short-term economic growth, since minimal to 0 effects on human capital accumulation today should have little to no adverse effects on long-term growth outcomes in Mexico.

Evidence on the impacts of a large-scale expansion in pre-primary education is limited and mostly circumscribed to high- and middle-income nations. This study estimates the effects of such an expansion on progression in primary school in rural communities in Guatemala, where the number of pre-primary schools increased from about 5,300 to 11,500 between 1998 and 2005. Combining administrative and population census data in a difference-in-differences framework, the analysis finds that access to pre-primary education increased by 2.4 percentage points the proportion of students that progress adequately and attend sixth grade by age 12. These positive although limited effects suggest the need for complementary actions to produce substantial improvements in adequate progression.

This paper has studied the issue of agitations for self-determination in Nigeria from an African philosophical point of view. It studied these agitations in the light of the amalgamation treaty of 1914, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and most importantly, extant international laws. The beauty of this piece is that it focused on major issues which constitute the basis for the agitations for self-determination in Nigeria namely religious marginalization, ethnic marginalization, economic marginalization and political marginalization. The burden of this piece is the issue of the problem of co-existence in Nigeria. This paper articulated its position based on Igwebuike philosophy as a theoretical framework, which emphasizes dialogue, justice and inclusive leadership as indispensable pathways to integration and national unity. For the purpose of this study, the historical and analytical methods of inquiry were patronized given that historical events were studied and the outcome of such events analysed. It submits that, rather than using force to quell the agitation for self-determination, the path of justice, dialogue and inclusive leadership should be explored as most cases of cessation are responses to the absence of these state ideals.

The point of this paper is to emphasize the importance and role of leadership for African growth, development, and poverty reduction. It is also an attempt to project a more objective assessment of leadership issues during the first three to four decades of African independence. Agreeing on shared responsibilities for Africa's failures in its early years will enable all who want to take part in the continent's renewal to focus on the partnership that is now needed to close a sad chapter in Africa's history, and open a new one. The core elements of such a partnership have evolved in the last decade, and this paper argues passionately for the political will, in Africa and outside, for their realization.

The paper deals with assessment of the practices of international relations regarding the protection of peace, legal certainty and equality. These values are important for the argument in favour of the compulsory international adjudication. In view of the realistic challenges to this argument, the paper aims at answering the questions if these three values are protected by applicable norms of international law, whether the principles protecting these values, if they exist in the international law, are above the principle of protecting the autonomy of states as the basis for the omnis judex rule, and finally, if these values are involved in axiological hierarchies formed by the actors formulating and interpreting the international norms. The answers to the first two questions will be given by the means of an empirical assessment of international practices, whereas the answer to the third question will be provided by identifying attitudes towards international relations based on interpretation of existing practices through models of coordination and subordination., Rad se bavi procjenom prakse međunarodnih odnosa u pogledu zaštite mira, pravne sigurnosti i jednakosti. Te su vrijednosti važne za argument u korist obveznog međunarodnog sudovanja. S obzirom na realno osporavanje ovog argumenta, rad ima za cilj odgovoriti na pitanja štite li te tri vrijednosti važećim normama međunarodnog prava, jesu li načela koja štite te vrijednosti, ako postoje u međunarodnom pravu, iznad načela štiteći autonomiju država kao temelj za omnis judexi konačno, ako su te vrijednosti uključene u aksiološke hijerarhije koje formiraju akteri koji formuliraju i tumače međunarodne norme. Odgovore na prva dva pitanja dat ćemo empirijskom procjenom međunarodnih praksi, dok ćemo odgovor na treće pitanje dati identificiranjem stavova prema međunarodnim odnosima na temelju interpretacije postojećih praksi kroz modele koordinacije i subordinacije.

This article examines some arguments in favor of taking peace as a political obligation that can be found in one of the most important founders of the pacifist movement, Jane Addams. The main focus is on her 1907 book Newer Ideals of Peace, which has often been read as idealistic and outdated, and above all, as more of an activist's manifesto than a serious contribution to either political philosophy or political theory. I point out that this owes much to an ambiguity of Addams' criticisms of the traditional and Kantian cosmopolitan defense of peace as a political ideal, the ambiguity between practical-political and conceptual problems. However, Addam's succeeds in identifying one profound problem for traditional, even enlightended institution-centered ideals of peace, the collapse of the very ideal in cases of breaches of explicit peace-agreements among nations, because breaches of agreements are tantamount to the loss of all commitment to the other nation's rights. It reveals that the conditions imposed by such ideals are at most necessary, but not sufficient for peace, and hence that the concept based on them is not a complete concept of lasting peaceful conditions among humans. Once it is seen as dedicated to resolving the problems entailed by this fundamental problem, Addams' work, and in particular her focus on resources of solidarity and right-granting practices beyond and outside explicit agreements between governments can be understood as the development of a more adequate, coherent and comprehensive, while also a more actionable conception of peace. In the course of this development, Addams can also be observed to make use of crucial epistemological and more technical philosophical tools that are most closely associated with classical pragmatism, but which partly appear (albeit largely obliquely in the course of their application to a particular case) for the first time Addams' treatise. Addams' work is therefore of more than merely political activist interest for philosophers. Nonetheless, the article also explains her status as an important contributor to proper conceptions of world peace and the understanding of certain phenomena in the organization of public will formation precisely by pointing out that without some of her future-oriented proposals, like the inseparability of peace-policies and development, or the need to institutionally protect and foster spontaneous solidary action, the best contemporary work on peace would not have been possible. Este artículo examina algunos de los argumentos a favor de considerar la paz como una obligación política que se puede encontrar en una de las fundadoras más relevantes del movimiento pacifista, Jane Addams. El foco principal se encuentra en su libro de 1907, Newer Ideals of Peace, que a menudo ha sido leído como idealista y obsoleto y, sobre todo, más como un manifiesto activista que una contribución seria tanto a la filosofía como a la teoría política. Aquí argumento que esto se debe principalmente a una ambigüedad de las críticas de Addams a la defensa tradicional y kantiano-cosmopolita de la paz en cuanto a ideal político, a la ambigüedad entre problemas práctico-políticos y conceptuales. Aún así, Addams consigue identificar un profundo problema en los ideales de paz tradicionales, o incluso en los ideales ilustrados centrados en las instituciones, a saber, el colapso de este ideal en casos de violaciones de tratados de paz explícitos entre naciones, puesto que las violaciones de estos acuerdos equivalen a la pérdida de todo compromiso con los derechos de la otra nación. Esto revela que las condiciones impuestas por tales ideales son como mucho necesarias, pero no suficientes, para la paz, y por lo tanto el concepto basado en ellas no es un concepto completo de las condiciones para la paz duradera entre humanos. Una vez que se haya considerado el trabajo de Addams (y en particular su atención a los recursos de solidaridad y a las prácticas de concesión de derechos más allá y fuera de acuerdos explícitos entre gobiernos) como dedicado a resolver los problemas que entraña este problema fundamental, su labor puede ser entendida como el desarrollo de una concepción de la paz más adecuada, coherente, comprensiva y a la vez más práctica. En el curso de este desarrollo también se puede ver cómo Addams hace uso de herramientas epistemológicas cruciales y filosóficamente más técnicas que están más estrechamente relacionadas con el pragmatismo clásico pero que aparecen en parte (aunque mayormente de forma oblicua a loa largo de su aplicación a un caso particular) y por primera vez en el tratado de Addams. Para los filósofos, pues, el trabajo de Addams tiene más que un simple interés activista y político. Sin embargo, este artículo también explica el estatus de Addams como una contribuyente importante a concepciones adecuadas de paz mundial y la comprensión de ciertos fenómenos en la organización de la formación de la voluntad pública precisamente indicando que sin alguna de sus propuestas orientadas hacia el futuro, como la inseparabilidad de políticas para la paz y el desarrollo o la necesidad de proteger y promover institucionalmente la acción solidaria espontánea, la mejor obra contemporánea sobre la paz no hubiera sido posible.

Peace and conflicts are two incompatible issues that have been with humanity since the inception of humanity. While conflicts are inevitable in any given society, peace is desirable by all and sundry. Every society is, therefore, making every effort to reduce conflicts and promote peaceful co-existence among the members of the society. In order to achieve this, many philosophies are formulated and adhered to by many sectors of the society. The aim of this paper is to rationally justify the significance of philosophy in peace and conflict thinking and practice. The paper will briefly give various definitions of philosophy, peace, and conflict, and then give some reasons why philosophy is significant in peace and conflict thinking and practice.

Using a theoretical concept by combining linguistic relativity and linguistic determinism – the structure of our language; a set of specific selected words influence man’s perception of the world and language use determines thought and action, data was collected and analysed qualitatively. The aim of the paper is to illustrate the pertinence of culture in language use and actions with emphasis to explore the contextual symbolic meanings of specific words in Africa nation states’ quest for peace. Specifically, in this paper we examine carefully selected and uttered lexis and their significant meanings in Cameroon, South Africa and Uganda. The results of the study confirmed that words have unique significance in relation to the culture, history and identity of a particular African people. Words used in the Cameroon context, ‘all is well’, are mostly words of hope and assurance in a war-free nation. The interpretation of some words, ‘Rhodes must fall’, generate disputes and lead to violent actions in the search for peaceful and prosperous co-existence in an apartheid ridden country like South Africa. Certain words of greetings, ‘you still exist’, though a total recall of pain and torture in a period of turbulence and massacre in Uganda, portray gratitude and delightedness among citizens, {"references":["Howell, Culture and language learning (Jos, Covenant Press Limited, 1990). [1]","J. Greenburg, Essays in linguistics (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1972). [2]","R. Brislin, A culture general assimilator: preparations for various types of sojourns In J. Martin\"s, (Ed.), International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 10(2), 1986, 215-230. [3]","M. Biesele, and S. Barclay, Ju/\"hoan women\"s tracking knowledge and its contribution to their husband\"s hunting success In: African study monographs, 26, 2001, 67-84. [4]","J. Mapara, Indigenous knowledge systems in Zimbabwe: juxtaposing postcolonial theory. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 3(1), 2009 [5]","G. Yule, The study of language (Fifth edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014). [6]","S. Moroney, (Ed.), Handbooks to the modern world (Oxford: Facts on File Publications, Africa, 1, 1989). [7]","W. E. Segueda, Imported religions, colonialism and the situation of women in Africa (Published online: Junges Afrikazentrum der Universität Würzburg (JAZ), 2015). [8]"]}

Background Limited research has examined the health and social needs of transgender and gender nonconforming populations. Due to high levels of stigma, transgender individuals may avoid disclosing their identities to researchers, hindering this type of work. Further, researchers have traditionally relied on clinic-based sampling methods, which may mask the true heterogeneity of transgender and gender nonconforming communities. Online social networking websites present a novel platform for studying this diverse, difficult-to-reach population. Objective The objective of this study was to attempt to examine the perceived health and social needs of transgender and gender nonconforming communities by examining messages posted to the popular microblogging platform, Twitter. Methods Tweets were collected from 13 transgender-related hashtags on July 11, 2014. They were read and coded according to general themes addressed, and a content analysis was performed. Qualitative and descriptive statistics are presented. Results There were 1135 tweets that were collected in total. Both “positive” and “negative” events were discussed, in both personal and social contexts. Violence, discrimination, suicide, and sexual risk behavior were discussed. There were 34.36% (390/1135) of tweets that addressed transgender-relevant current events, and 60.79% (690/1135) provided a link to a relevant news article or resource. Conclusions This study found that transgender individuals and allies use Twitter to discuss health and social needs relevant to the population. Real-time social media sites like Twitter can be used to study issues relevant to transgender communities.

Memory has, in Western societies at least, become an inseparable and unconditionally loved companion of war. In popular discourse memory appropriately honors the sacrifices and achievements of past heroes while also prescribing vigilance in the present and future: “Never Forget” so that past tragedies will “Never Again” be allowed to happen. While scholarly treatments take a more nuanced view, memory nonetheless tends to be framed as both desirable and inevitable, whether as a means to achieve justice through a true rendering of the past or to achieve closure through the honest accounting of the trauma of war. This paper problematizes these positive views of war and memory through an examination of a post-war situation among Pokot and Samburu pastoralists in northern Kenya, who emphasize the singular necessity of forgetting in order to achieve peace. The two groups fought a bitter small-scale conflict with significant loss of life and economic suffering, yet shortly after the war they had returned to a state of peaceful coexistence, intermingling and cooperating in a variety of activities. Both groups maintain that peace has been achieved by an insistence that the conflict must be forgotten, with no heroes valorized and no losses avenged. In their view to dwell on the war is to invite its return. Through this case study, the paper problematizes the positive and inevitable associations of war and memory in Western discourse and considers ‘forgetting’ both as a worthy subject of scholarly analysis and potentially a social good in the pursuit of peace.

Soğuk Savaş ertesinde, AB küresel bir güvenlik aktörü olma hedefiyle hem sivil hem de askeri içeriğe sahip çeşitli mekanizmaları hayata geçirmiştir. Bu doğrultuda, görevleri Ortak Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası (OGSP) tarafından belirlenen polis misyonları, AB’nin uluslararası barış ve güvenliğin inşasına yönelik katkısında başlıca sivil mekanizmalardan biri olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Çalışma, her ikisi de yönetsel içeriğe sahip olmayan AB’nin Bosna-Hersek polis misyonu (ABPM-BosnaHersek, 2003-2012) ve Afganistan’daki polis misyonunu (ABPOL-Afganistan, 2007-2016) karşılaştırmalı bir biçimde analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu şekilde, çalışma biri Avrupa’da diğeri Orta Asya’da gerçekleşen iki misyonun da kısmen başarılı adledilmesine neden olan ortak noktaları açıklamak niyetindedir., In the aftermath of the Cold War, the European Union has established many mechanisms -both civilian and military- to become a global security actor. Its tasks defined by the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), police missions of the EU have appeared as the main civilian mechanism through which the EU contributed to the construction of international peace and security. This paper aims to compare the cases of EUPM-Bosnia-Herzegovina (2003-2012) and EUPOLAfghanistan (2007-2016), two non-executive missions of the EU. By doing so, the paper explores similarities in the leading factors for these two missions, one in Europe and the other one in Central Asia, to limited success.

Pacifism is a complex and significant moral, political, religious, and philosophical idea. There is an evolving conversation about peace and nonviolence that occurs among secular scholars, religious figures, and activists. This paper explores this conversation, while employing a five-part thematic frame of analysis that attempts to distinguish secular and religious visions of peace and pacifism. The result of this analysis provides a ready framework for making that distinction. But it also demonstrates that the task of distinguishing secular and religious approaches is complicated and difficult. The paper also shows, through a brief genealogy of pacifism, how secular and religious voices are in conversation with one another.

The author addresses two important issues in this paper. First, what is a man, and what makes a man great and globally-historically important? In the light of this issue, he writes about Saint Nicholai. The author asserts that the attributes of a great man are intellectual depth, the width of knowledge, the ability to reach God and ontological depths of the world, vails of time and historical human destiny through his action, creation, and writing. All men who are great deal with the issue of man, meaning of life, and inevitability of death. Great men dreamt of immortality in their own glorious ways. What is left behind these giants are permanent unsurpassed deeds and the power of ideas accepted in all ages. The author aims to highlight what makes a man great for his people and for humanity in total, and to what extent does St. Nicholai meet these strict and demanding conditions and criteria to be viewed as a great man; is he great for his people or even outside of these limits. In the second, main issue and part of the paper, the author examines the understanding of war and peace in Bishop Nicholai’s work War and the Bible. The focal point of the examination is the phenomenon of war and peace, and especially the perception of the Bishop’s biblical study of war and peace which differentiates his approach from many other approaches to the phenomenon of war. The theological perspective of the phenomenon of war and peace always implies that good and evil clash in war and peace, and that this conflict is planetary and omnipresent; some individuals are on the side of justness, providence, light, and sanctity of life, while others side with the dark line of life which signifies the rule of evil in our world. According to the author, war is God’s will, just as peace among men. Conflict and peace between nations, as well as spiritual harmony and dissonance in human souls, depend primarily on faith in the Lord. If one is in God’s grace victory is secure. We ought to be reminded of the Christian understanding that the support of all people to one man is futile if he stands against God — on the other hand, he fears nothing if the will of God is on his side, even if all people are against him. In his book, War and the Bible, Bishop Nicholai claims that even in modern times the Lord of Armies decides the victor of every war, just as it was in ancient times. He claims that in modern war, just like in old times, the sinfulness of nations and national leaders and deviation from God’s Laws inevitably brings defeat; in today’s wars, just like in ancient conflicts, justfulness of nations and their leaders brings victory. Bishop Nicholai’s key conclusion is that all wars, both ancient and modern, can only be understood and explained in a biblical light. He devoted his entire very valuable and useful work to this idea, over a hundred years ago.

This paper aims to analyze the reason why South Korea as a North Korea rival in the Koreanpeninsula willing to give aid toward North Korea. The tension in Korean peninsula has happened since a long time ago especially after the cold war between USA & USSR. The conflict event become worst because of North Korea always threatening South Korea by testing the Nuclear missile. Despite of what North Korea done in the region, South Korea still gave abundance of aid in term of health assistance, food, and others basis of human necessity. By using qualitative approach and collecting data from credible literature resource and using the concept of disaster diplomacy this research found that South Korea has special type in term of conflict resolution, South Korea often using soft diplomacy and negotiation in order to creating peace. South Korea also believe positive peace diplomacy should be implementing in order make better condition in Korean peninsula. This research also believe that the actor has a big impact in successfully to support better condition between both countries and strengthening the relation. Lastly, this paper proof if in order to win in some competition not always using hard diplomacy or military power.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a China’s endeavour to globally connect the countries along two major routes. This paper examines the keywords defining the building blocks and priority areas under the BRI and their relationship in order to foster a practical understanding of the BRI for enhancing regional cooperation and connectivity along the routes. The methodology employed was a systematic literature review involving four stages. Firstly, a broad search in the Scopus database (2016-2020) using BRI or similar terms returned n=1,710 articles which were further limited using the keywords: building blocks, priority areas, policy coordination, infrastructure connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration and people-to-people exchange. Other keywords considered were community and Silk Road. The articles were then screened and assessed resulting in 155 articles reviewed in this study. The review reveals that while the building blocks are the aim motivating the BRI, hence the spirit behind it, the five priority areas provide practical methods through which China and other countries along the Belt and Road routes will focus their collective development. The relationship between the two aspects owes to the fact that people are involved at all spheres of the initiative bringing about emphasis on the people-to-people exchangewhich is a core part of social dimension in sustainable development. In contribution, this paper presents a unique perspective for looking at the BRI for a focused discussion of its cooperative framework which could serve as a foundation for further research in various sectors.

Lesotho faces political, economic, social, cultural, religious, institutional and interpersonal violence, a situation that prompted the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to introduce a peace-building education program. This indigenous auto-ethnography inquiry arose as the result of the investigator’s realisation that the UNESCO strategy to establish peace education in Lesotho is an exclusive, narrow approach based on the formal Western education system. While UNESCO’s initiative to instil a culture of peace via education is commendable considering the seriousness of the violence in Lesotho, the article contends that the approach excludes many out-of-school youth from learning about developing a culture of peace. The article also reveals some characteristics associated with the Western educational system that contribute to its inability to incorporate all eligible groups in peace-building education. Guided by the theoretical framework of critical interculturality, this article highlighted the Basotho lebollo education system as having the ability to extend peace-building education beyond the confines of Western schooling and education to include out-of-school adolescents. The compatibility of the lebollo school system with peace-building education was proved by its indigenous epistemology and pedagogy. The article recommends a nonviolent strategy devoid of colonial violence and based on mutual respect that can bring lebollo on board for peace-building education, as has happened in response to the HIV and AIDS pandemic.Transdisciplinarity Contribution: This paper contributes to the broad debate that Western formal education ensnared in colonial power structures, has difficulty meeting the educational needs of the African child, despite its noble intentions. Using Basotho indigenous education system as a framework for calling for recognition of indigenous education, the paper makes the case for peacebuilding education as a potential model for indigenous education.

Job insecurity and abrupt massive retrenchment of employees in virtually all sectors of the Nigerian economy in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic have plunged the nation into a breeding ground for youth crisis and overall insecurity of lives and properties. As these menaces threaten the land's peace and security, causing the Nigerian economy's fortunes to dwindle, it calls for concern among peace and conflict management experts to find long-term solutions to these threats. Hence, this paper is aimed at examining the effects of the novel COVID-19 pandemic on job losses as it affects the peace and security of Nigeria. A secondary method of data collection was used, in which reports, journals, and internet-based articles were reviewed and their content analysed. The paper reviewed both the natural origin theory and the conspiracy theory of the coronavirus. Based on the literature reviewed, the paper revealed that the flare of the novel coronavirus in Nigeria has posed a serious threat to overall peace and security in the wake of lockdowns and closure of businesses, which by implication has forced numerous employees of about 42 per cent to lose their jobs in various sectors of the Nigerian economy, and nearly 40 million Nigerians were projected to lose their jobs by the end of the year 2020–2021, arising from the fall in demand for and supply of goods and services due to lockdowns, restriction of movement, and social distancing measures, among others, put in place to curb the spread of COVID-19. The paper also revealed that there was a ban on social and religious gatherings, social distancing, wearing of nose masks, lockdown and imposition of curfews, travel bans, stay at home policy, among others, as measures to stop or reduce the spread of COVID-19 in Nigeria. To cushion the effects of the coronavirus on the economy of Nigeria, the government provided both monetary and fiscal palliative measures for the most vulnerable, though the stimulus packages were commendable but ineffective for lack of appropriate parameters for their implementation. Arising from the above, it was recommended that for peace to reign, employees should avoid putting all their eggs in one basket, and for unforeseen contingencies such as this novel pandemic, employees should have an extra source of income by going into side businesses like blogging, rentals, online advertising, and investment in stocks with high returns.

Introduction: Nepal is vulnerable to many hazards and disasters. Geographically, Nepal is situated at the Indi-an and Eurasian seismic plates and is prone to disasters like floods, landslides, fire, and earthquakes. The earthquake of April 25, 2015, with a 7.8 Richter scale and several aftershocks, have resulted in a considerable loss of human lives, physical infrastructure, and natural resources in Nepal. Many studies on the impacts of the earthquake mentioned the challenges in community recovery. This paper examines and explains the impact of earthquakes on family and community, how family and community cope during the disaster. Besides coping mechanisms, this paper explains discourses or conflicts in the family and communities. The paper is an outcome of a statistical analysis of 912 households' survey conducted in Nepal's central hill, Kispang Rural municipality, a community affected by the 2015 earthquake in Nuwakot district. Methods: This research relies on literature review, key informant interviews, Focus Group Discussions (FGD), field visits, expert interviews, etic and emic approaches to observe from the field. The research questionnaires were prepared and performed a household survey of 912 households. Various questions on how the earthquake in Nepal "X" has created the "Y" impacts and discourses or conflict in the family and the community in Nepal's central hills were analyzed. Results: The earthquake has impacted the families and communities; however, the families and communities had shown distinct coping mechanisms to stay resilient to the impact—various factors were identified where family discourses and conflict escalated, which has impacted the community peace. Family level discourses and conflict emerged mainly in collectivist society or joint or extended families. Gender-based violence/ conflict is also measured and found augmented after the earthquake in the community. Conclusion: The research study concluded that family discourses and conflict emerged when disaster relief and reconstruction policies do not incorporate the affected communities' needs. The multi-dimensional holistic, integrated policies that integrate all the affected communities' needs will support building community and family-level peace. Discriminative policies that divide families and communities should not be practiced.

Peaceful co-existence is a universal but elusive aspiration. Despite the search for tools to create a peaceful world, conflict remains between nations and within nations. The fostering of peace is a question to which scholars, religious leaders and politicians put their minds, but despite this attention the paradox remains that there is little evidence that local and global conflict have subsided. Ideally the key to providing solutions can be found in the tenets of the world’s major religions and cultural traditions and in the musing of some of the great philosophy voices of past and modern times. Regrettably these tenets are often absent in education systems where there are limited endeavours to encourage young people to think locally and globally about social justice, peace and human rights. Many of the current ways of imparting knowledge of human rights and peace are limited, with the emphasis on the legal aspect alone and on international instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Although the UDHR is an inspiring document given that its creation stemmed from a commitment to all humanity, its uncritical acceptance negates the critiques about western dominance. Arguably, unless humankind can find a way to grapple with the tension between universal and relativist approaches to human rights by acknowledging diversity, the search for peace and social justice will be limited. This paper contemplates the creation of human rights understandings beyond legal constructs to explore how human rights concepts can be invoked through education to reduce ignorance, prejudice, religious intolerance and fear that detracts from the goal of peaceful co-existence. It explores the question of responsibility to ‘the other’, a form of responsibility that is not apparent in the clash of cultures and the conflict between nations. The paper suggests a schema for human rights understandings based on philosophical, political, historical, anthropological, legal and practical approaches to human rights. This includes forging the connection between theory and practice; engaging in critical pedagogy through a process of collaborative dialogue and inquiry; being familiar with the historical origins of human rights and their application; and understanding that concepts of human rights are found in every cultural and religious tradition. In advocating such a schema it draws on examples that present barriers and prospects and in so doing outlines the endeavours that take place in the inter-disciplinary Master of Human Rights program at Curtin University in Australia as a model that may be adaptable to other contexts. The paper concludes by suggesting practical ways in which the schema could be enacted including through a lifetime educational commitment to human rights through historical and philosophical understandings, inter-faith dialogue and cultural exchanges. همزیستی مسالمت‌آمیز یک آرمان جهانی، اما دست‌نیافتنی است. به‌رغم جستجوی ابزار برای ایجاد جهانی صلح‌آمیز، درگیری میان ملت ­ها و درون ملت ­ها همچنان ادامه دارد. پرورش صلح موضوعی است که علما، رهبران مذهبی و سیاستمداران ذهن خود را به آن معطوف می­ کنند، اما با وجود این توجه، این پارادوکس باقی می­ ماند که شواهد کمی درباره کاهش درگیری­های محلی و جهانی وجود دارد. در حالت ایده آل، کلید ارائه راه‌حل را می‌توان در اصول اصلی ادیان و سنت­ های فرهنگی جهان و در ذهن برخی از صداهای بزرگ فلسفه دوران گذشته و مدرن یافت. متأسفانه این اصول اغلب در سیستم ­های آموزشی که تلاش ­های محدودی برای تشویق جوانان به تفکر محلی و جهانی درباره عدالت اجتماعی، صلح و حقوق بشر انجام می­ شود، وجود ندارد. بسیاری از روش­ های فعلی انتقال دانش حقوق بشر و صلح محدود است و تنها بر جنبه حقوقی و اسناد بین ­المللی، مانند اعلامیه جهانی حقوق بشر (UDHR) تأکید شده است. «UDHR» سندی الهام‌بخش است؛ زیرا مبنای آن برآمده از تعهد به بشریت است، اما پذیرش غیر انتقادی آن، انتقادات درباره سلطه غرب را نفی می­کند. قطعاً جستجوی صلح و عدالت اجتماعی محدودیت ­هایی خواهد داشت، مگر اینکه بشر راهی پیدا کند که بتواند با تنش میان رویکردهای جهانی و نسبی‌گرایی به حقوق بشر، دست‌وپنجه نرم کند. این نوشتار ایجاد مفاهیم حقوق بشری فراتر از چهارچوب‌های قانونی برای کشف چگونگی استناد به مفاهیم حقوق بشر از طریق آموزش برای کاهش جهل، تعصب، عدم تحمل مذهبی و ترس را که از اهداف همزیستی مسالمت‌آمیز هستند، بررسی می­کند. همچنین، مسئولیت در قبال دیگران را بررسی می­کند؛ نوعی مسئولیت که در برخورد فرهنگ­ ها و درگیری میان ملت ­ها مشهود نیست. این نوشتار طرح و برنامه ­ای را برای درک حقوق بشر بر اساس رویکردهای فلسفی، سیاسی، تاریخی، انسان‌شناسی، حقوقی و عملی حقوق بشر پیشنهاد می­ کند. که شامل ایجاد ارتباط بین نظریه و عمل است و عبارت است از: مشارکت در آموزش انتقادی از طریق فرایند گفتگو و تحقیق مشترک، آشنایی با ریشه‌های تاریخی حقوق بشر و کاربرد آن‌ها و درک اینکه مفاهیم حقوق بشر در هر سنت فرهنگی و مذهبی یافت می‌شود برای دفاع از این الگو، نمونه ­هایی را ارائه می ­دهد که موانع و چشم‌اندازهای موجود را نشان می ­دهد. در این راستا، اقداماتی را که در برنامه کارشناسی ارشد حقوق بشر دانشگاه کرتین در استرالیا انجام می­شود به‌عنوان مدلی که ممکن است با دیگر زمینه­ ها سازگار باشد، معرفی می­ کند. در پایان، پیشنهادهایی برای روش ­های عملی که با آن می­ توان این طرح را به اجرا گذاشت، ارائه می‌گردد؛ ازجمله: تعهد آموزشی مادام‌العمر به حقوق بشر از طریق درک تاریخی و فلسفی، گفتگوی میان ادیان و تبادلات فرهنگی.

The outbreak of the novel corona-virus pandemic across the globe has presented itself as a global crisis which calls for urgent global attention. The viral spread of the virus in different continents remains an overall concern to public health and for human security. This article discusses the impacts of the corona-virus pandemic on human security in West Africa. It argues that the realities from the spread of the virus have created an atmosphere of panic resulting in a pandemonium across West Africa. The study reveals that the spread of corona-virus comes along with new emerging threats to peace and security in West Africa. The paper upholds the 1994 Human Development initiative from the reports of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) to discuss essential dimensions to human security in West Africa. Through the use of secondary data, the paper argues that the impacts of COVID-19 tramples upon various dimensions of human security across West Africa states ranging from economic, health, political, community, environmental, and food security. The studies envisage that public health issues should be included on the top agenda of international organizations like the UN Security Council, Africa Union, and ECOWAS respectively. It concludes that the impacts of the pandemic will recalibrate the socio-political and economic structure of states within the sub-region. The study recommends that greater supports from states within the region and other regional institutions alike will help a great deal in the fight towards eliminating the virus from the region.

With the increasing ethnic diversity in school classrooms globally, understanding how best to harness intergroup contact and promote social cohesion is a timely challenge for science, policy, and practice alike. There is an urgent need, therefore, for applied social psychological research that bridges theory and practice in the pursuit of peace. The present paper reflects on the process of working with teachers in ethnically diverse secondary schools in England to co-produce an intervention that aimed to promote better intergroup relations amongst 11-year-old school students. Through a series of workshops, we co-created a theoretically informed intervention that was then implemented and evaluated in schools. In this paper we discuss our approach to the development of our intervention. We then conduct a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats analysis of our research process and approach to co-production and offer recommendations for researchers aiming to carry out applied research in the pursuit of peace. The appropriateness of social psychological frameworks for promoting intergroup relations and in turn, peace in real-world contexts and implications for future research and practice are discussed.

Submitted by Concluinte Mestrado (concluinte.mestrado@setor.uepb.edu.br) on 2022-03-25T16:50:27Z No. of bitstreams: 4 Stela Dantas - Dissertação Final _ pós-defesa.pdf: 1990290 bytes, checksum: 119823ab73ea538df8d0d8593ebc84a9 (MD5) Stela Dantas - Termo de autorização de inserção de dissertação no Sistema TEDE da BDTD.docx.pdf: 318863 bytes, checksum: b3e513e39237b3170eecc1c6dda1818b (MD5) Stela Dantas - Termo de confirmação e cadastramento para publicação de TDE da BDTD.docx.pdf: 197943 bytes, checksum: f6e663f1caafe6f4b11e731a8c09c622 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2022-04-09T01:22:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 4 Stela Dantas - Dissertação Final _ pós-defesa.pdf: 1990290 bytes, checksum: 119823ab73ea538df8d0d8593ebc84a9 (MD5) Stela Dantas - Termo de autorização de inserção de dissertação no Sistema TEDE da BDTD.docx.pdf: 318863 bytes, checksum: b3e513e39237b3170eecc1c6dda1818b (MD5) Stela Dantas - Termo de confirmação e cadastramento para publicação de TDE da BDTD.docx.pdf: 197943 bytes, checksum: f6e663f1caafe6f4b11e731a8c09c622 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2022-04-09T01:22:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 4 Stela Dantas - Dissertação Final _ pós-defesa.pdf: 1990290 bytes, checksum: 119823ab73ea538df8d0d8593ebc84a9 (MD5) Stela Dantas - Termo de autorização de inserção de dissertação no Sistema TEDE da BDTD.docx.pdf: 318863 bytes, checksum: b3e513e39237b3170eecc1c6dda1818b (MD5) Stela Dantas - Termo de confirmação e cadastramento para publicação de TDE da BDTD.docx.pdf: 197943 bytes, checksum: f6e663f1caafe6f4b11e731a8c09c622 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2022-02-08 CAPES "Where are the women?". This is one of the main questions raised by feminist researchers. In the analysis of the international context, it is possible to perceive the presence and performance of women at different levels and in different positions, and their performance in the contexts of war, armed conflicts, and peace movements is considered historical. However, what we notice is a recurrent marginalization and invisibility of women, so that gender stereotypes are perpetuated. However, from a curiosity in gender, feminist theorists began to question the false neutrality of the area, identifying the ivory tower that International Relations, and its sub-areas, are legitimized. Thus, from gender research, it is possible to locate women in different areas and contexts, whether in international security or in peace movements. Highlighting the multiplicity of experiences, women should not be analyzed as being unique, just as there is no single feminism. Therefore, the heterogeneity of women and their experiences is noted through the analysis of peace and security processes. Thus, women are identified as agents of war and violence, of peace and peacebuilding, as well as victims of different types of violence. Based on this, the present work aims to locate women, identifying them as relevant actors throughout the security and peace scenario, and specifically, peace processes, so that it is possible to rethink their position, as well as to break the stereotypes that surround their image and representation. To this end, the paper seeks to answer the following research question: "how do women participate and are involved in international security and peace scenarios?" Anchored in qualitative research and the inductive method, the paper follows the line of a case study, in which it analyzes the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS) of the Security Council, so that it is possible to locate women in different stages of action, i.e., both in situations of war and conflict, as well as in everyday life and in actions for peace. From what has been analyzed, we conclude that women are playing important roles in questioning the mainstreaming vision of security, violence and peace. They are also present in peacebuilding processes, whether they are local and grassroots initiatives (peacebuilding from below) or formal processes of negotiation, mediation and peace agreements (peacemaking). “Where are the women?”. Esse é um dos principais questionamentos levantados pelas pesquisadoras feministas. Na análise do cenário internacional, é possível perceber a presença e atuação das mulheres em diferentes níveis e posições, sendo considerada histórica a sua atuação nos contextos de guerra, dos conflitos armados, e nos movimentos de paz. Contudo, o que se percebe é uma recorrente marginalização e invisibilidade das mulheres, de modo que se perpetuam os estereótipos de gênero. Todavia, a partir de uma curiosidade em gênero, as teóricas feministas passaram a questionar a falsa neutralidade da área, identificando a torre de marfim que as Relações Internacionais, e suas subáreas, são legitimadas. Sendo assim, a partir de uma investigação em gênero, é possível localizar as mulheres em diferentes áreas e contextos, seja na segurança internacional, seja nos movimentos de paz. Destacando-se a multiplicidade de experiências, as mulheres não devem ser analisadas como sendo únicas, assim como não existe um único feminismo. Logo, a heterogeneidade de mulheres, e das suas vivências, é notada por meio da análise dos processos de paz e segurança. Desse modo, identifica-se as mulheres enquanto agentes da guerra e da violência, da paz e da construção da paz, assim como elas sendo vítimas dos diferentes tipos de violência. A partir disso, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo localizar as mulheres, identificando-as como atores relevantes ao longo do cenário da segurança e da paz, e em específico, dos processos de paz, de modo que seja possível repensar a sua posição, assim como romper com os estereótipos que circundam a sua imagem e representação. Para isso, o trabalho busca responder a seguinte pergunta de pesquisa: “como as mulheres participam e estão envolvidas nos cenários da segurança internacional e da paz?”. Ancorado na pesquisa qualitativa e no método indutivo, o trabalho segue a linha de estudo de caso, no qual analisa a Agenda Mulheres, Paz e Segurança (MPS) do Conselho de Segurança, de modo que seja possível localizar as mulheres em diferentes estágios de atuação, ou seja, tanto em situações de guerra e conflito, como no dia a dia e nas ações para a paz. Assim, a partir do que foi analisado, conclui-se que as mulheres estão desempenhando importantes funções no questionamento da visão mainstreaming da segurança, da violência e da paz, assim como elas estão presentes nos processos de consolidação da paz, sejam esses as iniciativas locais e de bases (peacebuilding from below), ou os processos formais de negociação, mediação e dos acordos da paz (peacemaking).

International audience; This paper examines an unpublished consilium written by the Perugian jurist Dionysius de Barigianis in 1434-1435 which refers to the Peace concluded in March 1421 between the Varanos, lords of Camerino, and the commune of Norcia. Building on the analysis of four papal letters, the paper affords new insights into the conclusion and the contents of the Peace, thereby setting the context for the subsequent discussion of Barigianis' consilium. The edition of these letters and the consilium is provided in the Appendix.

Maria Montessori was an Italian physician and educator, known for developing an innovative educational philosophy that is followed around the world. Montessori believed it was children who would bring about world peace and a bettering of humanity, and that through education this would happen. This paper explores what the research says about current peace education practices around the world and outlines the importance of an inclusive and inquisitive approach to teaching peace to children. The paper explores the topic of peace education, describes the development of the upper elementary child (aged 9-12), and outlines in detail an age-appropriate peace education curriculum project in the form of a Montessori teaching manual that was created by the author for their Master of Education thesis. https://viurrspace.ca/bitstream/handle/10613/26922/Hartsook.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y

In this paper I discuss Claudio Corradetti’s recent fascinating book on Relativism and Human Rights, A Theory of Pluralist Universalism (Springer 2022, 2nd ed.) by focusing on the global reach of human rights and its implications for law. The paper discusses, inter alia, what relativism conceivably means in the context of EU and international human rights. Moreover, the paper examines human rights and justice in the context of universality. The paper concludes by briefly looking at peace and war theory and argue for its salience for understanding the framework of global human rights protection.

European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2017 2(1), 15-21, I. Introduction. - II. A growing fascination with armed force. - III. Reviving the art of peace through law - IV. Conclusion., The conflict in Syria is entering its sixth year with no clear end in sight. EU Member States have a choice - continue or even escalate military involvement or seek an effective path to peace. Member States cannot do both because military involvement violates international law. Seeking peace requires using the methods of diplomacy on the basis of adherence to international law. Six years of unlawful intervention has not worked. It is time to give peaceful settlement a real chance, something the EU and its Member States have hardly done to date.

Deeper continental integration is considered critical for Africa's future growth, development and transformation. This paper reports on the results of a comprehensive review of the scholarly literature on Africa's continental integration dating back to the 1960s. We wanted to focus on publications drawing on the organization and management literature, but found these to be limited in number and scope. The review covered a range of topics relevant for continental integration including peace and security, decolonization, diplomacy and politics, cultural exchanges, social and economic development, environmental protection, and sustainable development. Although about half of the studies reviewed were atheoretical, the rest covered a range of theories from different disciplines. Most of the studies used documentary analysis and literature reviews; few used survey methods or quantitative data collection and analysis. Review results were grouped into five key areas for continental integration: organizational, economic, political, peace and security, and human rights. The paper concludes by identifying gaps and opportunities for research. Theory development in particular would help to improve understanding of the complexities of continental integration, and guide evidence-based policy and practice for deeper, more effective and sustained continental integration to improve the lives of Africans at home and in the diaspora.

Este artículo presenta las conclusiones de un estudio cuantitativo y longitudinal sobre las guerras civiles colombianas, desde el momento de la constitución del país como unidad política estable, y de las formas como se accedió a la paz después de cada una de ellas. Incluye, además, una comparación cuantitativa con los demás países de Hispanoamérica. Se concluye que hay diferencias críticas entre las guerras del siglo XIX y l as del XX, en cuanto a duración y severidad, así como en cuanto a las formas de la paz (victorias y amnistías o acuerdos negociados), con excepción de la Guerra de Los Mil Días., The This paper presents the findings of a quantitative and longitudinal study both about the Colombian civil wars, from the moment the country formed as a stable political unit, and about the ways in which peace was achieved after each of them. It also provides a quantitative comparison with the other Latin American countries. The paper concludes that there are critical differences between the wars of the XIX century and those of the XX, in terms of duration and harshness, as well as in the forms of peace (victories and amnesties or negotiated agreements), with the exception of the Thousand Days’ War.

For a positive global future, it is fundamental to tackle the existing web of psychological, economic, sociological, and cultural processes reflected in current education systems. Confronted with complex issues that are essential to the stability of civilizations, we need more voices addressing a critical analysis of education in its key role. This can result in more people participating as happy, informed, and engaged citizens. This paper introduces the argument for education to promote public happiness (Felicitas Publica) and support global peace, addressing the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) #3, #4, and #16. It begins by mapping the landscape of promising education-related practices supporting these SDGs and provides recommendations for research and actions. In addition, it presents the work of the UNESCO Chair on Education for Global Peace Sustainability, based at the Universidade de Lisboa, in Portugal, as an illustrative example. With this paper, we hope to convey the input of different branches of psychology that have the common good as their aim and address the positive transformation of our current educational processes.

The peace-through-tourism discourse has been appropriated mainly by politicians and the industry to advance their own particular interests and has been viewed as a panacea to solve the entrenched socio- economic problems faced by nations globally today. The counter argument is put forward by those analysts who draw our attention to the perceived ‘evils’ of westernisation and modernisation brought about by globalisation where tourism is one of its principal components. As the paper argues questions of whether and how tourism as a whole contributes to world peace is more complex and problematic. Following a brief exploration of the concept of ‘peace’, this paper examines the tenuous relationship between ‘tourism’ and ‘peace’. In so doing, it considers the theoretical arguments of diverse thinkers and assesses the strengths and weaknesses of their various positions. The paper goes on to present a fresh conceptual framework for understanding the role of tourism in building a culture of peace. It should be noted that the interpretation offered in this paper has been influenced by the authors’ biographies, cultural reflections, and experiences. The paper concludes that not only complexities of tourism and international relations are often ignored in textual representations but the proposition that tourism fosters peace and tolerance appears to have been rather exaggerated.