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This paper argues that, contrary to what has recently been proposed, exsequiis is at home in Aeneid 7.5 as an elegiac and Gallan term which footnotes the elegiac ethos and Gallan language of Caieta’s preceding epitaph (1-4). The paper also suggests that, in addition to its other recognised liminal aspects, the Gallan epitaph may show Virgil reflecting on his move from the Gallus-sponsored Eclogues via the Georgics to the Aeneid, sponsored by Augustus, and thus pay a discreet tribute to his former patron.

The Nisus and Euryalus episode in the ninth book of Vergil’s Aeneid and Kevin Powers’ 2012 novel The Yellow Birds on a soldier’s experiences in the year 2004 during the American War in Iraq are both constructed around a very similar story pattern of two friends who go to war together and are faced with bloodlust, cruelty, death, mutilation, and the duties of friendship, as well as the grief and silencing of a bereft mother. While the narrative and commemorative background of the two texts is very different – including the sense of an anchoring in tradition, the role of memory, even the existence of a coherent plotline itself – both the Augustan epic and the modern novel employ strikingly similar techniques and sensory imagery in their bid to convey the fundamental experience of warfare and of “what it felt like” as vividly as possible., THERSITES. Journal for Transcultural Presences & Diachronic Identities from Antiquity to Date, Vol. 4 (2016): War of the Senses – The Senses in War Interactions and Tensions between Representations of War in Classical and Modern Culture

Rezension zu: Nicholas Horsfall, Virgil, Aeneid 6. A Commentary. Vol. 1: Introduction, Text and Translation, Vol. 2: Commentary and Appendices. Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter Verlag 2013, XI + 706 S., Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft, Bd. 18 (2015): Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft

Unlike the Homeric epos, which is enclosed in an absolute past, the Aeneid forges a continuity between myth and the historical present and its plot is the fulfillment of a future which is preordained by Fate. As a result, Virgil’s epic has often been regarded as the expression of the immobilization of history rather than its open-endedness. Contrary to the idea of the Aeneid as a mere narrative teleology, the numerous untimely deaths of young heroes and their un-enacted futures bring about elements of temporal condensation that not only add uncertainty to the narrative, but undermine the idea of the present as the only inevitable realization of the past. The sideshadowing created by mors immatura opens loopholes in the poem and stands as a counterpoint to epic as the genre of absolute truths and historical determinism.

This paper explores the idea of female speech in Roman epic by comparing the public speeches of Dido welcoming first Ilioneus and then Aeneas at 1.561-78 and 1.613-30 with the analogous speeches of Latinus at 7.192-211 and 7.249-73. It applies concepts, ideas and observations about feminine discourse developed by scholars of Greek tragedy and Roman comedy to Virgil’s Aeneid with the aim of nuancing approaches to Dido as speaker and public persona. The article treats speech presentation, stylistic features, tone, metre and rhetoric and argues that it is very hard to extract gender from other aspects of the text, but that on balance Dido is presented as feminine in a number of ways. Her power is qualified and limited, she is more responsive and passive than Latinus and shows an emotional intensity and directness in contrast with the subtlety of her handling of the situation.

This article explores the extent to which the genres of epic and elegy can be considered ‘occidental’ and ‘oriental’ respectively. Such a polarity is apparently constructed in the ‘epic’ and ‘elegiac’ movements of Propertius 4.1, but it is also progressively deconstructed in Propertius’ reception of Virgil’s Aeneid in elegies 4.1, 4.6 and 4.9. On the one hand, Propertius reads the Aeneid for its oriental components (e.g. the Phrygian immigration as viewed by native Italy ; its oriental ‘heroines’ : Dido, Cleopatra and, if the episode to which she lends her name is not an interpolation, Helen). On the other hand, Propertian elegy has for its part become more occidental (Propertius sings of maxima Roma and the Roman victory at Actium ; Cynthia is dead). In this way, Propertius shows that the narrative of elegy is no less bound up with occidental hegemony than that of Virgilian epic, and that elegy’s literary exoticism is, like Virgil’s intertextual appropriation of Greek literature, itself contingent on Roman imperialism.

The following paper argues that the series of desecrated altars that are found in the Aeneid reflects prior moments of ruptured alliances that have taken place in the epic cycle and Roman history more generally. Vergil has constructed these ruptured alliances along a number of parallel lines that focus on the various means by which the poem constructs ethnic and spatial unification. From the perspective of ethnic amalgamation the infectum foedus of Aeneid 12 raises a number of problems concerning the foundation of Rome and the nature of Roman alliance through time. This problematic alliance that ends the poem, however, moves against the theme of East-West unification in which a central feature of Aeneas’ actions is the reunification of Europe, Asia and Africa through a new system of alliance.

This essay focuses on the feature of the Psychomachia that is supposed to mark a decisive break from the tradition of classical epic, the fact that it is an allegorical epic, and ask how Virgilian, in reality, its allegorical themes and procedures may be. As a study of intertextuality, the paper further poses the question of whether reading the Psychomachia through the Aeneid also brings yields in terms of reading the Aeneid through the Psychomachia. In particular I consider two aspects of what I shall, provocatively, call Virgil’s Prudentian allegorical techniques: firstly, personification allegory, with reference to the Allecto episode in Aeneid 7 and the story of Hercules and Cacus in Aeneid 8; and secondly, the allegorical and imagistic networks that proliferate from Virgil’s programmatic storm in Aeneid 1.

Several episodes in Vergil’s Aeneid portray female characters, both divine and human, soliciting aid and/or information from other female characters. These scenes have usually been discussed in relation to Greek and Latin literary models. This study reconsiders these episodes by situating them in the context of the codes and conventions governing social relations among elite Roman women and argues that Vergil’s thematization of gender conflict at the heart of proto-Roman social and political conflict both reflects the widespread practice of elite women’s participation in the social and political life of triumviral Rome and anticipates its public emergence in the Principate.

Vergilijaus Eneidos struktūra yra griežta ir simetriška, kartais net matematiškai tiksli. Būtent griežta simetri­nė kompozicija leidžia įžvelgti simbolinį aprašomų dalykų turinį. Pasakojimo struktūros ir simbolių lygmens sąsajos ypač akivaizdžios giesmių pradžioje esančiose ekfrazėse. Jos dažniausiai yra tarsi įvadas į giesmės turinį. Vienu metu apibendrindamos tai, kas yra įvykę, ir tai, kas turi įvykti, tokios ekfrazės įgauna simbolinę prasmę ir yra vienas iš poemos idėjinių akcentų. Griežta simetrija sudėliotos eilutės parodo, kad Eneidos šeštosios giesmės pradžioje esanti ekfrazė (6. 20–30), viena vertus, yra tarsi įva­das į būsimas Enėjo klajones po mirusiųjų pasaulio labirintus. Kita vertus, joje aprašyti keturi Apolono šventyklos durų reljefai įprasmina ir Enėjo praeitį ir jo laukiančią ateitį. Juose atsispindi mirtis ir kančia, auka ir meilė; taigi tuo pat metu reljefai apibendrina bendrą žmogiškąją patirtį.

It has been observed and widely agreed upon that Vergil composed his Aeneid with a structure, sometimes making symmetry even numerical. It has also been shown that to understand why Vergil wrote the poem, one must depart from and be guided by Vergil’s own structure. Studies of Vergil’s structure of the Aeneid have indeed received exhaustive scholarly attention. Particular attention has also been given to appreciating the symbolism behind the Aeneid by means of the observations made on the structure of the poem. The relationship between narrative structure and symbolism is sometimes given special focus by Vergil through ecphrasis. Much has already been said about this method of symbolically adverting the reader of what will take place, and what has taken place; and of the connection between the past and the present both in the ecphrasis and between the ecphrasis and the poem or its message. Some of these ecphrases, precisely because they tend to introduce something important to come, are placed towards the beginning of a book. We are here immediately reminded of Odyssey VII, where Odysseus will meet Alcinous and Arete. Before Odysseus steps into the palace, Homer pauses for a numerically perfectly structured passage describing the garden, and another numerically structured one similarly describing the entrance to the palace. We understand what kind of people the Phaeacians were, remote from the rest of mankind, already from their horticultural and architectural activities, before we meet them., peer-reviewed

In this paper I intend to examine some instances of narrative and poetic self-consciousness in Aeneid 3 as manifested in the rich textures and inter/intratextualities of its beginning and end. First I discuss the devices used to mark the beginning of the narrative in Book 3 (sailing imagery – key motifs of proems – temporal punctuation) and then I propose a systematic analysis of the end which is clearly articulated and adds to the sense of completion and closure. In this interpretive framework I suggest a new reading of digressum (3.715), fata renarrabat and cursusque docebat (3.717).

Il contributo intende prendere in rassegna le principali traduzioni italiane dell’Eneide nel Novecento (con l’inclusione di due prove recenti), soffermandosi in particolare su alcune fasi della storia traduttiva del poema. Se le traduzioni realizzate durante il Fascismo concorrono a presentare, in chiave nazionalistica, l’opera di Virgilio come «prima luminosa giornata della letteratura italiana», dopo la guerra, mutati i paradigmi traduttivi e le coordinate culturali, il ritorno all’Eneideavviene nel segno di una ritrovata vicinanza al «doloroso penare» del suo eroe. Si realizza quindi un «recupero romanzesco» del poema di Enea, con un cambiamento di prospettiva che incide in maniera netta sulle caratteristiche stilistiche (soprattutto lessico e sintassi) delle traduzioni allestite in questo periodo. Tra gli anni Ottanta e Novanta, infine, compaiono numerose nuove versioni del testo epico virgiliano, improntate a criteri di leggibilità e chiarificazione del testo di partenza, al quale si subordina quello che Fortini chiamava «il tasso d’ispirazione, d’appropriazione, di “genialità” del traduttore». Si distinguono, nel quadro di sostanziale omogeneità che contraddistingue questa fase, due recenti e antitetiche prove di traduzione (Sermonti e Fo), analizzate in chiusura del contributo. La ricognizione, ancorché lacunosa e non esaustiva, si propone di evidenziare il fondamentale ruolo della traduzione nel percorso della ricezione del testo classico. This article aims to present a detailed review of Italian translations of the Aeneid during the Twentieth and early Twenty-first Century. Translations help to explain how and why Aeneid has been interpreted in particular times and contexts. During Fascism, translations played a large part in bringing Virgil and his poem into Italian literature and culture: according to this view, translators of the Aeneid made the connection with Italian literary tradition clear and explicit. After World War II, Virgil was seen as a source of humanity and as a reflection on human grief: translations of this time reflected this important shift using a language which became less grandly majestic, more reflective and plain. After 1980, translations of Virgil’s work have incredibly increased in number and have become more and more devoted to the ideal of the “invisible” translator, with two remarkable and very recent exceptions (Sermonti and Fo). In conclusion, this article aims to show how the activity of translation has contributed to interpretation and reception of the Aeneidin Italy throughout the century., ENTHYMEMA, No 23 (2019)

This article examines a case study in Silius Italicus’ Punica using two distinct but complementary approaches to Flavian epic intertextuality: a methodological move to expand and further incorporate computational tools within philology, and a literary theoretical move to combine intertextuality and thematic interpretation. The case study focuses on the debates in the Carthaginian senate described in Punica 2 and 11, both of which Silius adapts from similar scenes in Livy while also drawing on Vergil’s Aeneid. Part 1 of the essay introduces a new tool for finding a range of inexact verbal parallels based on a bioinformatics technique known as sequence alignment. After comparing the method with two other computational tools, Diogenes and Tesserae, we assess our tool’s ability to detect intertexts in the Punica already noted in traditional scholarship. We then analyse a series of computationally identified parallels that have not been commented on previously and find that all three tools can reveal morphologically and syntactically similar phrases of apparent literary interest. Part 2 focuses on a feature of Silius’ triangulation of Livy and Vergil, the characterisation of the Carthaginian senator Hanno. Through allusions to Vergil’s Drances, Silius turns Hanno from a shrewd judge of Roman character and strength, as he appears in Livy, into a far more ambivalent, Quisling-like figure. Moreover, the effect of blending the two sources is to make more porous the distinctions between nationalities and other categories that structure the reader’s response to Hanno and to the Punica as a whole. In concluding, we suggest that the context in which these literary interactions take place - diplomacy and debate - itself figures the kind of negotiation taking place at a textual level between the various works and their worldviews. The conclusion unifies the methodological and theoretical parts of the essay under the rubric of “triangulation”, in part by drawing on the application of the term in the philosophy of Donald Davidson.

13. Abydos – whereAlexander started his campaign against the PersiansBetween AD 177/8 and the reign of the emperor MaximinusThrax (235-238) the city of Abydos in the Troad (modern Çanakkale), situated onthe Asian shore of the Hellespont, minted five emissions of medallions with avery interesting reverse image. In the centre of this picture, that may haveused a painting as a template, an armoured man is shown with a spear in hisleft hand. Surrounded by two other combatants he stands on the deck of avessel, whose stem is decorated with the helmeted head of the goddess Athena.The central male figure waves with his right hand, probably as a command toother ships to follow him. Another significantly smaller vessel, manned by asingle warrior who represents the whole crew pars pro toto, isdepicted in front of the commander’s ship. We may conclude that the commander’sorder is obeyed. In the background of the coin image a trumpeter stands on atower, obviously giving the signal for departure.The interpretation of this coin image has been long debated.Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer, guided by the coin legends, which were misread asΛOVKOVΛΛΟC, considered that the coin might depict Sulla and Lucullus crossingthe Hellespont from Sestos to Abydos in the year 86 BC, but he was finallyunconvinced by this proposal. In 2001 Italo Vecchi, without discussingImhoof-Blumer’s interpretation, suggested that the scene on the Abydosmedallions should be interpreted as Alexander the Great crossing the Hellespontin 334 BC. His proposal was not accepted by Carsten Dahmen, who discussed the Abydoscoin image in his book on Greek and Roman coins depicting Alexander, althoughhe was unable to refute Vecchi’s interpretation.Arrian of Nikomedeia, our best source for Alexander’scampaign against the Persians, tells us that Alexander went from Sestos to thetop of the Thracian Chersonesos and crossed over from Elaious to the Asianshore. This may discourage us from accepting Italo Vecchio’s explanation, butArrian’s account includes the observation that different versions of the storyof Alexander crossing the Hellespont circulated, and that the story describingthe crossing from Elaious, which he followed himself, was the version mostcommonly adopted by Alexander’s historians. However, other traditions clearlyexisted, and we should conclude that one of them related the circumstanceswhich were depicted on the Abydos medallions. According to this versionAlexander and his army must have crossed the Hellespont from Sestos to Abydos.After leaving the harbour in Sestos, the expedition sailed southwards to thetower of Hero, where Strabo writes that the force of the stream directs theships to the opposite shore near Abydos. Alexander was the first to land andthrew his spear into Asian soil to claim it as his δορύκτητος χώρα (‘spear-wonterritory’). The people of Abydos may have decided to mint these medallions,illustrating their central role in this tradition, around/on the 500th anniversaryof Alexander’s crossing, in response to the publication of Arrian’s Anabasis.Abydos’ historical link with the start of Alexander’sPersian campaign in Asia was a very important aspect of the city’s identity.Other cities of Asia Minor, including Apollonia Mordiaion and Sagalassos, alsoclaimed a special relationship with the Macedonian king. Especially at times whenRoman emperors led campaigns against the Iranians (Persians?), identifyingthemselves as new Alexanders, it was beneficial for a city like Abydos toaccentuate its role as the point of departure for Alexander the Great’sworld-changing campaign. The traditional view of the Hellespont as the borderbetween Europe and Asia also served to define this military operation as ahistoric turning-point. Thus the image on the Abydos medallions should beinterpreted in the same way as paintings depicting Caesar crossing the Rubicon,Washington crossing the Delaware, Blücher crossing the Rhine, or Napoleon’straverse of the Alps and the Neman (Memel).14. Antandros,a city at the southern foothills of Mt. Ida: a coin illustrating a scenefrom Virgil’s Aeneid and the city’s tutelary goddessAntandros was a small town in the southern foothills ofMount Ida in the eastern part of the Troad. The literary tradition about thecity is scarce, and only a few inscriptions have come down to us. We may hopethat the Turkish excavations, which started in 2001, will enhance ourknowledge. However, we can also gain new information about the city by bringinga nearly unexploited kind of evidence into the discussion, the city’s coins.This helps to create a sharper profile of Antandros and its identity inantiquity.Our literary sources repeatedly mention the city’s richtimber resources and ship-building based on timber brought down from Mt. Ida.The German philologist Klausen observed in 1839 that coins depicting a treeminted by Antandros and its neighbour city Skepsis, alluded to the abundance offorests and timber around these cities, and that the tree should be identifiedwith a significant local species, Klausen’s proposal was ignored by subsequentnumismatists and scholars who identified the tree as a palm. Correctionsof this misinterpretation by Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer and Louis Robert have notbeen heeded. We know now that the vegetation of Mt. Ida contains many endemicplants, and one of the most conspicuous is Abies nordmanniana ssp.equi-trojani, the Trojan fir (Turkish fir, Kazdağı fir). Originally the speciesonly grew in this region, but in the last decades it has been introduced tomany other parts of the world, especially to northern Germany and Denmark,where hundreds of thousands of examples are grown for sale as Christmas-trees.Homer referred to this particular fir in the Iliad, as it served as a hideawayfor Hypnos in the episode describing how hewas collected by Hera when she puther husband Zeus to sleep. Quintus Smyrnaios mentioned the Trojan fir in hisaccount of the building of the Trojan horse: the Greeks cut many specimens onMount Ida as timber to build that sinister beast.Around ten years ago, a large and very interestingmedallion, minted by Antandros in the time of Severus Alexander, was auctionedby the American auction house, the Classical Numismatic Group. The coin’sreverse depicts Aeneas leaving the Troad. He is shown pulling his young sonAskanios with his right hand, as he carries his old father Anchises on his leftshoulder. In the background we see the rear part of a ship. This coin imagerecalls the opening scene of Virgil’s Aeneid book 3, where Virgil mentionsAntandros by name as the place of Aeneas’ departure from the Troad. By drawingon this tradition, disseminated by the most widely read Latin author, Antandrosadvertised both its own importance and its affinity with Rome. AnotherVirgilian passage also illuminates Antandros’ self-promotion. Aeneid 9,80-92 relates that Aeneas was only able to build the ships that carried himLatium, with the help of a goddess, who provided the necessary timber fromconifers growing in her sanctuary. In Virgil calls the goddess Berecyntia, i.e.the Phrygian goddess. As she speaks of Mount Ida as ‘our mountains «montesnostri», she must be identified with the Mater Deum Magna Idaea, also namedKybele, Meter theon, Rhea, Adrasteia, and so forth. Virgil and other authorsshow that there was a sacred grove with altars of this goddess in themountainous and thickly wooded area forming part of Antandros’ territory. Thehead of a goddess, who is depicted on the classical silver coins of Antandrosand which until now has been regarded as Artemis Astyrene, should be identifiedwith the Mater Deum Magna Idaea. Her sacred tree was the Trojan fir, underwhich her lover Attis was killed by a wild boar. She was also venerated by thecitizens of Antandros’ neighbours, Skepsis and Skamandreia, and it is nosurprise that the Trojan fir, or one of its cones, is also shown on their citycoinage. The Antandrian, Skepsian and Skamandreian coins depicting this treewere notdesigned to evoke the natural landscape of Mount Ida, but should beunderstood as a mark of homage to the Mater Deum Magna Idaea, who also had thefunction of a ‹potnia theron› and of an oracular goddess.Strabon indicates that the goddess’s cult was closely linkedwith that of Dionysos, who was widely venerated in the Troad. TImages of agoat, a bunch of grapes and an ivy leaf on the coins of Antandros are to be understoodas allusions to Dionysos worship in Antandros and its territory. Furtherimportant gods of Antandros were Apollon, his son Asklepios and Hephaistos,whose cultic significance had to do with iron mining and the prosperousblacksmith’s craft at Antandros, that may have produced weapons for the Romanarmy. According to local lore the Judgment of Paris (Iudicium Paridis) alsooccurred on Antandrian territory. Another Antandrian medallion refers to themyth that Apollo’s singing was audible near the source of riverSkamandros. The true background of this mythical story was revealed bythe great German physician Rudolf Virchow, who was unaware of this coin, butreported in his book on the Troad (1879) that both he and his companions hearda singing voice where the Skamandros comes out of the rock.In sum, the coins of Antandros reflect legends and phenomenathat instilled its citizens’ sense of the gods’ protection and favour to thecity as well as of their own self-worth. Especially under Roman rule suchfeelings were important in maintaining a small community’s autonomy and status., 13. Abydos -İskender’in Perslere karşı sefere başladığı yerHellespontos’un Asia kıyısına konumlanmış bir Troas kentiolan Abydos (bugünkü Çanakkale), İ.S. 177/8 ile imparator Maximinus Thraks’ınhükümdarlığı (235-238) arasındaki bir zamanda oldukça ilginç bir arka yüzresmine sahip olan 5 madalyon baskısı yapmıştır. Bir tabloyu model alan buresmin merkezinde sol elinde mızrağı olan zırhlı bir adam tasvir edilmektedir.İki başka savaşçıyla çevrelenmiş olan adam, pruvası tanrıça Athena’nın miğferlibaşıyla bezenmiş olan bir geminin güvertesinde ayakta durmaktadır. Ortadakierkek figürü, muhtemelen diğer gemilerin takip etmesi amacıyla sağ elinisallamaktadır. Oldukça küçük boyutlarda ve üzerinde sadece bir savaşçının parspro toto (bir bütünü açıklayan bütünün parçası) olarak konulduğu birbaşka gemi komutanın gemisinin önünde tasvir edilmiştir. Bundan dolayıkomutanın emrine itaat edildiğini düşünmeliyiz. Sikke resminin arka planındabir adamın üzerinde trompet çaldığı bir kule görünmektedir. Adam açık birşekilde hareket için bir işaret vermektedir.Sikkedeki bu resmin yorumlanması uzun bir süredirtartışılmaktadır. Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer sikkenin Sulla ve Lucullus’un İ.Ö. 86yılında Sestos’tan Abydos’a gitmek için Hellespontos’u geçişini betimlediğifikrini öne sürmüş, ancak sonuçta kendi önerisinden memnun kalmayarak onundoğruluğuna inanmamıştır. Ancak Imhoof-Blumer, ΛΟVΚΟVΛΛΟC olarak açık birşekilde yanlış okunmuş sikke lejantlarının kendisine başka bir seçenekbırakmadığından emindi. 2001 yılında Italo Vecchi, Abydos madalyonlarıüzerindeki sahne ile Büyük İskender’in İ.S. 334 yılında Hellespontos’ugeçmesini özdeşleştirmeye çalışmış, ancak Imhoof-Blumer’in yorumunu ve buyorumdan kaynaklı sorunları tartışmamıştır. Onun yerine bu gizemli sikkeresmini kendi yaptığı bu yeni yorumla açıklamanın yeterli olduğunu düşünmüştür.Bu yüzden İskender betimli Yunan ve Roma dönemi sikkeleri üzerine yazmış olduğukitapta Carsten Dahmen’i ikna edememiştir. Dahmen, Vecchi’nin yorumunu kabuletmemiş, ancak onu reddetmeye de muvaffak olamamıştır.İskender’in Pers seferi hakkında açıkça en iyi kaynağımızolan Nikomedeia’lı Arrianus, İskender’in Sestos’tan Trakya Khersonesos’unun üstkısmına gittiğini ve Elaious’tan Asia kıyısına geçtiğini aktarmaktadır. Budurum bizi, Vecchio’nun Abydos sikke resmiyle ilgili yaptığı açıklamayı kabuletmekten alıkoyabilir. Ancak Arrianos’un bunu naklettiği pasajının dahayakından okunması tarihçi tarafından öylesine yapılan ek bir açıklamaya dikkatçekmemizi sağlamaktadır. Arrianus, İskender’in Hellespontos’u geçişi konusundafarklı versiyonların dolaşımda olduğunu ve İskender’in Elaious’u ziyareti vehemen ardından oradan geçiş yaptığı versiyonun çok yaygın bir şekildetarihçiler tarafından ve ayrıca kendisi tarafından da kullanılan versiyonolduğunu belirtmektedir. Öte yandan bu, diğer versiyonların da var olduğuanlamına gelir ve bunlardan birinin tam da Abydos madalyonlarındabetimlenenlerden birisi olduğu açıktır: İskender ordusuyla birlikte Sestos’tanAbydos’a giderek Hellespontos’u geçmiştir. Önce Sestos’taki limandan ayrılmış,ardından da biraz daha güneye Hero kulesine doğru yelken açmıştır. BurasıStrabon’un bize aktardığı gibi, akıntının gücünün gemileri zorlayarak onlarıAbydos yakınındaki karşı kıyıya sürüklediği yerdir. Oraya ilk olarak İskenderayak basmış ve mızrağını Asia toprağına fırlatarak oranın kendi δορύκτητος χώρα’sıolduğunu iddia etmiştir. Hem Arrianus’un bu aktarımı hem de İskender’ingeçişinin 500. yıldönümü Abydos’luları kentin bakış açısının vurgulamayayardımcı olacak bu madalyonları basmasına sebep olmuştur.Abydos’un İskender’in Pers seferinin başlangıcıyla kurduğutarihi bağ kentin kimliği açısından oldukça önemli bir yere sahipti. ApolloniaMordiaion ve Sagalassos gibi Makedonyalı kral ile özel bir ilişkiye sahipolduğunu iddia eden başka Küçük Asya kentleri de vardır. Özellikle Romaimparatorları İranlılara karşı sefere çıkıp kendilerini yeni İskender gibihissettikleri zamanlarda, Abydos gibi bir kent için Büyük İskender’in dünyayıdeğiştiren seferinin başlangıç noktası olarak kendi rollerini vurgulamasıyararlı olabilirdi. Avrupa ve Asya arasındaki sınırın Hellespontos tarafındançizilmesi geleneği bu askeri operasyonu tarihsel bir dönüm noktası olaraksimgelemek için geriye kalanı ziyadesiyle yapmış olabilir. Bu yüzden Abydosmadalyonları üzerindeki resim Caesar’ın Rubicon çayını, Washington’unDelaware’yi, Napolyon’un Alp’leri ve Neman Nehri’ni ya da Blücher’in RenNehri’ni geçişini gösteren tablolar ile doğrudan bağlantılıdır.14. Antandros –İda Dağı’nın güney eteklerinde bir kent: Vergilius’un Aineas destanındaki birsahnenin bir sikke üzerinde resmedilmesi ve kentin koruyucu tanrıçasıAntandros, Troas’ın doğusunda İda Dağı’nın güney eteklerindeoldukça küçük bir kenttir. Kent hakkındaki edebi aktarımlar oldukça sınırlıdırve yalnızca birkaç yazıt günümüze ulaşabilmiştir. 2001 yılında başlayan Türkkazılarının Antandros hakkındaki bilgilerimizi artırmasını umuyoruz. Öteyandan, hemen hemen hiç kullanılmamış bir belge türünü, yani kent tarafındanbasılan sikkeleri tartışmaya açarak kent hakkında yeni bilgiler edinebiliriz.Makalenin bu bölümünün amacı Antandros’un ve Antik Dönem’deki kimliğinin dahabelirgin bir profilini oluşturmaktır.Edebi metinler tekrar tekrar kentin zengin kerestekaynaklarından ve İda Dağı’ndan indirilen keresteye dayalı gemi inşasındanbahsetmektedirler. Henüz 1839 yılında Alman filolog Klausen, Antandros vekomşusu Skepsis kenti tarafından basılan ve üzerinde ağaç betimi olan bazısikkelerin bu kentler civarında ormanların ve kerestenin bolluğunu işaretettiğini ve bu ağacın orada yetişen bir ağaçla özdeş olması gerektiğinigözlemlemiştir. Fakat nümizmatlar ve bazı diğer bilim insanları Klausen’in bukeşfini kabul etmemişler ve bu sikkeler üzerindeki ağacı bir palmiye ileözdeşleştirmişlerdir. Friedrich Imhoof-Blumer ve Louis Robert tarafından buyanlış yorumlamaya yapılan sonraki düzeltmeler sonuçsuz kalmıştır. Bugün İdaDağı’ndaki bitki örtüsünün pek çok endemik bitki ile karakterize edildiğinibiliyoruz. Bunlar arasından en göze çarpanlarından birisi Troia köknarı (Türkköknarı, Kazdağı köknarı)- Abies nordmanniana ssp. equi-trojani’dir. Bu ağaçaslen sadece orada bulunabilmekteydi fakat son on yıllık zaman dilimlerinde,özellikle kuzey Almanya ve Danimarka’da Noel ağacı olarak kullanılmak üzereyüzbinlerce köknar yetiştirilmiştir. Bu özel köknardan Homer Ilias destanındazaten bahsetmektedir. Ağaç, Hera’nın, kocası Zeus’u uyutmak için gelip aldığıHypnos için bir saklanma yeri olarak kullanılıyordu. Quintus Smyrnaios Troiaatının yapımıyla bağlantılı olarak Troia köknarından bahsetmektedir: Yunanlılarİda Dağı’na gitmişler ve bu uğursuz yaratığın inşası için gerekli keresteyielde etmek üzere pek çok köknarı kesmişlerdir.Yaklaşık 10 yıl önce Antandros tarafından Severus Alexanderzamanında basılan büyük ve oldukça ilginç bir madalyon Amerikan müzayede evi“Classical Numismatic Group” tarafından müzayedeye çıkarıldı. Bu sikkenin arkayüzünde Aineas’ın Troia’dan nasıl ayrıldığı resmedilmiştir. Sağ eliyle gençoğlu Askanios’u sürüklemekte, sol omuzunda da babası Ankhises’i taşımaktadır.Arka planda bir geminin kıç kısmı görünmektedir. Sikke üzerindeki bu resimVergilius’un Aineas destanının 3. kitabının açılış sahnesine dayanmaktadır.Orada Vergilius, Aineas’ın Troia’dan ayrıldığı yer olarak Antandros’u ismenzikretmektedir. En çok okunan Latin yazar tarafından yayılan bu aktarımlaAntandros hem Roma için olan öneminin hem de onunla olan yakın ilişkisininreklamını yapabilmiştir. Ancak Antandros’un kendi algılayışını aydınlatmak içinVergilius’un Aineas destanının 9. kitabının da göz önüne alınmasıgerekmektedir. Orada 80-92. arasındaki mısralarda Aineas’ın kutsal alanınınkozalaklı ağaçlarını gerekli keresteyi elde edebilmesini için kendisine bırakanbir tanrıçanın yardımıyla Latium’a gidecek gemiyi inşa edebildiğiniöğrenmekteyiz. Vergilius’un mısralarında Tanrıça Berecyntia, yani bir Frigtanrıçası olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Bu tanrıça İda Dağı’nı “montes nostri” olaraktanımladığı için, onun Kybele, Meter theon, Rhea, Adrasteia olarak daadlandırılan Mater Deum Magna Idaea olduğu tamamen kesindir. Vergilius ve diğeredebi belgeler Antandros teritoryumunu oluşturan dağlık ve yoğun ağaçlı alandabu tanrıçanın sunaklarıyla birlikte kutsal bir alana sahip olduğunugöstermektedir. Antandros’un klasik gümüş sikkelerinde betimlenen ve bugünekadar Artemis Atyrene olarak kabul edilen bir tanrıça başı Mater Deum MagnaIdaea ile özdeşleştirilmelidir. Altında aşığı Attis’in vahşi bir boğatarafından öldürüldüğü Troia köknarı onun kutsal ağacıdır. Onun, ayrıcaAntandros’un komşu kentleri Skepsis ve Skamandreia tarafından da tapınımgörmesinden dolayı, Troia köknarının ya da onun kozalağının bu kentlerinsikkeleri üzerinde betimlenmeleri hiç şaşırtıcı değildir. Troia köknarınıbetimleyen Antandros, Skepsis ve Skamandros sikkeleri İda Dağı etrafındakimanzarayı ve doğayı tasvir etmek amacıyla basılmamış olup ve bir kehanet tanrıçası özelliği bulunan Mater Deum Magna Idaea’ya gösterilenhürmet olarak anlaşılmalıdır.Strabon’un bize aktardığına göre, onun kültü Troas’ta genişçaplı bir tapınım gören Dionysos kültü ile yakın bir ilişki içindeydi. Buyüzden Antandros sikkeleri üzerindeki keçi, üzüm salkımı ve sarmaşık yaprağıtanrının Antandros ve teritoryumundaki tapınımına bir gönderme olarakanlaşılmalıdır. Antandros’un diğer önemli tanrıları Apollon, oğlu Asklepios vekültle ilgili olan önemi Roma ordusu için silah üretmiş olabilecek Antandrosdemircilik sanatının gelişimi ve demirin çıkarılmasıyla ilgili olması gerekenHephaistos’tur. Yerel bilgiye göre Iudicium Paridis Antandros kentiteritoryumunda vuku bulmuştur. Bir diğer Antandros madalyonu tarafındanatfedilen başka bir efsaneye göre Apollon’un söylediği şarkı SkamandrosNehri’nin kaynaklarının yakınlarında duyulmuştur. Bu efsanenin gerçek arkaplanı, yani hem onun hem de yoldaşlarının Skamandros’un kayadan çıktığı yerdeşarkı sesini duymuş olması, söz konusu sikkeyi tanımayan ama Troas hakkındakikitabında rapor etmiş olan büyük Alman fizikçi Rudolf Virchow tarafından ortayaçıkarılmıştır.Özetle; Antandros sikkeleri vatandaşlarının kendinialgılamalarında, öz saygı, kutsal koruma ve seçim algısını aşılayabilen öğeleriyansıtmaktadır. Özellikle Roma hâkimiyeti sırasında böylesi duygular nispetenküçük bir kentin otonomisi için önemli olmalıydı.

In dieser Arbeit wird ein Zugang zur strukturellen Analyse von Vergils Aeneis vorgestellt und am 3. Buch angewendet. Angestrebt wurde dabei eine Analysetechnik zu finden, die sowohl im Kleinen als auch im Großen möglichst viele Aspekte der Dichtung erfasst. In einem vorangestellten Methodenkapitel werden die in der augusteischen Dichtung häufig auftretenden strukturellen Formen besprochen und dann diejenigen Aspekte dargelegt, die der analytischen Betrachtung zugrunde gelegt sind: Realien des Erzählten, Motive, semantische Elemente, Wiederholungen von Wörtern und Versbestandteilen, Wiederholungen von Episodenstrukturen, intertextuelle Bezüge – v.a. diejenigen zu Homer, Apollonios, Kallimachos und Euripides –, sowie erstmals auch die klangliche Dimension der Dichtung. Da die Berücksichtigung des Klangs in dieser Form neu ist, wird eine systematische Darlegung der Klangtechnik Vergils versucht. Dabei wird über einschränkende traditionelle Formen der Klangbetrachtung hinausgegangen und berücksichtigt, welche klanglichen Entsprechungen tatsächlich bei einem Vortrag wahrgenommen werden kann. Dabei zeigen sich auch strophische Strukturen. Wie die Methode der Strukturanalyse am Text angewendet werden kann, zeigt eine vollständige strukturelle Gesamtanalyse des 3. Buchs der Aeneis. Zunächst wird ein Forschungsbericht zur Struktur des 3. Aeneisbuchs gegeben. Im Anschluss daran findet sich eine Analyse der einzelnen Episoden des Buchs, wobei nicht nur die interne Episodenstruktur, sondern auch die Strukturen innerhalb kleinerer Textabschnitte aufgezeigt werden. Schließlich werden die unterschiedlichen Formen der Strukturierung des Buchs dargelegt: eine konzentrische, die vom Buchrahmen ausgehend Episode für Episode Richtung Buchmitte fortschreitet, die in dieser Struktur die Prophetie des Helenus ist; eine sequenzielle, die Episode für Episode die Fahrt von Troja nach Buthrotum mit der Fahrt von Actium weg nach Karthago parallelisiert, wobei die Buchmitte auf Actium fällt; eine Gliederung in Buchdrittel – mit Buthrotum als mittlerem Drittel –, wobei das erste Buchdrittel die Fahrt von Troja nach Kreta mit derjenigen von Kreta nach Buthrotum parallelisiert und somit ebenfalls in sich sequenziell gegliedert ist; und schließlich die Finalfunktion des Aufenthalts in der Nähe des Aetna, der Elemente beinahe aller vorangegangenen Episoden in verwandelter Form bündelt. Den Abschluss bildet ein erster Deutungsversuch der inhaltlichen Aussage der Struktur. Die Zusammenfassung schließt mit einem Ausblick auf weitere mögliche Forschungsbereiche zu Klang und Struktur., The thesis presents an approach to structural analysis of Vergil’s Aeneid and applies it to book 3. The aim was to come up with an analytical technique that would allow to capture as many aspects of the poetic work as possible both on the small and large scale. A chapter on methodology briefly discusses structural forms that can often be found in Augustan poetry and then presents those aspects that underlie the analytic investigation: factual elements of the narrative, motifs, semantic elements, repetitions of words and parts of verses, repetitions of episode structures, intertextual references – above all to Homer, Apollonios, Callimachos and Euripides –, and for the first time also the phonological dimension of the poetic text. Since including sound among the elements considered in a strucural analysis is a novelty, at least in the way presented, an attempt at a systematic presentation of Vergilian sound technique is made. In this approach, traditional forms of approaching sound are largely superseded by looking at the texture of what actually sounds and can be heard in a recital of the text. Among others, strophical structures emerge. The application of the method of structural analysis is demonstrated by means of a complete structural analysis of the third book of the Aeneid. After a report on the research done in this field so far, the first part proper in this section is an analysis of the book’s individual episodes. It not only shows the internal structure of the episodes but also the structures within smaller passages of text. Then,the different structural patterns in the book as a whole are presented: a concentric pattern that, starting from the frame, proceeds episode by episode towards the book’s centre, which in this pattern happens to be Helenus‘ prophecy; a sequential pattern, in which the journey from Troy to Buthrotum is parallelised with the journey from Actium to Carthage – the centre being Actium; a tripertite structure in which Buthrotum is the middle third and the first third can be perceived as consisting of the journey from Troy to Crete and the journey from Crete to Buthrotum: two halves which are, again, sequentially parallelised episode by episode; and lastly, the function of the stop near Mount Etna as finale that ties together and transforms elements from almost all preceding episodes. At the end, a first attempt is made at interpreting the structure’s meaning. The concluding chapter closes with the presentation of ideas for further research in sound and structure.

Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der Furie als ein Motiv in der lateinischen Großdichtung („epische Furie“). Trotz des häufigen Auftretens und der Popularität der Figur wurden die Ursprünge und die Entwicklung des Motivs bisher nur wenig beachtet. In dieser Arbeit werden, um die Motiventwicklung so abschließend wie möglich darstellen zu können, folgende Großdichtungen besprochen werden: Vergils Aeneis, Silius Italicus’ Punica, Ovids Metamorphosen, Statius’ Thebais, Claudians In Rufinum. Da die lateinische Epik eine Abhängigkeit zur griechischen Belletristik aufweist, werden in den ersten Kapiteln einerseits die Erinyen, das griechische Äquivalent der Furien, bei Homer und Apollonios und der Orestie des Aischylos, andererseits die Unterschiede zwischen den kulturell-religiösen Bedingungen der Griechen und Römer analysiert werden. Vergils Furie Allekto des siebten Aeneis-Buchs wird sich als Grundlage des Motivs erweisen. Es zeigte sich jedoch als angebracht, auch die belletristischen Autoren Roms vor Vergil (Ennius, Catull, Varro), welche Furien (oder eine ähnliche Gestalt) in ihre Texte einbauten, zu analysieren. Nach dem Kapitel über Vergil werden die oben genannten Autoren in der angeführten Reihenfolge besprochen werden. Die Arbeit versucht einerseits zu zeigen, dass die „epische Furie“ ein literarisches Konstrukt und rein römisches Motiv ist, sowie die Anwendung auf die Großdichtung beschränkt war, da sich noch andere Typen der Furie zeigten (Varro, Vergil), welche jedoch keine Rezeption in der späteren Epik fanden. Andererseits widmet sich die Analyse der Entwicklung der Motivelemente, die aufgrund unterschiedlicher Werkintentionen stattfand. Ein besonderes Augenmerk wird dabei auf den Schrecken der Furie, da hier dieselben Methoden des modernen Horrorgenus angenommen werden., This thesis focuses on the Fury as a motif of Latin epic (“the epic Fury”). In spite of her frequent appearance and popularity in Roman epics the origin and development of the motif have gotten little attention so far. To analyse the development as comprehensive as possible this thesis is going to interpret the Furies of the following epics: Vergil’s Aeneid, the Punica of Silius Italicus, Ovid’s Metamorphoses, the Thebaid of Statius, Claudian’s In Rufinum. Because of the big dependence of Latin literature on Greek fiction the first chapters will focus on the cultural and religious differences between Rome and Greece and on the Erinyes, the Greece equivalent of the Fury, in the works of Homer and Apollonios as well as the Oresteia of Aischylos. Vergil’s Allekto of Aeneid book 7 will be shown as the basis of the motif. Nevertheless it seemed to be necessary to analyse Roman fiction authors before Vergil, who integrated the Fury (or a similar mythic figure) into their work (Ennius, Varro, Catull). The thesis tries to show, that the epic Fury is a literary construct and a strict Roman motif and has been limited on epics, because other types of Furies can be found (Varro, Vergil), but which have not been received by the epicists mentioned above. Also the development of the motif’s elements will be analysed, which is caused by different intentions. The attention will lay on the dreadful effect of the Fury, because the same methods as in modern horror-genre are assumed.

Rimell hat Martials Umgang mit lateinischer Literatur (und man kann die griechische hinzufügen) folgendermaßen beschrieben: In many ways, Martial does his best to ruin Latin literature as we known it, dumbing down, graffiti-ing over, in short epigrammatising everything from Vergil’s Aeneid to Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Horace’ Odes. Was hat die Analyse des ‚epigrammatischen Kanonsʻ abgesehen von Einzelbeobachtungen Genaueres ergeben? I. Lizenzen innerpoetischer Literaturgeschichte 1. Von dichte...

Ausonius, a Roman poet of the fourth century AD, who lived in Gaul, was a controversial figure in Late Roman literature. He was compared to Cicero and Virgil by his contemporaries, but harshly criticized by the scholars of the nineteenth century. His life was also extraordinary: a humble grammar teacher, he became the tutor of a Roman emperor, later at­tained the rank of consul, and finally revealed him­self as a poet. One of Ausonius’ most famous works is Cupid Crucified, which is the main subject of this article. The poem, written in flawless hexameter, tells an alle­gorical story whose heroines are the ghosts of mythi­cal women who crucify Cupid in the underworld and torture him with the very same weapons that brought about their death in their unrequited love. At first glance, it seems that the poem is hardly different from those of Ovid or Virgil, but once you analyze it thoroughly it becomes clear that it was created in the twilight of the Roman Empire, with a deity on a cross and symbols of death (argumenta leti), not unlike those in the iconography of Christian martyr saints. However, the scene which at the start of the poem might seem to be almost a medieval for­est pervaded with the mystical Celtic spirit turns out to be the classical underworld of the Aeneid. In his poems, Ausonius skilfully used and alluded to clas­sical works, and he can rightfully be considered not only a poet, but also a gifted scholar. A translation of the poem in Lithuanian accen­tual hexameters is appended to the article.

The first book of Quintus Smyrnaeus’ Posthomerica describes the aristeia and death of the Amazon heroine Penthesilea. Close study of the narrative of the poet’s Penthesilead illustrates how Quintus manipulates and reverses the plot of Book 11 of Virgil’s Aeneid, the account of the equestrian battle in which the Volscian Camilla plays the central role.

ziti (=‘adam’) içeren Luvice kişi isimleri geçdönem hiyeroglif yazıtlarında görünmemektedir; en geç açık örnek Karkamış’daM.Ö. 975 yıllarına tarihlenmektedir. Bu isimler, ne Sofulardaki Pisidiayazıtlarında geçen -σητα ile yapılan isimlerde; ne Dağlık Kilikya, Isauria vePamphylia’nın doğu kısımlarındaki Yunanca yazıtlardaki -σητας ile yapılanisimlerde, ne de Pisidia ve Lykaonia’daki -σατης ya da Pamphylia’daki -σατας ile yapılan isimlerde devam etmiştir:*-ζιδις, ya da en azından *-σιδις, ve -σητα’daki η harfinin Luviceolmayan bir dile işaret ettiğini beklememiz gerekmektedir. Bu nedenle Kariaismi Músat’ın Luvice Muwaziti ile bir ilgisiyoktur ve hatta büyük ihtimalle Pisidce Μουσητα ile bile ilişkisibulunmamaktadır. Bu ismi -at ile biten Karia isimleri ilekarşılaştırmak daha iyi olacaktır.Tlos’tan ve Kyaneai’dan bilinen Likçe isim Ipresida Simena’danve büyük ihtimalle Tlos’tan bilinen Ἰμβρασίδης ile uyuşmaktadır ve bu isminYunan görünümde Luvi ismi Im(ma)raziti (bkz. Imbrasides: Iliasve Aineis destanlarında baba ismi) olması tamamen olasılık dışıdır. Bu isminLykia’da kişi adı olarak kullanımı ve başka hiçbir yerde görünmemesi ismin birtanrı adı olarak yeniden yorumlanmasıyla yeniden uyarlanmış olabilir,bkz. Iprehi: Tlos’ta da muhtemelen bir tanrı ismi (belki deApollon’a denk). Likçe’de sadece sidi (muhtemelen “damat”anlamında), Luvice’de “koca” anlamındaki ziti- ile ilişkiiçerisindedir.Kaunos yakınındaki Imbros = Ölemez Dağı’nın tepesinde surlaçevrili bir yerleşim vardır ve Kaunos yazıtlarında pek çok Imbroslubelgelenmiştir. Yerleşimin adı, bir Karca yazıtın başında Iβr olaraktespit edilmiştir; onu muhtemelen “demiurgos” yerini tutan Karca sözcük takipetmektedir. Yerleşimin ismi imb-r- olarak analiz edilmelidir,çünkü *imb- tek başına Karca βanol = Ιβανωλλις veLykia’daki Ιμβιαιμις ile belgelenmiştir. Bu nedenle bu ismin, tıpkı Likçe Iprehi ve Ipresida gibi,Luvice *im(ma)ra- = Hititçe gimra- ‘arazi’ ilebir ilişkisi yoktur., The Luwian personal names formed with -ziti ‘man’ did notsurvive into the later hieroglyphic inscriptions; the latest clear example isattested at Carchemish around 975 BC. They were not continued in the namesformed with -σητα in the Pisidian inscriptions from Sofular, with -σητας inGreek inscriptions from Rough Cilicia, Isauria and the eastern margin ofPamphylia, nor those with -σατης in Pisidia and Lycaonia or -σατας inPamphylia: We should expect *-ζιδις, or at least *-σιδις, and the η of -σηταpoints rather to a non-Luwian language. The Carian name Músat has thereforenothing to do with Luwian Muwaziti either, and probably not even with PisidianΜουσητα: it would be better to compare it with other Carian names ending in-at.The Lycian name Ipresida in Tlos and Cyaneae corresponds to Ἰμβρασίδηςin Simena and probably also in Tlos, and it is altogether improbable that thisis the Luwian name Im(ma)raziti in Greek guise (see Imbrasides as a patronym inthe Iliad and in the Aeneid). Its use as a personal name in Lycia and nowhereelse may have been stimulated by its re-interpretation as a theophoric name,see Iprehi, probably a theonym (perhaps corresponding to Apollo), in Tlos too.In Lycian only sidi, probably ‘son-in-law’, corresponds to Luwian ziti- in thesense of ‘husband’.The mountain Imbros = Ölemez Dağ near Caunos has a walledsettlement on top, and a remarkable quantity of Imbrians is attested in theinscriptions of Caunos. The name of the settlement is attested by Iβr at thebeginning of a Carian inscription, probably followed by the Carian word for‘demiurgos’. Its name should be analysed as imb-r-, because *imb-, alone isattested by Carian βanol = Ιβανωλλις and Ιμβιαιμις in Lycia. It has thereforenothing to do with Luwian *im(ma)ra- = Hittite gimra- ‘field’, just as LycianIprehi and Ipresida.

Ovid’s Heroides is one of the most enigmatic oeuvres written by the famous poet. Heroides still continues to raise many questions to which the answers have not been discovered yet. For example, it is not clear when the oeuvre was written; the genre itself still remains puzzling. Some researchers consider Heroides to illustrate the continuation of the elegiac verse, while others link this oeuvre with the tradition of the literary letter. Still others discern in this oeuvre the influence produced by the Hellenistic Greek poetry, and even that effected by the novel.Heroides consists of twenty one letters, written in the metre of elegiac distich. The work is based on the mythological plots, borrowed from Homer’s Odyssey and Iliad, as well as on those taken from the plays by Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Vergil’s Aeneid alongside with the poetry written by Catullus, Apollonius Rhodius and Callimachus have left their imprint on this oeuvre by Ovid as well.All the letters written by the women in this oeuvre reverberate their enormous emotional tension. Their husbands or lovers are gone away and have not returned for a long time. The women are waiting for their men, who, unfortunately, do not seem to be conscious of the feelings of the women or simply do not respond. Irrespective of the fact that the motivation behind all the letter writing seems to be similar, the poetical and emotional expressions of these letters are neither monotonous nor tedious. The letters embrace a vast range of feelings and emotions.In the recent analyses of Ovid’s Letters, the psychological character of these letters as well as the poet’s mastery in reflecting the feelings of the women are emphasized by the latest researchers. Ovid’s Letters abound in dramatic, lyrical and epic means of expression.

Gadda’s novel Quer Pasticciaccio brutto de Via Merulana tells the tale of two crimes committed in Rome in the 1920s. The search for the perpetrators turns into a pasticciaccio brutto (an awful mess), challenging the reader with its linguistic complexity and a myriad of references to history and culture; the large number of allusions to antiquity is particularly striking. References to Virgil’s Aeneid and to Rome’s mythical past do not constitute a mere transfer, but document a creative approach of transformational nature. Deformation and inversion are part of this process, changing the μορφή not only in formal terms, but also within the plot itself. These transformations of both form and content are read as Metamorphoses and analysed in comparison to Ovid’s homonymous work. The perpetual, never-ending quest for truth in Gadda’s novel necessitates a perpetual, never-ending narrative, which is conceptually related to Ovid’s carmen perpetuum.

Three sources of imitation can be distinctly traced in Sarbievijus’ poem Lechias. One of the sources can be ascribed to the tradition of the epic poetry, especially, to the author’s adherence to Vergil’s Aeneid. The second source of imitation can be noted in the influence produced by the poetry of the Renaissance, when the loci communes, qualifying the antique poetry, used to be replenished by the attributes typifying the new times. The third and final influence was produced by the poetics and aesthetics of the Baroque, when the forms of verbal expression, filled with unexpected transformations, paradoxes and antitheses, held sway.Though Sarbievijus entered the history of literature first of all as a creator of the lyric poetry in Latin, his Lechias, though, testifies to the fact that he had also mastered the rules of the epic art, and that he had cherished the ambitions to create a heroic epic poem based on the history of Poland.The extant fragment of Sarbievijus’ poem Lechias sheds light on the development of the tradition of the antique epic poetry in Europe as well as on the influences and changes that tradition had undergone. Those influences and changes, on the other hand, had affected the movement of the poetic expression of the genres of the literature of the Baroque in Europe as well.

> Retour vers la bibliographie générale 2010-2011Ahl, F. (2010), How to Read the Aeneid, Chichester & Malden: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.Alden, S. R. (2011), Virgil. Blackwell introductions to the classical world. Chichester ; Malden, MA : Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.Barchiesi, A. (à paraître), « l’Eneide » dans Storia della letteratura europea, UTET, Torino, sous presse. Burkard, T., Schauer, M. et Wiener, C. éds (2010), Vestigia Vergiliana : Vergil-Rezeption in der Neuzeit. Göttinger Forum für Altertu...

Tityrus and Galatea are found together only in Virgil, Eclogue 1. The article argues that they form a ‘significant’ pair of pastoral names, suggesting ‘cheese’ and ‘milk’. It provides evidence from Theocritus, where ‘milky’ Galatea is inserted in the semantic field of ‘milk and cheese’; Lucian, where Galatea forms a pair with the proper name Tyro; and the Alexander Romance, where Satyros is etymologized from ‘tyros’ (‘cheese’), in light of the fact that Virgil’s ‘Tityrus’ indicates a species of satyr. The article treats also proper name versions of ‘milk and cheese’ in the Aeneid. It is concluded with a discussion of the name ‘Tityros’ found in Nikos Kazantzakis’ autobiography entitled Report to Greco and in his novel KapetánMichális (Freedomor Death).

Girolamo Oliviero Agosti (Hieronymus Oliverius Augustus, 1509 – 1558?) stammte aus Bergamo und wurde 1541 in Mailand zum Dichter gekrönt. Eine Ausgabe seiner Werke erschien 1548 bei Philipp Ulhart dem Älteren in Augsburg. In dem ein Buch umfassenden Epos De imperio Romano in pristinam gentem et dignitatem restituto schildert Agosti die Wiederherstellung der Macht des (Heiligen) Römischen Reiches durch Kaiser Karl V. Das wichtigste Vorbild des Dichters ist Vergils Aeneis. Die Prophezeiungen, die an Aeneas und seine Nachkommen ergangen sind, finden in Agostis Zeit unter Karls Herrschaft ihre Erfüllung. Neben Vergil orientiert sich Agosti, wenngleich in weit geringerem Ausmaß, an anderen Autoren. In hymnischen Passagen ist Lukrez Vorbild. Wenn es darum geht, die Schrecken des Krieges darzustellen, nimmt Agosti auf Lukan Bezug. Sollen Aufstände und Unruhen geschildert werden, orientiert sich Agosti an Claudian. Wenn Agosti auf einen antiken Autor durch ähnliche Formulierungen Bezug nimmt, ist häufig der inhaltliche Zusammenhang in der Vorlage zu beachten. Der Leser erkennt Situationsparallelen, die wichtig sind für das Verständnis von Agostis Aussagen. Durch bestimmte, bewusst geprägte Formulierungen erinnert der Dichter seine Leser an bekannte antike Texte, doch entspricht seine Aussage nicht unbedingt der Vorbildstelle. Bisweilen versucht Agosti, seine Vorbilder in sprachlicher oder inhaltlicher Hinsicht zu überbieten. An anderen Stellen schildert er das ausführlicher und konkreter, was sein literarisches Vorbild kurz und prägnant darstellt. Es lässt sich auch erkennen, dass Agosti von seinen Lesern erwartet, dass sie Verweise auf frühere Abschnitte im Epos wahrnehmen. Dies gilt besonders für den Epilog, der auf Gedanken des Proömiums, aber auch anderer Passagen zurückgreift., Girolamo Oliviero Agosti (Hieronymus Oliverius Augustus, 1509 – 1558?) was born in Bergamo and received the honour of Poet Laureate in Milan in 1541. His works were published by Philipp Ulhart sen. in Augsburg in 1548. The Augsburg edition contains a short epic poem (1 book), De imperio Romano in pristinam gentem et dignitatem restituto. Agosti wrote this work to celebrate and immortalize the deeds of Emperor Charles V and to praise the renewed splendour of the (Holy) Roman Empire. Agosti is convinced that the prophecies made to Aeneas and his descendants have come true in Agosti’s own time under Charles’ V reign. Virgil’s Aeneid is Agosti‘s dominating model. Nevertheless, Virgil is not the only author to serve as Agosti’s model. When praising, Agosti takes Lucretius as a model, when describing the horrors of war, he borrows from Lucan, when speaking of riot or tumult, Claudian comes to his mind. There is not but this way for Agosti to imitate his model. The context in which his quotations or allusions can be found has to be considered frequently. Thus the reader can understand what the poet wants to say. Sometimes the author plays with the expectation of his erudite readers. Finally it is obvious that Agosti composes his epic, mainly the epilogue, with a view to earlier passages, thus creating a texture of references within his own work.