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This article shows the evolution that the concept of region has suffered as a territorial entity from its original conception contained in the Political Constitution of 1991, until enacting the law that authorized its materialization (Law 1962 of 2019). The constitutional prescription for the creation of regions by the union of two or more departments, taken from France, was inconvenient as it left aside its recognition as a historical phenomenon. However, the law that finally set up the conditions to create regions added new flaws to our institutional design by envisioning an entity that is more in line with an associative scheme of entities than a territorial one, Este artículo muestra la evolución que sufrió el concepto de región como entidad territorial desde su concepción original contenida en la Constitución Política de 1991, hasta llegar a la ley que autorizó su materialización (Ley 1962 de 2019). La receta constitucional para la creación de regiones por la unión de dos o más departamentos, tomada de Francia, resultaba inconveniente al dejar de lado su reconocimiento como fenómeno histórico. Pero la ley que finalmente estableció las condiciones para la creación de la figura agregó más defectos a nuestro diseño institucional al concebir una entidad que se ajusta más a un esquema asociativo que a una entidad territorial

Studies of the federal system have generally focussed on the consequences of its application. Most often, the reasons for the adoption of the federal system in its various forms are not examined in depth. A case study like Iraqi federalism may provide an additional building block to the literature on federalism and might also help to explain the rise of federalism elsewhere, especially in countries with deep-rooted diversity (DRD). The debate about whether federalism is a durable, sustainable alternative to the unitary state for purposes of tackling ethnic, cultural, or religious strife has raised fundamental questions. Federal experiments have resulted in failed outcomes as well as successful ones. To better understand the dilemma of federalism’s successes and failures, I have chosen to study the origins of federalism, which might help explain the successes and failures of some federal systems. Hence, Iraqi federalism is just a case that will elaborate on that. In order to accomplish this, the dissertation focuses on the macro-level of Iraqi society; the major ethnocultural groups that are based on territory, and have participated in both the 1991-2002 federal process and, ultimately, the post-2003 federal process. However, in my final chapter of this dissertation, I will look at the key current issues, particularly militias as well as the rise of Al-Qaeda and ISIS in the Sunni region and elsewhere in Iraq, and whether it is connected to the federal system. By addressing the federal subject in the Iraqi context, I will provide a deeper understanding of why federalism emerges and how federalism is a political contract negotiated between minority and majority. I have strived to understand whether such a federal system can help to prevent ethnocultural conflict in a unitary state system distinguished by DRD. A state shaped by DRD is one in which national minorities have their own territory and capability of forming their own nation (e.g., Kurds in Iraq, French-speakin

La Constitución de 1991 determinó la obligación al Congreso de la República de expedir un estatuto general de contratación pública, razón por la cual fue expedida la Ley 80 de 1993, la cual buscó otorgar mayor autonomía a las entidades estatales para contratar los bienes y servicios, mediante la formulación de principios generales, que evitaban regular el procedimiento contractual en detalle. Sin embargo, iniciando el siglo XXI, varios organismos internacionales (como la OCDE, Banco Mundial y Fondo Monetario Internacional), consideraron que debido al atraso de las infraestructuras en el mundo y, en particular, en América Latina, era necesario formular nuevas dinámicas contractuales. Desde entonces, los organismos internacionales han tenido una importante injerencia en la regulación del Sistema de Compras Públicas en Colombia (SCPC), mediante el desarrollo de diagnósticos que luego son utilizados en documentos Conpes, directivas presidenciales, decretos y resoluciones, modificando sustancialmente la Ley 80 de 1993, sin que hasta el momento se haya realizado un debate profundo al interior del Congreso sobre el estatuto general de contratación, conforme las modificaciones realizadas sobre el Sistema de Compras Públicas colombiano en las últimas décadas. El presente artículo tiene por objetivo reflexionar sobre las transformaciones que ha sufrido el SCPC y sus efectos en el diseño institucional inicialmente planteado por la Constitución de 1991., The 1991 Constitution established the obligation to the Congress of the Republic to issue a general statute procurement, which is why the Law 80 of 1993 was issued to grant greater autonomy to state agencies to contract goods and services by formulating general principles, which avoided regulating the contractual procedure in detail. However, at the beginning of the 21st century, several international organizations (such as the OECD, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund) considered that, due to the backwardness of infrastructures in the world and in particular in Latin America, it was necessary to formulate new public procurement dynamics. Since then, international organizations have had significant interference in the regulation of the Public Procurement System in Colombia through the development of diagnoses later used in Conpes documents, presidential directives, decrees and resolutions, substantially modifying Law 80 of 1993. Until now, there has been no in-depth debate within Congress on the general procurement statute, in accordance with the modifications made to the Colombian Public Procurement System (SCPC) in recent decades. This article aims to reflect on the transformations that the SCPC has undergone and their effects on the institutional design initially proposed by the 1991 Constitution., A Constituição de 1991 determinou a obrigação do Congresso da República de expedir um estatuto geral de contratação pública, razão pela qual foi sancionada a Lei 80 de 1993, a qual procurou outorgar maior autonomia às entidades estaduais para contratar os bens e serviços, através da formulação de princípios gerais, que evitavam regular o procedimento contratual em detalhes. Porém, no início do século XXI, vários organismos internacionais (como a OCDE, Banco Mundial e Fundo Monetário Internacional) consideraram que devido ao atraso das infraestruturas no mundo e particularmente na América Latina, era necessário formular novas dinâmicas contratuais. Desde então, os organismos internacionais têm tido uma importante ingerência na regulação do Sistema de Compras Públicas na Colômbia, através do desenvolvimento de diagnósticos que logo são utilizados em documentos do Conselho Nacional de Política Econômica e Social (CONPES), diretivas presidenciais, decretos e resoluções, modificando substancialmente a Lei 80 de 1993, sem que até o presente momento tenha sido realizado um debate profundo no interior do Congresso sobre o estatuto geral de contratação, conforme as modificações realizadas sobre o Sistema de Compras Públicas Colombiano (SCPC), nas últimas décadas. O presente artigo tem como objetivo, refletir sobre as transformações sofridas pelo SCPC e seus efeitos no desenho institucional inicialmente previsto pela Constituição de 1991.

Pursuant to the Constitution of 1953, the Kingdom of Denmark is a unitary state. How- ever, the status of the Faroe Islands and Greenland actually defies the uniform character of this state. In its broader aspect, this situation undermines the widespread myth of Nordic unity. The official standpoint, explaining the Danish policy of aiding the Faroe Islands and Green- land, points to the long-standing tradition that links Denmark with her overseas territories and the common values that bind them. The Danish responsibility for the development of these territories is also emphasized and financial aid is treated as an expression of the solidarity pol- icy. The paper analyzes the benefits and costs related to maintaining the insular possessions of Denmark.

This article draws the main lines of development of the territoriality of the Polish state, taking into account the divergent dynamics of its regional evolution. Building on a historical account, it describes how the decentralization process unfolded, leading to the reform in 1998/1999, which administratively decentralized the state without, however, changing its unitary nature. By analysing the complexity and diversity of the EU’s cohesion policy, the paper also addresses questions that are central to theoretical arguments about EU influence on the divergence of regions. It concludes that even if the EU cohesion policy can be seen as a success in Poland, the amount of funding was not sufficient to reduce the differences between the Polish voivodships, which have been growing in recent decades. Paradoxically, the successful use of EU funding did not prevent the massive electoral wins of an EU-sceptic party in the poorer eastern regions, which were supported by a special EU fund.

This article draws the main lines of development of the territoriality of the Polish state, taking into account the divergent dynamics of its regional evolution. Building on a historical account, it describes how the decentralization process unfolded, leading to the reform in 1998/1999, which administratively decentralized the state without, however, changing its unitary nature. By analysing the complexity and diversity of the EU’s cohesion policy, the paper also addresses questions that are central to theoretical arguments about EU influence on the divergence of regions. It concludes that even if the EU cohesion policy can be seen as a success in Poland, the amount of funding was not sufficient to reduce the differences between the Polish voivodships, which have been growing in recent decades. Paradoxically, the successful use of EU funding did not prevent the massive electoral wins of an EU-sceptic party in the poorer eastern regions, which were supported by a special EU fund.

This article draws the main lines of development of the territoriality of the Polish state, taking into account the divergent dynamics of its regional evolution. Building on a historical account, it describes how the decentralization process unfolded, leading to the reform in 1998/1999, which administratively decentralized the state without, however, changing its unitary nature. By analysing the complexity and diversity of the EU’s cohesion policy, the paper also addresses questions that are central to theoretical arguments about EU influence on the divergence of regions. It concludes that even if the EU cohesion policy can be seen as a success in Poland, the amount of funding was not sufficient to reduce the differences between the Polish voivodships, which have been growing in recent decades. Paradoxically, the successful use of EU funding did not prevent the massive electoral wins of an EU-sceptic party in the poorer eastern regions, which were supported by a special EU fund.

Pursuant to the Constitution of 1953, the Kingdom of Denmark is a unitary state. How- ever, the status of the Faroe Islands and Greenland actually defies the uniform character of this state. In its broader aspect, this situation undermines the widespread myth of Nordic unity. The official standpoint, explaining the Danish policy of aiding the Faroe Islands and Green- land, points to the long-standing tradition that links Denmark with her overseas territories and the common values that bind them. The Danish responsibility for the development of these territories is also emphasized and financial aid is treated as an expression of the solidarity pol- icy. The paper analyzes the benefits and costs related to maintaining the insular possessions of Denmark., Pursuant to the Constitution of 1953, the Kingdom of Denmark is a unitary state. How- ever, the status of the Faroe Islands and Greenland actually defies the uniform character of this state. In its broader aspect, this situation undermines the widespread myth of Nordic unity. The official standpoint, explaining the Danish policy of aiding the Faroe Islands and Green- land, points to the long-standing tradition that links Denmark with her overseas territories and the common values that bind them. The Danish responsibility for the development of these territories is also emphasized and financial aid is treated as an expression of the solidarity pol- icy. The paper analyzes the benefits and costs related to maintaining the insular possessions of Denmark.

modern Ukraine on the way of reforming the legal system in accordance with European standards. It is concluded that at the present stage of state building the unitary form of the state structure is optimal. At the same time, practical actions are needed in the direction of decentralization of state power to create a civilized state. The great influence on the development of the modern legal system of Ukraine is due to the integration of the legal norms and principles generally recognized by the world community into its structure. Today, there are not so many states, which, having emerged as unitary, then changed the form of government into federal. The process of studying various types of unitary states should be based on a clear methodological basis. Ukrainians have confirmed that they are Europeans who profess the same values of democracy and citizens of European countries that have a decent standard of living for people. Democracy in the state, sovereignty and independence are provided not by changes in the territorial structure, but, in particular, by stable economic growth. Over the past decades, there have been processes of transformation of federal states into unitary ones, without making any changes to the constitution. According to studies by most experts, for our country the optimal form of government is the unitary decentralized state. The author defends the preservation of the unitary character of the Ukrainian state at a certain decentralization of power, development of the institution of local government and improves the structure of Parliament. We must build the newest Ukraine with a modern legal system, focusing on best practices, but not trying to copy even the best world examples., Рассматривается вопрос оптимизации государственного устройства в современной Украине на пути реформирования правовой системы в соответствии с европейскими стандартами. Аргументируется вывод, что на современном этапе государственного строительства оптимальной является унитарная форма государственного устройства, однако необходимы практические действия в направлении децентрализации государственной власти для создания цивилизованного государства., Розглянуто питання оптимізації державного устрою в сучасній Україні на шляху реформування правової системи відповідно до європейських стандартів. Аргументовано висновок, що на сучасному етапі державотворення оптимальною є унітарна форма державного устрою, однак необхідними є практичні дії у напрямі децентралізації державної влади для будівництва цивілізованої держави.

The Author presents the theoretical framework of this «Governare lapaura»’ issue on the Fear of Secession. Starting from the recent cases of the Brexit and the Catalonian referendum, the main goal of this issue is reflecting on the relationship between the political crisis of unitary State and the revival of secession.

The Constitution of 1991, result of various political forces, returned to the unitary model; encoding in this again the tense relationship between center State and periphery. The territorial model and the role of the intermediate level were slightly changed with regard to its predecessor, the Constitution of 1886. The National Constitutional Convention, despite the fact that had federal and regional proposals, opted for the unitary model, arguing severe fears of fragmentation and leadership of illegal armed groups in then territories. Undoubtedly, a great moment wasted on account of fears. Five ideas were reiterated in the constitutional debates: autonomy of the territorial organizations, intensification of decentralization, economic strengthening of territorial entities, setting up of the municipality as a fundamental core of the state, and participatory democracy; this of course, in the context and under the limitations of the unitary State., La Constitución de 1991, fruto de diversas fuerzas políticas, retomó el modelo unitario, cifrando nuevamente en este la tensa relación entre Estado centro y periferia. El modelo territorial y el papel del nivel intermedio fueron levemente transformados en relación con su antecesora, la Constitución de 1886. La Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, si bien tuvo propuestas federales y regionales, optó por el modelo unitario, para lo cual se argumentaron severos temores de fragmentación y protagonismo de los actores armados ilegales en los territorios. Sin duda, un buen momento desaprovechado en razón de los miedos. Cinco ideas se reiteraron en los debates constitucionales: autonomía de las entidades territoriales, profundización de la descentralización, fortalecimiento económico de los entes territoriales, consagración del municipio como eje fundamental del Estado y democracia participativa, eso sí, en el contexto y bajo las limitaciones del Estado unitario.

The New Granada after its independence from the Spanish kingdom suffered a process of maturation of their political and administrative institutions in the midst of difficult political and social tensions. The way to be the rule determine how the local administrative and leading public affairs, therefore, the tension between adopting a system of unitary state organization, with centralized policy and prefer the federal system, it became a discussion between the politicians of the era. Florentino Gonzalez was the protagonist of the first order of those discussions and learned how his thinking has evolved regarding the appropriateness of the federal system for Colombia. This article reflects the thinking of Gonzalez on the subject based on the political writings, and even legal opinion published by the author in books and newspapers of the time, with the aim of locating the theoretical and philosophical positions of intellectuals, the which undoubtedly contributed to the constitutional reforms that our country lived at the time and position it today as a pioneer of administrative law in Colombia., La Nueva Granada luego de su independencia del reino español vivió un sufrido proceso de maduración de sus instituciones políticas y administrativas en medio de arduas tensiones políticas y sociales. La forma de ser del Estado determinaría la manera en que los entes territoriales y administrativos condujeran los asuntos públicos, por eso mismo, la tensión entre adoptar un sistema de organización estatal unitario, con centralización política o preferir el sistema federal, se convirtió en una discusión permanente entre los hombres políticos de la época. Florentino González, fue protagonista de primer orden de esos debates y de manera erudita su pensamiento evolucionó en lo referente a la conveniencia del sistema federal para Colombia. Este artículo recoge el pensamiento de González sobre el tema con base en los escritos políticos, jurídicos e incluso de opinión publicados por el autor en libros y periódicos de la época, con la finalidad de ubicar los fundamentos teóricos y filosóficos de sus posturas intelectuales, las cuales sin duda contribuyeron a las reformas constitucionales que vivió nuestro país en aquella época y lo posiciona hoy en día como pionero del derecho administrativo en Colombia.

During the so-called early modern time, i.e. from 1500 to 1800, Sweden as well as other European states went through fundamental changes. The central power increased its influence and control over society and its people. But this period also coincided with considerable Swedish territorial expansion and decline. As this expansion went on, several new territories were united under the crown on different legal terms, and made the Swedish state more heterogeneous in economic, social, political, judicial, and administrative respects, i.e. Sweden became one among other European conglomerate states. The aim of this thesis is to analyse how Swedish state leaders perceived the composition of the Swedish sphere of dominion and supremacy, which was larger than the realm. How were concepts like Sweden and the realm expressed before the time of the nation state, when the territorial outlines of Sweden as we know them today not at all were obvious? Did these concepts change meaning because of more or less perpetual territorial change? The thesis focuses on certain areas in which perceptions of the composition of the Swedish state were clearly expressed. It is analysed how Sweden appeared in four different contexts. The first chapter covers the formation of the royal title corresponding to different forms of lordship around Sweden. The next one deals with how Sweden was defined constitutionally. How the Swedish state was configured also appeared in the way the coats of arms of the provinces were arranged, and this is the scope of chapter five. Finally the graphical expression of the Swedish sphere of dominion is described by analysing maps. The results demonstrate that the concept of Sweden has been perceived and expressed in different ways throughout recorded history due to the passage of time and the fluid nature of boundaries due to time and space.

The article is based on the analysis of the constitutions of seven European countries (Albania, Hungary, Greece, Spain, Malta, Poland, Sweden). The research allows to reveal general and specific approaches to consolidation of norms on territories in a state and give the characteristic of the corresponding constitutional norms. Given the authors ' comprehensive approach to the definition of the territory of the state declared constitutional norms were assessed from the perspective of the fundamental principles and constituent elements of the territory