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Hofstede and the GLOBE study explain Sweden as highly equal while men still hold a higher status, and the Philippines as more masculine highlighting the differentiation of men and women. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of barriers and challenges for women when trying to climb the career ladder in Sweden and the Philippines through the lens of women's experiences, grounded in the national culture of each country. A qualitative method using semi-structured interviews was used with twelve participants, six from each country, including women currently working in HR and recruiting. The research reveals that cultural expectations and societal norms continue to pose significant obstacles. In Sweden, even with supportive work-life balance policies, implicit biases and deep-rooted cultural expectations that prioritize men’s careers over women’s persist. Conversely, in the Philippines, although there are advantageous maternity benefits and strides toward equality, traditional gender roles deeply rooted in patriarchal values significantly slow the pace of visible change. While differences in expectations shape the cultural landscapes of these nations, shared experiences bind women in both countries, highlighting the universal struggle against gender inequality. Cultural expectations were found to explain the barriers and challenges women face when trying to advance in their careers in Sweden and the Philippines. This study highlights the need for awareness of one's expectations. Organizations should implement clear and structured equality policies and work procedures ensuring unbiased practices throughout the organization preventing the impact of expectations that might lead to discrimination.

This study characterizes the rainfall climatology of the Philippines based on the newly developed high-resolution gridded climate data, which were obtained by combining in situ and satellite-derived rainfall observations. Analyses revealed that the eastern coast of the country and the mountainous region of western Luzon receive the highest amount of annual rainfall exceeding 4000 mm/year. In contrast, the driest areas in the country are located over the southern section of Mindanao, central portions of Visayas, the plains and valley of Luzon receiving <1000 mm annual-averaged amount of rainfall. The study has further shown that the country is characterized with three regions of distinct rainfall seasonality. Most parts of the western coasts of the country experience rainy season during the months of May to October and relatively drier condition during the rest of the year. The eastern coasts of the country, on the other hand, have no dry periods and experience the rainiest months from October to March. The remaining parts of the country, mostly of the central location (longitudinally), has no distinct rainy and dry season, making it the third of the three distinct rainfall types of the country. These findings could be useful in various planning and disaster mitigation efforts of the country.

A large number of International, colonial and ethnological exhibitions were held in Europe and America during the second half of the nineteenth century, all of them designed to show visitors the inferior and «wild» nature of the colonized peoples. Partially in accordance with these precedents, the Philippine Exhibition was organized in Madrid in 1887. The author discusses in general terms such age of exhibitions and calis attention to the ideological singularity of the event held in Madrid.[RESUMEN] Durante la segunda mitad del siglo xix se celebran en Europa y América innumerables exposiciones etnológicas, coloniales y universales que materializan ante los visitantes la condición inferior y «salvaje» de las gentes colonizadas. Siguiendo de forma parcial esos modelos, se organiza en Madrid la Exposición de Filipinas de 1887. El objetivo del autor es presentar de forma global esa efervescencia expositiva y analizar la singularidad ideológica del evento madrileño., Depto. de Prehistoria, Historia Antigua y Arqueología, Fac. de Geografía e Historia, TRUE, pub

This study characterizes the rainfall climatology of the Philippines based on the newly developed high-resolution gridded climate data, which were obtained by combining in situ and satellite-derived rainfall observations. Analyses revealed that the eastern coast of the country and the mountainous region of western Luzon receive the highest amount of annual rainfall exceeding 4000 mm/year. In contrast, the driest areas in the country are located over the southern section of Mindanao, central portions of Visayas, the plains and valley of Luzon receiving <1000 mm annual-averaged amount of rainfall. The study has further shown that the country is characterized with three regions of distinct rainfall seasonality. Most parts of the western coasts of the country experience rainy season during the months of May to October and relatively drier condition during the rest of the year. The eastern coasts of the country, on the other hand, have no dry periods and experience the rainiest months from October to March. The remaining parts of the country, mostly of the central location (longitudinally), has no distinct rainy and dry season, making it the third of the three distinct rainfall types of the country. These findings could be useful in various planning and disaster mitigation efforts of the country.

Report prepared as a contribution to the IKI Project “Conservation of biodiversity, seagrass ecosystems and their services – safeguarding food security and resilience in vulnerable coastal communities in a changing climate” The IKI Project is a partnership between the CMS, Edith Cowan University, Project Seagrass, Seagrass Watch, Murdoch University, MRS, Blue Ventures, SAN, C3, ZSL, MareCet and Yapeka. The collaboration enhances the understanding of seagrass ecosystem services and the capacity to develop and deliver science-based policy solutions in seagrass conservation. It brings together scientists, policy experts, business development experts and conservation NGOs across the globe to provide expert and independent advice on seagrass ecosystems services and how these might be relevant to policy and financial solutions to marine conservation issues. This report deals specifically with the assessment of seagrass blue carbon ecosystem services.

Across parts of Southeast Asia, coastal governance strategies have drawn on ‘ecotourism’ initiatives for ‘sustainable development’ by constructing captivating imaginaries of coastal places and people as sites of touristic production and consumption. Increasingly, representations of exotic and pristine coastal natures are reproduced virtually in support of this campaign through Web 2.0 platforms and their underlying algorithms. As ecotourism expands in the region, growing networks of social media users coproduce and consume abstract virtual natures with profound consequences for coastal peoples and ecosystems. In particular, Instagram, a popular photo sharing social media platform, has become central to reifying and distorting complex coastal realities. Drawing on a case from El Nido, Palawan Island, the Philippines, our paper examines how the virtual representation of coastal places and people on Instagram accelerate coastal transformations. Our results reveal how the political economy of coastal governance and the platform capitalism of social media converge to accelerate ecotourism in ways that realign virtual ideals and material realities. As virtual imaginaries shape coastal realities, new forms of exclusion and misrepresentation of people and places drive the displacement of local fishers, violence against activists, and coastal degradation. Bringing together research exploring (mass) ecotourism, platform capitalism and virtualism, we argue that greater scholarly attention should be placed on how new digital actors and platform algorithms influence how coastal peoples and places are imagined, consumed and subject to violence over time.

This article examines the politics of emerging partnerships among big-tech corporations, big international non-governmental organisations (BINGOs) and bilaterals that promote the uptake and implementation of ‘smart technologies’ in biodiversity conservation. Despite growing global recognition of Indigenous and local peoples' rights to forests, lands, and oceans as central to socially just and successful conservation, new initiatives to conserve 30% of the Earth's territory by 2030 (‘30 × 30’) under the United Nations' (UN) post-2020 Global Biodiversity Framework largely continue to neglect their existing customary rights and uses of biodiverse territories. The consequences of this have become evident in new global conservation partnerships that are taking a ‘technological turn’. ‘Smart technologies’ that rely on artificial intelligence (AI) and complex hardware, such as camera traps, drones, and smartphones, enable new forms of surveillance and securitisation through and beyond conventional conservation practices. Despite their potential to exacerbate social injustices against historically marginalised groups, the situated character of smart technology impacts and outcomes often remain unquestioned by mainstream conservation actors. Our paper shows how the dominant discourses framing such technology as successful and innovative across global and local partnerships belies its potential to: 1) inflict considerable violence upon local and Indigenous peoples; and 2) neglect the main political economic drivers of biodiversity loss. Drawing on examples from Palawan Island, the Philippines, we show how these global-local governance partnerships have valorised the potential success of smart technology for biodiversity conservation in situ without considering how they may adversely impact Indigenous and local peoples' rights and livelihoods, while at the same time neglecting and depoliticising the violence of capitalist extractivist expansion.

China is quickly becoming a world power and will soon reach parity with the United States. China has gotten far more aggressive in its expansion, which extends to the islands within the South China Sea. China claims most of this based on the Nine-Dash Line, in violation of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. As the current world superpower, the United States must respond to these claims given the geostrategic importance of the region. An analysis of the current Chinese and US positions, as well as those of the other littoral states with competing claims, allows for the determination of US strategy for the future. These claims are so strongly held due to the economic potential of the area, but as they stand, no one can fully benefit from it. An extensive literature review was conducted to determine where the situation currently stands and what the US should do about it. Fostering a cooperative relationship between these nations and preventing armed conflict are the US goals in the area. This can be accomplished through using force as a deterrent for conflict and working to develop diplomatic resolutions to the various border disputes, especially between the ASEAN nations and China.

For decades, we have mainly theorized and measured democracy on the national level. This has led us to oversee, however, that democracy may not be spread out evenly across the territory of a nation. This critique of democracy theory led to the ‘subnational turn’ in comparative democratization studies. By focusing on the subnational level, scholars found that subnational authoritarian enclaves frequently persist within countries that are considered to be democratic. Scholars identified several pathways through which such enclaves can democratize. In this manuscript I argue that there is a bottom-up gap in subnational democratization literature, as all existing pathways depend on the actions of elites. I question if and how social movements can facilitate subnational democratization. I answer this puzzle by doing two in-depth case studies, and by comparing their results. The first case study is located in Isabela, the Philippines and the second in Oaxaca, Mexico. I systematically gathered new data in extensive academic fieldwork in both cases. I conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews and did archival research. I engage in theory-building causal process-tracing and sequencing. I found that in Isabela, social movement actors engaged in what I call the ‘attrition’ mechanism. This mechanism forms an incremental pathway to subnational democratization that I call the ‘evolutionary pathway’. The results from the Oaxaca case show that social movement actors were a contextualizing antecedent cause for party-led subnational democratization. This sequence forms a quick and sudden pathway to subnational democratization that I call the ‘revolutionary pathway’., submitted by Trix van Mierlo, Kumulative Dissertation aus drei Artikeln, Dissertation Universiy of Innsbruck 2022

In the past decade, the Philippines has reacted differently over time to China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea. This thesis aims to explain the most likely causes of Philippine behavior. Using five case studies from 2012–2021, this thesis examines how the following six factors influenced resistance or accommodating behavior in the two most recent presidential administrations: trust in the U.S.–Philippine alliance, policies to protect claims, strength of China’s military capabilities, diplomatic interests, political interests, and economic interests. The thesis finds that resistance behavior is more likely to occur when there is high trust in the U.S.–Philippine alliance, a strong policy to protect claims, weak Chinese military capabilities, decreased diplomatic interests, decreased political interests, and decreased economic interests. Conversely, accommodating behavior is more likely to occur when there is low trust in the U.S.–Philippine alliance, a weak policy to protect claims, strong Chinese military capabilities, increased diplomatic interests, increased political interests, and increased economic interests. Taking these factors into account, the thesis recommends that the United States increases security and economic ties to enhance the Philippines’ confidence to push back against an asymmetric threat while also reducing the likelihood of accommodating behavior by helping the Philippines to limit its economic dependencies on China., Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Located in the Typhoon Belt of the Pacific, the Philippines and Japan experience strong tropical cyclones every year that affect millions of people living near or within the coastal areas. When the magnitude of a disaster reaches a national level of response, the navies of both countries are mandated to augment other government agencies in support of disaster relief and response operations. Because time is of the essence, ships ready for sea near the affected areas are usually the immediate choice for deployment. We analyze the strongest tropical cyclones that devastated both countries and the resulting government responses to determine the most efficient and effective type of ship for Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operations. The parameters we use in the analysis are the ships’ current capabilities, the process to select ships for deployment, and the HADR policies of both countries, which result in the recognition of critical and non-critical ship’s capabilities. The analysis also reveals the potential use of the amphibious capability for humanitarian logistics in coastal areas. This research may also serve as a guide for the United States Navy or other foreign navies in sending ships to any countries in East Asia and the Pacific region whenever international support is sought., Santö Kaisa, Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force, Lieutenant Commander, Philippine Navy, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

The Philippines implemented the free secondary education policy in 1988, which offers a natural experiment to explore the effects of maternal education on fertility and child mortality. Exploiting age-specific exposure to this educational reform through the use of fuzzy regression discontinuity design, this study finds that on average, there is an increase of 0.536 year of schooling in for the cohort of women who had been affected by the policy. Moreover, the results of this study reveal that increasing education by one year reduces 0.829 child born per woman, and decreases child mortality by 1.659%. The empirical evidence supports that increasing opportunities for women to enter and complete secondary education can reduce fertility rates and cause a significant decline in child mortality in developing countries.

Objectives: Determinants showing plasmid-mediated quinolone resistance, which usually leads to antimicrobial ineffectiveness, have become an emerging clinical problem. In our previous study in the Philippines, a high prevalence of qnr determinants was found in clinical samples and food-producing animals and their food products. However, no qnr-carrying plasmids have been investigated in animals or animal derived foods. Hence, in the present, we aimed to characterise qnr-carrying plasmids in Escherichia coli isolated from the food supply chain. Methods: Plasmids from 44 qnr-positive isolates were assigned to incompatibility groups by Polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based replicon typing, and the presence of beta-lactamase-encoding genes were investigated by PCR. Localisation of qnr in plasmids was determined by S1-PFGE and Southern blot hybridisation. The transferability of qnr-carrying plasmids was examined by conjugation analysis. Results: Overall, 77.3% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 62.2-88.5) of the isolates harbouring qnr determinants were positive for seven plasmid types, and 56.8% concurrently harboured blaTEM-1. Plasmid IncFrepB was prevalent (65.9% [95% CI: 50.1-79.5]) among qnr determinants. Localisation of qnr determinants in IncFrepB and transferability of plasmids was further confirmed. Conclusion: The current study proved that qnr in E. coli isolated from food-producing animals and their food products could spread via plasmid IncFrepB upon selective pressure with quinolones or other antimicrobials. Therefore, to curb the emergence and spread of qnr-harbouring bacteria in the Philippines, prudent use of antimicrobials in animal production and stricter hygiene and food handling are recommended. (C) 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of International Society for Antimicrobial Chemotherapy.

This paper investigates the effects of intergovernmental transfers on the development outcomes by exploiting a formula-based transfer scheme among the Philippine municipalities and cities. The results suggest that the household disposable income per capita increases 9.6 percent in the long run as a result of extra transfers of 1000 Philippine pesos per capita in the Philippine local governments. However, the poverty rate increases by around 5 percentage points in the long run. The income gains, associated with higher poverty rate, mainly occur in small and less-developed LGUs (i.e., municipalities). Furthermore, there exist a large stimulatory effect on localspending and a small effect on local tax revenue reduction due to extra grant transfers.

This thesis aims to explain the divergent strategies of the Philippines and Vietnam vis-a-vis China on the South China Sea from 1991 to 2016. Although each state shares a common geo-strategic environment and an enormous power imbalance compared to China, the Philippines oscillated between accommodation and confrontation, whereas Vietnam adopted a moderate position throughout. Employing neoclassical realism, this thesis attributes this contrast to unit-level factors, namely the two states’ distinct views of China and the United States, and their contrasting domestic political dynamics. Specifically, the Philippines held a neutral view of China in the sense of lacking a longstanding distrust of China as a threat to its national security, whereas Vietnam was preoccupied with deep-rooted suspicion of China’s territorial ambitions and fear of China’s possible punishment for acting against its interest. The two countries’ views of China evolved out of their accumulated experience of interaction with the northern neighbour from pre-colonial times to the late Cold War years, in the maritime domain, and in economic arena. Such ideational differences defined the varying degree to which each country accommodated to or balanced against China, even though they both faced a similar geo-strategic landscape in the Asia-Pacific region. Moreover, the Philippines had positive expectations of its alliance with the United States while Vietnam felt mistrust of power politics and the United States, again based in distinct historical experiences. The Philippines’ and Vietnam’s respective views, in turn, led to the former’s policy of balancing with the United States against China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea and the latter’s cautious stance on Vietnam-U.S. political and defence engagement. The Philippines’ personality-driven foreign policymaking was also more conducive to dramatic shifts in position on the South China Sea issue vis-a-vis Beijing, compared to Vietnam’s coll

Despite that subnational governments are key actors in the provision of public services, there are concerns about whether providing additional funding to them in developing countries can raise the living standards of local communities. This study investigates the impact of intergovernmental transfers on development outcomes at municipality and city levels in the Philippines from 1994 to 2015. Since the revenue-sharing mechanism between central and local governments in the Philippines follows a predetermined formula, we leverage this feature and apply the instrumental variable (IV) method for estimation. Our results suggest that the household disposable income per capita increases by 9.6% in the long run due to extra transfers of 1,000 pesos per capita in the Philippine local governments. The poverty rate has also decreased by approximately five percentage points in the long run. The improvement of development outcomes mainly occurs in small and less-developed local governments. Finally, we examine the effect of intergovernmental transfers on local expenditure and taxation; then we discuss how the results of local finance behavior can explain the observed developmental impact.

Objectives: Determinants showing plasmid-mediated quinolone resistance, which usually leads to antimicrobial ineffectiveness, have become an emerging clinical problem. In our previous study in the Philippines, a high prevalence of qnr determinants was found in clinical samples and food-producing animals and their food products. However, no qnr-carrying plasmids have been investigated in animals or animal derived foods. Hence, in the present, we aimed to characterise qnr-carrying plasmids in Escherichia coli isolated from the food supply chain. Methods: Plasmids from 44 qnr-positive isolates were assigned to incompatibility groups by Polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based replicon typing, and the presence of beta-lactamase-encoding genes were investigated by PCR. Localisation of qnr in plasmids was determined by S1-PFGE and Southern blot hybridisation. The transferability of qnr-carrying plasmids was examined by conjugation analysis. Results: Overall, 77.3% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 62.2-88.5) of the isolates harbouring qnr determinants were positive for seven plasmid types, and 56.8% concurrently harboured blaTEM-1. Plasmid IncFrepB was prevalent (65.9% [95% CI: 50.1-79.5]) among qnr determinants. Localisation of qnr determinants in IncFrepB and transferability of plasmids was further confirmed. Conclusion: The current study proved that qnr in E. coli isolated from food-producing animals and their food products could spread via plasmid IncFrepB upon selective pressure with quinolones or other antimicrobials. Therefore, to curb the emergence and spread of qnr-harbouring bacteria in the Philippines, prudent use of antimicrobials in animal production and stricter hygiene and food handling are recommended. (C) 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of International Society for Antimicrobial Chemotherapy.

For decades, we have mainly theorized and measured democracy on the national level. This has led us to oversee, however, that democracy may not be spread out evenly across the territory of a nation. This critique of democracy theory led to the ‘subnational turn’ in comparative democratization studies. By focusing on the subnational level, scholars found that subnational authoritarian enclaves frequently persist within countries that are considered to be democratic. Scholars identified several pathways through which such enclaves can democratize. In this manuscript I argue that there is a bottom-up gap in subnational democratization literature, as all existing pathways depend on the actions of elites. I question if and how social movements can facilitate subnational democratization. I answer this puzzle by doing two in-depth case studies, and by comparing their results. The first case study is located in Isabela, the Philippines and the second in Oaxaca, Mexico. I systematically gathered new data in extensive academic fieldwork in both cases. I conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews and did archival research. I engage in theory-building causal process-tracing and sequencing. I found that in Isabela, social movement actors engaged in what I call the ‘attrition’ mechanism. This mechanism forms an incremental pathway to subnational democratization that I call the ‘evolutionary pathway’. The results from the Oaxaca case show that social movement actors were a contextualizing antecedent cause for party-led subnational democratization. This sequence forms a quick and sudden pathway to subnational democratization that I call the ‘revolutionary pathway’., submitted by Trix van Mierlo, Kumulative Dissertation aus drei Artikeln, Dissertation Universiy of Innsbruck 2022

Usually, academic literature and some political sectors understand transitional justice as a desirable process, as it aspires to lead societies towards more just arrangements of organization and coexistence and to overcome violence. However, the adoption of alternative models of justice and the search for historical truths -sometimes not shared by society as a whole- may boost the emergence of old and new ideological cleavages and interest groups to discredit these processes. This article attempts to understand what the narrative frameworks were used by the press and electoral politics sectors to legitimize or delegitimize transitional justice mechanisms in Colombia (2016), the Philippines (2014), and Kenya (2008), respectively. For this, we analyzed 66 press pieces and 24 political statements, which we then classified among those supporting or resisting transitional justice. We found that the press can be a sounding board for the narratives adopted by politicians and that resistance to transitional justice mechanisms can seek to discredit them, but in other cases, it can be oriented to strengthen transitional processes. Thus, the il/legitimacy of transitional justice processes derives both from the ideological currents rooted in society, as well as from the interests of certain political actors threatened by the transition., Usualmente la literatura académica y algunos sectores políticos entienden la justicia transicional como un proceso deseable, en cuanto aspira a dirigir a las sociedades hacia arreglos de organización y convivencia más justos y a la superación de las violencias. Sin embargo, la adopción de modelos alternativos de justicia y la búsqueda de verdades históricas —a veces no compartidas por toda la sociedad— puede hacer emerger viejos y nuevos clivajes ideológicos y grupos de interés para desacreditar estos procesos. Este artículo es un intento por entender cuáles fueron los marcos narrativos utilizados por la prensa y los sectores de la política electoral para legitimar o deslegitimar los mecanismos de justicia transicional en Colombia (2016), Filipinas (2014) y Kenia (2008). Para esto, analizamos 66 piezas de prensa y 24 declaraciones políticas, las que luego clasificamos entre aquellas que apoyan o resisten a la justicia transicional. Encontramos que la prensa puede ser una caja de resonancia para las narrativas adoptadas por los políticos, y que la resistencia a los mecanismos de la justicia transicional puede buscar su desacreditación, pero en otros casos puede orientarse a robustecer los procesos transicionales. Así, la i/legitimidad de los procesos de justicia transicional se deriva tanto de las corrientes ideológicas arraigadas en una sociedad, como de los intereses coyunturales amenazados por la transición.

Objectives: Determinants showing plasmid-mediated quinolone resistance, which usually leads to antimicrobial ineffectiveness, have become an emerging clinical problem. In our previous study in the Philippines, a high prevalence of qnr determinants was found in clinical samples and food-producing animals and their food products. However, no qnr-carrying plasmids have been investigated in animals or animal derived foods. Hence, in the present, we aimed to characterise qnr-carrying plasmids in Escherichia coli isolated from the food supply chain. Methods: Plasmids from 44 qnr-positive isolates were assigned to incompatibility groups by Polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based replicon typing, and the presence of beta-lactamase-encoding genes were investigated by PCR. Localisation of qnr in plasmids was determined by S1-PFGE and Southern blot hybridisation. The transferability of qnr-carrying plasmids was examined by conjugation analysis. Results: Overall, 77.3% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 62.2-88.5) of the isolates harbouring qnr determinants were positive for seven plasmid types, and 56.8% concurrently harboured blaTEM-1. Plasmid IncFrepB was prevalent (65.9% [95% CI: 50.1-79.5]) among qnr determinants. Localisation of qnr determinants in IncFrepB and transferability of plasmids was further confirmed. Conclusion: The current study proved that qnr in E. coli isolated from food-producing animals and their food products could spread via plasmid IncFrepB upon selective pressure with quinolones or other antimicrobials. Therefore, to curb the emergence and spread of qnr-harbouring bacteria in the Philippines, prudent use of antimicrobials in animal production and stricter hygiene and food handling are recommended. (C) 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of International Society for Antimicrobial Chemotherapy.

In the Philippines, at the fringes of the Spanish empire, the Society of Jesus took on a difficult task, the mission and pastoral work on the Island of Mindanao, which was ruled mostly by Muslim polities. In the frontier zone between Spanish and Islamic spheres of influence, Jesuit missionaries, in symbiosis with Spanish and native Christian troops, tried to expand their zone of influence and force Islam back. Thereby, the priests participated actively in defensive and offensive military tasks. This article gives an overview of the Jesuits’ presence in the south of the Philippines and then, by studying printed Jesuit sources, analyzes the image cultivation of the local members of the order. Putting the topic in the context of the anti-Jesuit discussion in Europe, the article reasons that the communication strategy of the Jesuits in the middle of the eighteenth century was particularly aimed at highlighting the usefulness of the missionaries to the colony and the empire in general.

China is quickly becoming a world power and will soon reach parity with the United States. China has gotten far more aggressive in its expansion, which extends to the islands within the South China Sea. China claims most of this based on the Nine-Dash Line, in violation of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. As the current world superpower, the United States must respond to these claims given the geostrategic importance of the region. An analysis of the current Chinese and US positions, as well as those of the other littoral states with competing claims, allows for the determination of US strategy for the future. These claims are so strongly held due to the economic potential of the area, but as they stand, no one can fully benefit from it. An extensive literature review was conducted to determine where the situation currently stands and what the US should do about it. Fostering a cooperative relationship between these nations and preventing armed conflict are the US goals in the area. This can be accomplished through using force as a deterrent for conflict and working to develop diplomatic resolutions to the various border disputes, especially between the ASEAN nations and China.

Disasters and climate-related risks displace millions of people each year. Planned relocation is one strategy used to address displacement. However, little attention has been paid to the secondary impacts of planned relocations, and how they influence the risk, vulnerability, and well-being of other groups, particularly people who live on the land selected for relocation sites, or in neighbouring areas. This paper explores how current and potential planned relocations in Fiji and the Philippines redistribute vulnerabilities to non-target communities that previously lived on, or alongside, relocation site land. The notion of cascading displacement is introduced to illustrate a serious consequence of planned relocations in which insecurity and displacement are recreated and perpetuated due to a failure to consider the needs of non-target groups that are directly disadvantaged by relocation processes. Insights from this paper may be used to inform future relocation policy and practice to achieve more equitable and sustainable outcomes for all involved.

Ceasefires are part of most contemporary peace processes, however empirical insight suggests that the characteristics of ceasefires vary greatly across conflict settings. This paper contributes to filling a research and knowledge gap about how different types of ceasefire come about through a comparative case study of ceasefires in the Moro and communist insurgencies in the Philippines. I argue that to understand differences in the characteristics of the ceasefires in these conflicts, it is important to consider the aims, ideologies and strategies of the conflicting parties and how this shapes their approach to a ceasefire. Following this, I suggest that ceasefires must be analyzed and understood with sensitivity to conflict issues and approaches to violence, as this contributes to an explanation of how ceasefire is used as a political tool and how it shapes the dynamics of conflict. Based on interviews and document studies, the article maps the characteristics of ceasefires in both cases over time and analyses the approaches to ceasefires of the parties to the conflict. Knowledge of how ceasefires come about and what shapes them can help both academia and policymakers draw more informed and accurate conclusions about their outcomes and effects.

Ceasefires are part of most contemporary peace processes, however empirical insight suggests that the characteristics of ceasefires vary greatly across conflict settings. This paper contributes to filling a research and knowledge gap about how different types of ceasefire come about through a comparative case study of ceasefires in the Moro and communist insurgencies in the Philippines. I argue that to understand differences in the characteristics of the ceasefires in these conflicts, it is important to consider the aims, ideologies and strategies of the conflicting parties and how this shapes their approach to a ceasefire. Following this, I suggest that ceasefires must be analyzed and understood with sensitivity to conflict issues and approaches to violence, as this contributes to an explanation of how ceasefire is used as a political tool and how it shapes the dynamics of conflict. Based on interviews and document studies, the article maps the characteristics of ceasefires in both cases over time and analyses the approaches to ceasefires of the parties to the conflict. Knowledge of how ceasefires come about and what shapes them can help both academia and policymakers draw more informed and accurate conclusions about their outcomes and effects.

Ceasefires are part of most contemporary peace processes, however empirical insight suggests that the characteristics of ceasefires vary greatly across conflict settings. This paper contributes to filling a research and knowledge gap about how different types of ceasefire come about through a comparative case study of ceasefires in the Moro and communist insurgencies in the Philippines. I argue that to understand differences in the characteristics of the ceasefires in these conflicts, it is important to consider the aims, ideologies and strategies of the conflicting parties and how this shapes their approach to a ceasefire. Following this, I suggest that ceasefires must be analyzed and understood with sensitivity to conflict issues and approaches to violence, as this contributes to an explanation of how ceasefire is used as a political tool and how it shapes the dynamics of conflict. Based on interviews and document studies, the article maps the characteristics of ceasefires in both cases over time and analyses the approaches to ceasefires of the parties to the conflict. Knowledge of how ceasefires come about and what shapes them can help both academia and policymakers draw more informed and accurate conclusions about their outcomes and effects.

Altres ajuts: Acord transformatiu CRUE-CSIC, Altres ajuts: Aquesta investigació ha estat recolzada by the Institute for Humane Studies and the Mack Institute for Innovation Management at the Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania., We study the impact of rank-based decision-making in a multi-member plurality electoral system by examining the decisions of Philippine legislative councilors to run for and win higher office. By focusing on multi-member plurality elections, we identify the effect of rank amongst politicians that hold the same office and received a similar number of votes. To identify the causal effect of rank, we conduct a close-elections RD at the village, municipality, and province levels. Our main result is the first place effect: incumbent first placers are 5-9% (1-4%) more likely to run (win) in future elections than incumbent second placers. The first place effect is unique among rank effects: subsequent rank comparisons yield substantially weaker or insignificant results. Further evidence suggests that a variety of potential mechanisms-party alignment, strategic voting, differential levels of media exposure or the better performance of first placers-do not seem to explain our results. These results improve our understanding of the variety of ways rank effects interact with electoral systems.

Antimicrobial resistance to quinolones, which constitutes a threat to public health, has been increasing worldwide. In this study, we investigated the prevalence of quinolone-resistant determinants in Escherichia coli not susceptible to quinolones and isolated from food-producing animals and food derived from them, in the Philippines. A total of 791 E. coli strains were isolated in 56.4% of 601 beef, chicken, pork, egg, and milk samples, as well as environmental, cloacal, and rectal swab-collected samples from supermarkets, open markets, abattoirs, and poultry, swine, and buffalo farms. Using the disc diffusion method, it was determined that 78.6% and 55.4% of the isolates were resistant to at least one antimicrobial and multiple drugs, respectively. In 141 isolates not susceptible to quinolones, 115 (81.6%) harbored quinolone-resistant determinants and had mutations predominantly in the quinolone-resistance determining regions (QRDRs) of gyrA and parC. Plasmid-mediated, quinolone resistance (PMQR) and Qnr family (qnrA1, qnrB4, and qnrS1) genes were detected in all isolates. Forty-eight sequence types were identified in isolates harboring mutations in QRDR and/or PMQR genes by multilocus sequence typing analysis. Moreover, 26 isolates harboring mutations in QRDR and/or PMQR genes belonged mostly to phylogroup B1 and Enteroaggregative E. coli. In conclusion, a high prevalence of E. coli was found in food-producing animals and products derived from them, which could potentially spread high-risk clones harboring quinolone-resistance determinants.

Antimicrobial resistance to quinolones, which constitutes a threat to public health, has been increasing worldwide. In this study, we investigated the prevalence of quinolone-resistant determinants in Escherichia coli not susceptible to quinolones and isolated from food-producing animals and food derived from them, in the Philippines. A total of 791 E. coli strains were isolated in 56.4% of 601 beef, chicken, pork, egg, and milk samples, as well as environmental, cloacal, and rectal swab-collected samples from supermarkets, open markets, abattoirs, and poultry, swine, and buffalo farms. Using the disc diffusion method, it was determined that 78.6% and 55.4% of the isolates were resistant to at least one antimicrobial and multiple drugs, respectively. In 141 isolates not susceptible to quinolones, 115 (81.6%) harbored quinolone-resistant determinants and had mutations predominantly in the quinolone-resistance determining regions (QRDRs) of gyrA and parC. Plasmid-mediated, quinolone resistance (PMQR) and Qnr family (qnrA1, qnrB4, and qnrS1) genes were detected in all isolates. Forty-eight sequence types were identified in isolates harboring mutations in QRDR and/or PMQR genes by multilocus sequence typing analysis. Moreover, 26 isolates harboring mutations in QRDR and/or PMQR genes belonged mostly to phylogroup B1 and Enteroaggregative E. coli. In conclusion, a high prevalence of E. coli was found in food-producing animals and products derived from them, which could potentially spread high-risk clones harboring quinolone-resistance determinants.

Ceasefires are part of most contemporary peace processes, however empirical insight suggests that the characteristics of ceasefires vary greatly across conflict settings. This paper contributes to filling a research and knowledge gap about how different types of ceasefire come about through a comparative case study of ceasefires in the Moro and communist insurgencies in the Philippines. I argue that to understand differences in the characteristics of the ceasefires in these conflicts, it is important to consider the aims, ideologies and strategies of the conflicting parties and how this shapes their approach to a ceasefire. Following this, I suggest that ceasefires must be analyzed and understood with sensitivity to conflict issues and approaches to violence, as this contributes to an explanation of how ceasefire is used as a political tool and how it shapes the dynamics of conflict. Based on interviews and document studies, the article maps the characteristics of ceasefires in both cases over time and analyses the approaches to ceasefires of the parties to the conflict. Knowledge of how ceasefires come about and what shapes them can help both academia and policymakers draw more informed and accurate conclusions about their outcomes and effects.

Ceasefires are part of most contemporary peace processes, however empirical insight suggests that the characteristics of ceasefires vary greatly across conflict settings. This paper contributes to filling a research and knowledge gap about how different types of ceasefire come about through a comparative case study of ceasefires in the Moro and communist insurgencies in the Philippines. I argue that to understand differences in the characteristics of the ceasefires in these conflicts, it is important to consider the aims, ideologies and strategies of the conflicting parties and how this shapes their approach to a ceasefire. Following this, I suggest that ceasefires must be analyzed and understood with sensitivity to conflict issues and approaches to violence, as this contributes to an explanation of how ceasefire is used as a political tool and how it shapes the dynamics of conflict. Based on interviews and document studies, the article maps the characteristics of ceasefires in both cases over time and analyses the approaches to ceasefires of the parties to the conflict. Knowledge of how ceasefires come about and what shapes them can help both academia and policymakers draw more informed and accurate conclusions about their outcomes and effects.

Why do some separatists rebel sooner than others? Independence is a context in which states exhibit political instability and weakness, yet not all groups take advantage of this opportunity and attempt to secede. Rationalist explanations of rebellion which focus on factors of wealth or opportunity over-emphasize the ability of groups to take advantage of certain moments and under-emphasize how groups perceive wealth or opportunity. Emotive explanations emphasize the importance of subjective determination and relative conditions. Yet while these studies point to political exclusion or perceptions of backwardness, they do not account for how groups end up in a position or why they come to this conclusion. Without considering education, these explanations miss what shapes the underlying conditions for rebellion that affect group positionality and perceptions of it. What students learn influences the nature of grievances and opportunities for social mobility.I address two necessary conditions for when separatist rebellion occurs: development of a national identity and perceptions of inclusion based on this identity. I argue that colonial education policies structure group perceptions of inclusion in the new state, becoming particularly salient in the lead-up to independence. Penetrative education policies encourage the development of a national identity by strengthening the attachment of minority groups to the colonizer and bonds within the same community. As a result, rebellion tends to happen sooner because it is easier for groups to identify conditions of discrimination. In contrast, shallow education policies do not strengthen reliance on or association with the colonizer and instead promote political fragmentation within groups. Without encouraging the development of a national identity, shallowly educated groups are less likely to feel targeted on the basis of that identity. This ultimately delays rebellion. I utilize archival data from colonial officials and semi

This article explores how Westerners and the local Filipino population have received and perceived South Korean tourists in a small Philippine coastal tourism village. Following the ongoing growth in inter-Asiantourism, this ethnographic study investigates how a local population responds to the increase in South Korean tourism in the Philippines

A shift toward a sustainable energy system takes place when renewable energy technologies become much more appealing energy options. However, political factors deter many developing countries from deploying renewable energy. This paper aimed to elucidate how exogenous actors and regime incumbents exercise power to block renewable energy technologies from emerging in developing countries, using the Philippines as a case study. This work uses a combination of a multi-level perspective in socio-technical transitions with power exercises as the analytical framework. The results show that in the Philippines three types of power exercises have moved the country toward a coal-based energy system. First, multilateral banks and foreign investors exercised a transformative power to pressure the government to liberalize the energy system, and currently exercise this power to support the development of both coal and renewable energy, albeit more indirectly. Second, “energy oligarchs” exercise reinforcive power to create and reproduce a new private oligopolistic energy structure by acquiring energy assets, building coal power plants, and dominating the energy supply chains. Lastly, the government exercises the constitutive and transformative power to induce these foreign investors and energy oligarchs to continue investing in coal power unless renewables can sufficiently contribute to energy security and affordability of electricity prices. These findings imply that in developing countries the liberalization of the electricity market can result in a change to the dominant power structure from a government monopoly to a private oligopoly and accelerate the transition to a coal-based energy system.

BACKGROUND: Yaws is a chronic, highly contagious skin and bone infection affecting children living in impoverished, remote communities and caused by Treponema pallidum subspecies pertenue. The Philippines was thought to be free of yaws following the 1950s eradication campaign but it has been reported in the Liguasan Marsh are

Why do some separatists rebel sooner than others? Independence is a context in which states exhibit political instability and weakness, yet not all groups take advantage of this opportunity and attempt to secede. Rationalist explanations of rebellion which focus on factors of wealth or opportunity over-emphasize the ability of groups to take advantage of certain moments and under-emphasize how groups perceive wealth or opportunity. Emotive explanations emphasize the importance of subjective determination and relative conditions. Yet while these studies point to political exclusion or perceptions of backwardness, they do not account for how groups end up in a position or why they come to this conclusion. Without considering education, these explanations miss what shapes the underlying conditions for rebellion that affect group positionality and perceptions of it. What students learn influences the nature of grievances and opportunities for social mobility.I address two necessary conditions for when separatist rebellion occurs: development of a national identity and perceptions of inclusion based on this identity. I argue that colonial education policies structure group perceptions of inclusion in the new state, becoming particularly salient in the lead-up to independence. Penetrative education policies encourage the development of a national identity by strengthening the attachment of minority groups to the colonizer and bonds within the same community. As a result, rebellion tends to happen sooner because it is easier for groups to identify conditions of discrimination. In contrast, shallow education policies do not strengthen reliance on or association with the colonizer and instead promote political fragmentation within groups. Without encouraging the development of a national identity, shallowly educated groups are less likely to feel targeted on the basis of that identity. This ultimately delays rebellion. I utilize archival data from colonial officials and semi

BACKGROUND: Diphtheria is a vaccine-preventable disease that persists as a global health problem. An understanding of the pattern of disease is lacking in low- and middle-income countries such as the Philippines. METHODS: We conducted a retrospective review of the clinical, microbiological, and epidemiological features of patients admitted with a clinical diagnosis of diphtheria to an infectious disease referral hospital in Metro Manila, the Philippines, between 2006 and 2017. Cases were mapped and the distribution was compared with population density. Corynebacterium diphtheriae isolates from between 2015 and 2017 were examined by multilocus sequence typing (MLST). RESULTS: We studied 267 patients (range:12-54 cases/year) admitted between 2006 and 2017. The case fatality rate (CFR) was 43.8% (95% confidence interval, 37.8-50.0%). A higher number of cases and CFR was observed among children <10 years. Mortality was associated with a delayed admission to hospital and a lack of diphtheria antitoxin. Between 2015 and 2017 there were 42 laboratory-confirmed cases. We identified 6 multilocus sequence types (STs). ST-302 was the most common (17/34, 48.6%), followed by ST67 (7/34, 20%) and ST458 (5/34, 14%). Case mapping showed a wide distribution of diphtheria patients in Metro Manila. Higher case numbers were found in densely populated areas but with no apparent clustering of ST types. CONCLUSIONS: Our analysis indicates that diphtheria remains endemic in Metro Manila and that the infection is frequently fatal in young children. Improved vaccine coverage and a sustainable supply of diphtheria antitoxin should be prioritized., Clinical infectious diseases, 72(1), pp.61-68; 2021

BACKGROUND: Cervical cancer is the second most common cancer among women in the Philippines. Cervical cancer screening is an effective method to reduce incidence. However, screening utilization is limited. This study aims to assess human papillomavirus (HPV) and cervical cancer knowledge, perceptions, and screening utilization, and to investigate factors influencing screening utilization among rural women in the Philippines. METHODS: This cross-sectional community-based study was conducted among 338 rural women aged 20-50 years, with a child under 5 years old registered in one of four public rural health centers in Tacao Island,Masbate Province in October 2017. A questionnaire administered via face-to-face interviews elicited information about demographic characteristics, knowledge, perceived susceptibility and perceived severity of HPV and cervical cancer, and cervical cancer screening utilization. RESULTS: Mean age of participants was 32.5 years. Only 13.9% of participants had ever had cervical cancer screening. Although most women had heard of cervical cancer screening, their knowledge about the cause, risk factors, and preventive measures of HPV and cervical cancer was limited. Older age and higher education status were significantly associated with screening utilization. However, knowledge and perceived susceptibility and severity showed no association. The main reason for having screening was due to a health professional's request or recommendation, and the reasons for not having screening were cost, not having symptoms, and fear of pain or discomfort and/or embarrassment during the procedure.Conclusions: Health education must increase knowledge about HPV and cervical cancer and screening among women, including the nature and progression of cervical cancer, benefits of screening, screening cost, and screening procedure.Health care providers have an important role in educating and motivating women to undergo screening., Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention, 21(11), pp.3145-3151; 2020

Of all the Southeast Asian countries, Cambodia and the Philippines have well-developed microfinance institutions (MFIs). However, the environments in which MFIs operate differ considerably between the two countries. Our study investigates the differences in management characteristics and efficiency of Cambodian and Philippine MFIs during the period of 2009-2015 using Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) and Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and measures the key management characteristics and efficiency levels of local MFIs. Our study found that Cambodian MFIs tend to target sustainability (profitability) oriented management, and Philippine MFIs tend to target outreach (financial service to the poor) oriented management. Second, MFIs in the Philippines had a tendency to shift toward more outreach-orientated management over the period of our analysis. Third, while there are no clear differences in the capital-intensity of MFI operations between the two countries, over time capital-intensity improved in both. We further examined the relationship between country-specific factors, management characteristics and efficiency. We found that overall efficiency, outreach-orientation, and labor-intensive management were associated with the initial conditions of deposit-to-GDP ratio in the period of our analysis. This suggests that the development paths of MFIs are dependent on the development of traditional financial institutions in the early period of MFI development.

This thesis draws on eleven semi-structured interviews with Duterte supporters. It analyses how the president is perceived by Filipinos, more specifically by those who support him and live in Sweden and the Philippines, in order to provide an in-depth understanding of the appeal of Duterte to his supporters. The thesis focuses on the main reasons for Duterte’s popularity, the war against drugs and criminality, and the president’s best and worst features. The empirical findings were analysed through the theoretical lens of the concepts of charismatic leadership and populism. The thesis supports the existing research that views Duterte as populist. The findings suggest that much of Duterte’s appeal to the supporters is attributed to his charismatic leadership. Overall, this thesis finds that the appeal of Duterte to his supporters lies in his personality, which has a profound effect on the supporters, background, an overall image of a non-traditional politician, and ability to make people feel seen. Also, it lies in his decisiveness, as shown in his war against drugs and other crimes, the pursuit of game-changing initiatives, and the positive change he has been implementing.

At the most local level, Philippine political structure relies on two institutions. The smallest political unit is the barangay, which has its own elected council and a barangay Captain. Sabang, the tourist town in focus in this article, constitutes together with twelve other barangays the Municipality of Puerto Galera. Sabang has since the early 1980s developed into a thriving international sex tourism town, which has brought the population lucrative business opportunities, but also a reputation of seediness, immorality and a place of illegal and illicit activities. Although prostitution is nationally illegal in the Philippines, it is also controlled and monitored by the municipal and barangay authorities. From the mid-1990s and forward, the municipal government of Puerto Galera have made several attempts to control the perceived “lewdness” (as it is formulated in official documents) of Sabang, in particular the behaviors and activities of the go-go bars. These attempts have been highly controversial and led to unprecedented events in municipal politics. I explore these charged issues in Puerto Galera ethnographically: who and which institutions are entitled to a) identify, and b) control “lewdness”? These questions inevitably draw attention to municipal policy-making and the various local responses to particularly controversial municipal policies.

Southeast Asian states' relations with great powers have long been characterized as pursuing hedging strategies. These approaches have evolved within the region as an effective alternative to the more traditional balancing and bandwagoning policies. This thesis maintains that the hedging approach has only been possible due to the lack of power competition in the region. Moreover, the thesis asserts that China's transformation from solely an economic great power to a considerable military power erodes these hedging strategies today. This thesis shows that China's military rise and the formation of A2/AD zones have undermined the long-enjoyed regional primacy by the United States and have formed a basis for bipolar competition. This in turn has pushed Southeast Asian states to abandon their hedging policies and instead choose sides in great power competition by developing balancing or bandwagoning behaviors. Using a comparative case study, this thesis finds that during the past decade the Philippines and Vietnam initially shifted their respective hedging strategies to a balancing approach, but ultimately reversed their stances and are now bandwagoning with China, due to the lack of strong external support. The theoretical section of this thesis addresses the realist school of thought that provides the conceptual framework to explain the likely rationale behind these evolving response strategies., http://archive.org/details/howdosoutheastas1094562277, Civilian, Ministry of Defense, Georgia, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The rise of global challenges, such as climate change, is pushing global governance to evolve. In result thereof, the traditionally state-centric diplomatic sphere is experiencing an increasing number of non-state actors entering the arena. Geoffrey Wiseman (1999) describes this phenomenon as the shift from traditionally bilateral and multilateral diplomacy to polylateral diplomacy. This study looks at how non-state actors can be fitted in frontline diplomacy in relation to sustainable development. By means of a qualitative, inductive case study of the Dutch embassy in the Philippines, it looks at how state actors perceive this non-state actor inclusion by means of data triangulation: a document analysis, semi-structured interviews and participant-observation. In particular, it zooms in on a specific example of multi-stakeholder partnership, which Sustainable Development Goals 17.16 and 17.17 hail as a tool for sustainability: the Manila Bay Sustainable Development Master Plan. Through the theoretical lenses of collaborative governance and the function-sensitive approach, this thesis concludes that the functions non-state actors can fulfil in the diplomatic activities of global governance vary depending on the three contingencies of time, trust and interdependence.

Children around the world suffer greatly due to conflicts. One of the most common interventions to support children affected by conflicts are Child Friendly Spaces (CFSs). Implemented within different cultural contexts, CFSs aim to be both culturally sensitive and contribute to gender equality, an interaction that can be complex. Previous research regarding CFSs is limited. As CFSs are commonly used in Humanitarian Action, further knowledge is central.This thesis aims to explore and compare how culture and gender appropriate responses in CFSs guidelines and manuals are expressed in order to gain an increased understanding of how these guidelines handle the interaction between gender norms in different cultures.In this study I discuss six CFSs guidelines and manuals by conducting comparative analysis and applying the Ecological Resilience Framework.The result suggests that culture and gender appropriate responses are central in all guidelines and manuals but emphasized in different ways. The participation of children, families and communities, as well as the adaption of activities, are all strategies aimed at cultural sensitivity. The result also entails that the equal inclusion of all children is a general gender appropriate approach. In addition, I claim that the main intervention, aiming to be both gender and culture appropriate, is separated groups between boys and girls. Finally, I argue that gender and culture may clash due to different perceptions of gender and culture appropriate responses.

In recent years ICT has gotten sustained interest in which it’s seen as a tool for development andsocial transformation. There have been a rise of ICT4D (ICT for development) initiatives in theinternational arena. The Philippine organization Foundation for Media Alternatives (FMA) isworking with the intersection of ICT and women’s empowerment to advocate women’s rights andissues in the online space as well as increasing women’s strategic use of ICT. This paper is aMinor Field Study conducted in Quezon City, the Philippines, which explores FMA’s Gender andICT program. The aim of the study is to examine the strategies and practices for womenempowerment through ICT as well as mapping the major challenges in their work. The study wasconducted through observations and interviews with the members of FMA as well as women froman assisted urban poor community. The result outlines the main practices taken in the program toreach an understanding of the work done for women’s empowerment. Furthermore, the studyportrays that the full potential of the practices can’t be fulfilled due to the current environmentFMA are operating in. The experienced challenges in their work have been characterized into fivecommon areas; funding, the political environment, the cooperation, the unsafe online space andlastly the socioeconomical divide in the society.

Sovereignty over the South China Sea waters and the territorial features therein has been a contentious issue since at least the 1970’s, with conflicting claims going back even further. Key concepts of Liberal and Neo-Realist International Relations Theory are used to assess respective theory’s explanatory capability for why the South China Sea Dispute is difficult to settle. The scope of the study is limited to three pairings of international relations: China-Philippines, China-Vietnam and China-USA. The analysis concerns the development of these sets of international relations from 2016 up until now. The findings point to unilateral action by one claimant in the face of contesting claims by another as being one of the main factors perpetuating the conflict. Treaties and international law are designed with Liberal development of international relations in mind, but in practice Neo-Realist hard power politics interrupts this development. Examples of disruptive action include attempts to unilaterally exploit natural resources in the region, settling features in the sea, doing construction work on features in the sea, as well as regular FONOPS conducted by navy ships in the region. Finally, there are difficulties settling on a mechanism for sovereignty settlement, as China makes its claims based on historic- or historical claims, rather than international law as it is written out in UNCLOS.

This research studies the ways by which the members of the Society of Jesus carried out their missionary project at the Mariana Islands. It describes how this project was led by Diego Luis de San Vítores, a Jesuit born in Burgos. Moreover, this paper explains how the missionary activity of the Jesuits suited the experiences which the Society was performing by the time in places such as the Northern part of the New Spain Viceroyalty, the unexplored regions of Paraguay and the Indian and Chinese territories. The paper concludes in chronological terms, concerning the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Guam and Mariana Islands, Este escrito expone la manera en la que los miembros de la Compañía de Jesús implementaron su proyecto misionero en el archipiélago de las Islas Marianas. Este escrito discutirá cómo el proyecto fue impulsado por el jesuita burgalés Diego Luis de San Vítores, y se explica cómo la actividad misionera que se realizó adaptaba las experiencias misioneras que a la sazón la Compañía ejecutaba en el norte del virreinato novohispano, en las inmediaciones del Paraguay y en los territorios de la India y de China. El escrito concluye cronológicamente, con la expulsión de los jesuitas de las islas de Guam y las Marianas, un siglo más tarde

This research studies the ways by which the members of the Society of Jesus carried out their missionary project at the Mariana Islands. It describes how this project was led by Diego Luis de San Vítores, a Jesuit born in Burgos. Moreover, this paper explains how the missionary activity of the Jesuits suited the experiences which the Society was performing by the time in places such as the Northern part of the New Spain Viceroyalty, the unexplored regions of Paraguay and the Indian and Chinese territories. The paper concludes in chronological terms, concerning the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Guam and Mariana Islands, Este escrito expone la manera en la que los miembros de la Compañía de Jesús implementaron su proyecto misionero en el archipiélago de las Islas Marianas. Este escrito discutirá cómo el proyecto fue impulsado por el jesuita burgalés Diego Luis de San Vítores, y se explica cómo la actividad misionera que se realizó adaptaba las experiencias misioneras que a la sazón la Compañía ejecutaba en el norte del virreinato novohispano, en las inmediaciones del Paraguay y en los territorios de la India y de China. El escrito concluye cronológicamente, con la expulsión de los jesuitas de las islas de Guam y las Marianas, un siglo más tarde

This thesis draws on eleven semi-structured interviews with Duterte supporters. It analyses how the president is perceived by Filipinos, more specifically by those who support him and live in Sweden and the Philippines, in order to provide an in-depth understanding of the appeal of Duterte to his supporters. The thesis focuses on the main reasons for Duterte’s popularity, the war against drugs and criminality, and the president’s best and worst features. The empirical findings were analysed through the theoretical lens of the concepts of charismatic leadership and populism. The thesis supports the existing research that views Duterte as populist. The findings suggest that much of Duterte’s appeal to the supporters is attributed to his charismatic leadership. Overall, this thesis finds that the appeal of Duterte to his supporters lies in his personality, which has a profound effect on the supporters, background, an overall image of a non-traditional politician, and ability to make people feel seen. Also, it lies in his decisiveness, as shown in his war against drugs and other crimes, the pursuit of game-changing initiatives, and the positive change he has been implementing.