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The subsidiarity principle divides competences between the European Union and its Member States. The Lisbon Treaty suggests a connection between ex ante and ex post subsidiarity review. Ex ante, national parliaments were given a role via the early warning system (EWS). Ex post, legislation is subject to review by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). More than 10 years after Lisbon, this article is the first to theorize and evaluate whether there is indeed a connection. Our theory predicts a conditional connection. Quantitatively, we provide a two-way classification of Member States based on their use of the EWS and CJEU subsidiarity cases. Qualitatively, we look back from court cases to the Council stage and analyse the Advocate General's opinions in subsidiarity cases. We find a weak conditional connection. A key explanation appears to be the Court's limited willingness to enforce subsidiarity and hence the limited incentives to go to court.

Objectives: The objective of this research is to explore and advocate for the revitalization of village autonomy, particularly through the principle of subsidiarity and village-scale local authority. It aims to analyze the current state of village autonomy within the framework of the Village Law, with a focus on managing natural resources at the local level.   Methods: This research employs a normative approach to examine the legal and political aspects of village autonomy, specifically within the context of the principle of subsidiarity. It involves an analysis of existing legal frameworks, particularly the Village Law, to understand the dynamics of state and village relations concerning the management of natural resources. Additionally, the research investigates how the principle of subsidiarity can be applied to empower villages in managing resources within their jurisdiction.   Results: The findings of this research indicate that the principle of subsidiarity can serve as a foundational concept for regulating village-scale local authority. It suggests that village autonomy, particularly in managing natural resources like regional forests, mangrove forests, small islands, coastal areas, and marine areas, can be bolstered through the application of this principle. The research highlights that village autonomy should not only be declarative but also constitutive, allowing villages to expand their authority over specific natural resources.   Conclusion: In conclusion, the revitalization of village autonomy, guided by the principle of subsidiarity and village-scale local authority, emerges as a viable legal and political alternative. By emphasizing the handover of certain natural resource management responsibilities from the state to villages, as regulated by law, this approach seeks to strengthen village authority and promote effective resource management at the local level.

The ongoing debate on the necessity of EU legislation on gender balanced company boards gives rise to interesting questions in respect of the concepts of equality and subsidiarity. After the Council recently reached a common position on the matter, the renewed topicality of the draft directive of 2012 is cause for an analysis of both the original and amended draft text in view of these concepts. Do the originally proposed quota measures for private company boards meet the requirements of the principles of equality and subsidiarity? Following an analysis of the changes to the directive as proposed by the Council, this contribution will successively review in what manner controversies appear to have been addressed and with what probable implications for the directive’s effectiveness.

This paper offers a summary of the efforts made by the Lombard institutions in implementing the principle of substantial equality.

This paper contributes to an ongoing debate concerning the perceived judicial activism of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). It argues that the output of the Court should be better viewed as the phenomenon of judicial law-making, not unlike in domestic jurisdictions. However, unlike many domestic legal systems, the European Convention on Human Rights framework promotes large quantities of judge-made law. This outcome results from a combination of objective factors that, taken together, enhance the process of judicial law-making by the ECtHR. Those factors include the applied mode of interpretation of the Convention, the approach to its construction, the weak textual basis, the existence of positive obligations, the lack of the doctrine of precedent, the extremely high case law and judicial turnovers, the concurrent legislative inactivity, the existence of the inter-state jurisdiction and the doctrine of autonomous meaning. At the same time, the judicial law-making is only hindered by the doctrine of subsidiarity, the principle of margin of appreciation and the Fourth Instance doctrine. As a consequence of this overwhelming dominance of the factors enhancing the process of judicial law-making over those that hinder it, the ECtHR produces large quantities of judge-made law.

La lettura complessiva della giurisprudenza della Corte europea dei diritti rivela l'esistenza di una serie di peculiarità di questa Corte nel campo del diritto internazionale. L'obiettivo di questa ricerca è quindi quello di capire in cosa consistano tali peculiarità. Più specificamente, il presente lavoro cerca di rispondere al quesito relativo alla loro natura e, in secondo luogo, al quello delle implicazioni sistemiche che ne discendono. Dal punto di vista metodologico, il tema dell'interpretazione sarà il paradigma attraverso cui affrontare le suddette questioni. Nel contesto specifico del diritto convenzionale, invero, l'indagine delle regole ermeneutiche sviluppate e affinate dall’organo giudiziario del sistema regionale di salvaguardia istituito dalla Convenzione europea è di grande interesse: l'interpretazione dei diritti umani e delle libertà fondamentali sanciti dalla CEDU è infatti al centro delle competenze sia giudiziaria che consultiva della giurisdizione di Strasburgo. Non solo la sua straordinaria attività ermeneutica si è tradotta in un impatto politico di vasta portata sulla vita di milioni di persone in quarantasei Paesi diversi, ma ha anche contribuito a introdurre un sistema avanzato ed efficace di tutela dei diritti umani e a esercitare ripercussioni trasformative sugli ordinamenti giuridici interni, al punto che oggi non rappresenta più qualcosa di strutturalmente estraneo all'attività svolta dagli interpreti nazionali, e la cui rilevanza non è strettamente confinata a livello internazionale. Su queste premesse, il presente lavoro intende far luce sulle questioni specifiche che l'interpretazione della Convenzione è chiamata a risolvere e che, quindi, distinguono tale operazione dall'esercizio ermeneutico che coinvolge un classico trattato internazionale. Si tratta di problemi che dipendono innanzitutto dalla specificità di questo patto e, più precisamente, dalla sua natura, contenuto, oggetto e finalità. L'esatto inquadrament, A comprehensive reading of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights reveals the existence of a number of peculiarities concerning this Court in the field of international law. The aim of this research is therefore to understand what such peculiarities consists of. More specifically, the work seeks to answer questions about their nature and, secondly, their systemic implications. Methodologically, the theme of interpretation will be the paradigm by which to address the afore-mentioned issues. In the specific context of conventional law, indeed, the investigation of the hermeneutic rules developed and refined by the judicial body of the regional safeguard system established by the European Convention is of great interest: the interpretation of human rights and fundamental freedoms enshrined in the ECHR is at the core of both the judicial and advisory competences of the Strasbourg jurisdiction. Not only has its extraordinary hermeneutic activity resulted in a far-reaching political impact on the lives of millions of people in forty-six different countries, but it has also contributed to the introduction of an advanced and effective system of human rights protection and exerted transformative repercussions on domestic legal systems, to the extent that today it no longer represents something structurally foreign to the work carried out by national interpreters, and whose relevance is not strictly confined to the international level. Against this background, the present work seeks to shed light on the specific issues that the interpretation of the Convention is called upon to resolve and that, therefore, distinguish this operation from the hermeneutic exercise involving a classic international treaty. These problems depend first of all on the specificity of this covenant and, more precisely, on its nature, content, object and purpose. The exact framing of the Convention is therefore central to understanding all the complexity of the interpretative activity

The transformation of societies and economies towards climate neutrality is a highly complex multi-sectoral and multi-level challenge. This paper examines the multi-level dimension of climate policy with particular reference to the European legal framework and the example of Germany. It analyses how regional and local governments are engaged and whether, in this regard, the existing arrangements of multi-level climate governance can be considered adequate and effective. In the light of the basic principles of federalism theory and in view of the – failed – German multi-level approaches to energy transition it is concluded, in particular, that federal climate governance must build not only on European and national objectives but also on regional and local climate targets and policy planning schemes as a means of both ensuring sufficient transformation efforts and preserving as much autonomy as possible for regional and local communities.

The first aim of the article is to present the Jean Monnet’s concept of the people’s integration, in historical development, particularly European, according to his credo: “We are not forming coalitions between States, but union among people”. In his conception the ultimate goal of each stage of integration is Community is a way of uniting peoples; each form of integration required appropriate institutions: “institutions are more important than men”. He defined the individual stages of European integration: from the European Community, a undefined Fédération européenne and finally the United States of Europe (les Etats-Unis d’Europe): “The union of European peoples in the United States of Europe is the way to raise their standard of living and preserve peace”. Monnet understood the federalism as both a long way leading to a goal and an ultimate goal, which will not be achieved immediately as one whole: it will built gradually by concrete achievements that create de facto solidarity. For Monnet the concept of solidarity is related to the concepts of subsidiarity and sovereignty. The effectiveness of a transnational/supranational organization (international system), is provided by ‘international Authority’ which became e.g. a High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community. To this kind of Authority is delegating sovereignty: a part of the national sovereignty of the member states is delegated to an independent supranational body – there „power of decision” have a merger of sovereignty or pooling sovereignty.the second aim of the article is to present the methods of implementing subsequent stages of European integration – from European Community, Federation of Europe to the United States of Europe. These methods were based on the his “institutionalism”, the ideas Christhian philosophy of H.-F. Amiel and Descartes’ rationalism, especially his method of discourse. This kind of rationalism was reinforced by philosophy of common sense. A method of reaching “tru, Pierwszym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie koncepcji Jeana Monneta dotyczącej integracji ludów w rozwoju historycznym, zwłaszcza europejskim, zgodnie z jego credo: „Nie tworzymy koalicji między państwami, ale unię między ludźmi”. W jego koncepcji ostatecznym celem każdego etapu integracji jest to, że Wspólnota jest sposobem jednoczenia narodów; każda forma integracji wymagała odpowiednich instytucji: „instytucje są ważniejsze od mężczyzn”. Zdefiniował poszczególne etapy integracji europejskiej: od Wspólnoty Europejskiej, nieokreślonej Fédération européenne i wreszcie Stanów Zjednoczonych Europy (les Etats-Unis d’Europe): „Zjednoczenie narodów europejskich w Stanach Zjednoczonych Europy jest sposobem na podniesienie standardu ich życia i zachowanie pokoju”. Monnet rozumiał federalizm zarówno jako długą drogę prowadzącą do celu, jak i cel ostateczny, który nie zostanie osiągnięty od razu jako całość: będzie on budowany stopniowo poprzez konkretne osiągnięcia, które tworzą faktyczną solidarność. Dla Monneta pojęcie solidarności jest powiązane z pojęciami subsydiarności i suwerenności. Skuteczność ponadnarodowej/ponadpaństwowej organizacji (systemu międzynarodowego) zapewnia „władza międzynarodowa”, która stała się np. wysoką władzą Europejskiej Wspólnoty Węgla i Stali. Do tego rodzaju władzy należy delegowanie suwerenności: część suwerenności narodowej państw członkowskich jest delegowana do niezależnego organu ponadnarodowego – tam „uprawnienia decyzyjne” mają charakter fuzji suwerenności lub łączenia suwerenności.Drugim celem artykułu jest przedstawienie metod realizacji kolejnych etapów integracji europejskiej – od Wspólnoty Europejskiej, Federacji Europy do Stanów Zjednoczonych Europy. Metody te opierały się na jego „instytucjonalizmie”, ideach chrystianizmu H.-F. Amiela i racjonalizmie Kartezjusza, a zwłaszcza jego metodzie dyskursu. Ten rodzaj racjonalizmu został wzmocniony przez filozofię zdrowego rozsądku. Metoda dochodzenia do „prawdy” poprzez dyskurs wzmocn

A paradigm shift is underway in the relationship between public administration and civil society organizations. After the season of "New Public Management," the logic of "New Public Governance" is emerging, which aims to achieve greater pluralism by betting on collaboration and trust. The logics of shared administration fully recover the principle of subsidiarity, a fundamental element of the social doctrine, through innovative ways such as co-programming and co-design, particularly in the area of territorial welfare.

It is often emphasised that the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR or Convention) offers only minimum protection and states are allowed to offer additional guarantees. Indeed, Article 53 ECHR obliges the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) to respect such national guarantees if they go beyond the Convention. Similar provisions are usually included in human rights treaties as ‘priority clauses’,which mean that human rights bodies should respect more protective national laws.In such a reading, Article 53 could both add to and detract from the protection offered by the Convention, especially in cases where national and Convention rights clash. Based on an analysis of the Court’s case law, this paper shows that the Court does not rely on Article 53 in such conflicting rights cases, but rather prefers to use avoidance and balancing strategies. Instead, the Court uses Article 53 to reinforce national fundamental rights protection, thereby reducing the risk of harming the minimum level of protection provided by the Convention.

Governments all over the world experience institutional conflicts in transforming their fossil-based energy system into a more renewable one. Between national, regional, and local tiers of government tensions rise on meeting renewable energy objectives. Under the institutional arrangement of subsidiarity, decisions on renewable energy policy objectives are taken on the international level, while the implementation of policy increasingly becomes a local responsibility. In this paper, we use an institutional framework to analyze the tensions in interactions between tiers of governments on four cases of Dutch wind energy policy implementation. The analysis offers insights into how tensions emerge in top-down wind energy policy implementation in the Netherlands. Within the four cases, tensions between government tiers are found, serving to constrain local tiers of government to implement local policy and object to top-down development. The results indicate that local issues aren’t sufficiently addressed in higher-tier government policies.

The Early Warning System (EWS) allows national Parliaments in the EU to issue Reasoned Opinions (ROs) against proposed new legislation. If one-third of them do, a yellow card is triggered. In theory, the goal of this system is for Parliaments to police the subsidiarity principle, and not to address substance. This article confirms quantitatively that the EWS is also about substance by studying the co-issuance of ROs by Parliaments. It finds that similar levels of economic development, rather than ideological or geographical proximity, are most strongly associated with the co-issuance of ROs by pairs of Parliaments. To explain the importance of the economic dimension across topics, we suggest that proposals with an impact along economic lines may be especially likely to trigger opposition in the form of ROs. Increasing co-issuance over the period 2010–2018 suggests that Parliaments are learning to coordinate transnationally, although no yellow cards have materialized since.

The cosmopolitan principles (specially, autonomy and subsidiarity) are, according to Held, principles that can be universally shared and can currently form the basis for the protection and nurturing of each person’s equal interest in the determination of the democratic institutions that govern their lives. They are principles that force us, in addition, to defend a multilevel governance and pooling sovereignties that bring political decisions closer to the affected. This article analyzes, precisely, the philosophical and political implications of this onion model of cosmopolitanism and traces its Kantian roots., Los principios cosmopolitas (y especialmente los de autonomía y subsidiariedad) son, según Held, principios que pueden ser compartidos universalmente y que pueden formar actualmente la base para la protección y el cuidado del interés de cada persona en la determinación de las instituciones democráticas que rigen su vida. Son principios que nos obligan, además, a defender una gobernanza multinivel y soberanías compartidas que acerquen las decisiones políticas a los afectados. Este artículo analiza, precisamente, las implicaciones filosóficas y políticas de este cosmopolitismo por capas y rastrea sus raíces kantianas.

One may speak of synodality, a recurring theme in current Catholic reflection, from a theoretical or a practical perspective. These pages respond to the second option, not targeting the immediate future, but the authoritative past of the Fathers of the Church, concretized in the person of Saint Augustine. Of the two parts of the study, the brief text contemplates the monastic conception of the saint within the framework of synodality, while the broader text discusses his conception of Christian life in general. The first finds expression in a «walk together towards God» (anima una in Deum); the second, in «being with you» and in «being for you». Both parts include the theological foundation of communion which, brought to life by the monks or the faithful, becomes the foundation of the synodal action of the one and the other. The second part integrates both the intra–ecclesial and the inter–ecclesial perspectives., Sobre la sinodalidad, tema recurrente en la reflexión católica actual, se puede hablar desde una perspectiva teórica o desde una perspectiva práctica. Estas páginas responden a la segunda opción, con la mirada puesta no en el futuro inmediato, sino en el pasado autoritativo de los Padres de la Iglesia, concretado en la persona de san Agustín. De las dos partes del estudio, una –breve– contempla en el marco de la sinodalidad la concepción monástica del santo; la otra –más amplia–, su concepción de la vida cristiana en general. La primera halla expresión en un «caminar juntos hacia Dios» (anima una in Deum); la segunda, en un ser «con vosotros» y un ser «para vosotros». Ambas partes incluyen el fundamento teológico de la comunión que, hecha vida por los monjes o los fieles, se convierte en fundamento del actuar sinodal de unos y otros. La segunda parte integra tanto la perspectiva intraeclesial como la intereclesial.

This article presents the results of a qualitative study carried out in some communes of the city of Santiago de Chile, and in Antofagasta, in northern Chile. The analysis shows how the articulation between foreignness –which refers both to the migratory situation and to processes of ethnicization and racialization- and a deregulated real estate market and a subsidiary neoliberal State, create informality and precariousness in access to housing, which materializes in at least three situations: abusive rent conditions, overcrowding and self-construction in camps., Este artículo presenta los resultados de un estudio cualitativo realizado en algunas comunas de la ciudad de Santiago de Chile y en Antofagasta, al norte del país. El análisis expone cómo la condición de extranjeridad –que remite tanto a la situación migratoria como a procesos de etnización y racialización–, en articulación con un mercado inmobiliario desregulado y un Estado neoliberal de carácter subsidiario, generan informalidad y precarización en el acceso a la vivienda, lo que se materializa en al menos tres situaciones: arriendo en condiciones abusivas, hacinamiento y autoconstrucción en campamentos.

The cosmopolitan principles (specially, autonomy and subsidiarity) are, according to Held, principles that can be universally shared and can currently form the basis for the protection and nurturing of each person’s equal interest in the determination of the democratic institutions that govern their lives. They are principles that force us, in addition, to defend a multilevel governance and pooling sovereignties that bring political decisions closer to the affected. This article analyzes, precisely, the philosophical and political implications of this onion model of cosmopolitanism and traces its Kantian roots., Los principios cosmopolitas (y especialmente los de autonomía y subsidiariedad) son, según Held, principios que pueden ser compartidos universalmente y que pueden formar actualmente la base para la protección y el cuidado del interés de cada persona en la determinación de las instituciones democráticas que rigen su vida. Son principios que nos obligan, además, a defender una gobernanza multinivel y soberanías compartidas que acerquen las decisiones políticas a los afectados. Este artículo analiza, precisamente, las implicaciones filosóficas y políticas de este cosmopolitismo por capas y rastrea sus raíces kantianas.

This article focuses on the concept idea of ‘human rights city’ and explores its practice. It starts from the concepts of human rights cities and subsidiarity to explain what a human rights city is and delves into the existing literature identifying the challenges to guarantee human rights in local contexts, such as the legal framework, education and training, the institutional structure, and the resources. Our article is based on an empirical-based study of Madrid Human Rights Plan (2017–2019). We carried out semi-structured interviews, focus group, and participant observation to grasp the obstacles that civil servants encounter in the implementation of the Plan. We identify five types of obstacles that we classify as conceptual, ideological, legal, organisational, and budgetary. Our study questions the idea that the local context, just because of its proximity to the citizenry, is the best equipped level of government to guarantee human rights. Without proper training and resources human rights can be lost in translation. Through the identification of such obstacles in a specific case study, we contribute to the academic debate on human rights in practice with the aim of fostering its guarantee in local contexts.

The 1994 constitutional amendment substantially altered the distribution of environmental powers between the federal and state governments, by granting the federal government the power to enact minimum environmental standards. This paper explores this change and the possible theoretical justifications for choosing this distribution of powers. I will show that the historical Constitution endowed the federal government with sufficient powers to deal with the environmental problems that require its intervention. I will analyze the changes introduced by the 1994 amendments and argue that there are no good reasons to justify a greater centralization of environmental legislation. I will conclude by pointing out the limitations of the system introduced by the 1994 amendment and the need to retake federal environmental powers., La reforma de la Constitución de 1994 alteró sustancialmente la distribución de competencias ambientales entre el gobierno federal y los gobiernos provinciales, al otorgarle a la Nación la facultad de dictar normas de presupuestos mínimos en materia ambiental. Este trabajo explora ese cambio y las posibles justificaciones teóricas para optar por este sistema. Demostraré que la Constitución histórica dotó al gobierno federal de competencias suficientes para hacer frente a los problemas ambientales que requieren de su intervención. Analizaré los cambios introducidos por la reforma y argumentaré que no existen buenas razones que justifiquen una mayor centralización de la legislación ambiental. Concluiré señalando las limitaciones del nuevo sistema y la necesidad de retomar las facultades federales en materia ambiental.

This article presents the results of a qualitative study carried out in some communes of the city of Santiago de Chile, and in Antofagasta, in northern Chile. The analysis shows how the articulation between foreignness –which refers both to the migratory situation and to processes of ethnicization and racialization- and a deregulated real estate market and a subsidiary neoliberal State, create informality and precariousness in access to housing, which materializes in at least three situations: abusive rent conditions, overcrowding and self-construction in camps., Este artículo presenta los resultados de un estudio cualitativo realizado en algunas comunas de la ciudad de Santiago de Chile y en Antofagasta, al norte del país. El análisis expone cómo la condición de extranjeridad –que remite tanto a la situación migratoria como a procesos de etnización y racialización–, en articulación con un mercado inmobiliario desregulado y un Estado neoliberal de carácter subsidiario, generan informalidad y precarización en el acceso a la vivienda, lo que se materializa en al menos tres situaciones: arriendo en condiciones abusivas, hacinamiento y autoconstrucción en campamentos.

The 1994 constitutional amendment substantially altered the distribution of environmental powers between the federal and state governments, by granting the federal government the power to enact minimum environmental standards. This paper explores this change and the possible theoretical justifications for choosing this distribution of powers. I will show that the historical Constitution endowed the federal government with sufficient powers to deal with the environmental problems that require its intervention. I will analyze the changes introduced by the 1994 amendments and argue that there are no good reasons to justify a greater centralization of environmental legislation. I will conclude by pointing out the limitations of the system introduced by the 1994 amendment and the need to retake federal environmental powers., La reforma de la Constitución de 1994 alteró sustancialmente la distribución de competencias ambientales entre el gobierno federal y los gobiernos provinciales, al otorgarle a la Nación la facultad de dictar normas de presupuestos mínimos en materia ambiental. Este trabajo explora ese cambio y las posibles justificaciones teóricas para optar por este sistema. Demostraré que la Constitución histórica dotó al gobierno federal de competencias suficientes para hacer frente a los problemas ambientales que requieren de su intervención. Analizaré los cambios introducidos por la reforma y argumentaré que no existen buenas razones que justifiquen una mayor centralización de la legislación ambiental. Concluiré señalando las limitaciones del nuevo sistema y la necesidad de retomar las facultades federales en materia ambiental.

The emergency caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has caused the Italian government to run the risk of strengthening a welfare regime which is still too widespread and that delegates to families the answers to social needs, taking for granted their willingness to act. Through data from the first and second waves of a longitudinal research project entitled ‘The family at the time of COVID-19’ (W1, N=2,985: W2, N=2,191), it has been possible to highlight a certain disagreement on the capacity of the government to support families effectively during the most critical period of the pandemic in Italy (March–April 2020) and when the pandemic was less rampant (July 2020), despite entrusting these families with several crucial tasks and functions. Data from both waves also show that feeling supported by the government as a family is closely related to an optimistic vision of the future and the belief in the possibility that families can contribute to social change. These results suggest that participants are geared to a subsidiary welfare regime, in which families, with support from the government, play a crucial role as agents of social change.

Governments all over the world experience institutional conflicts in transforming their fossil-based energy system into a more renewable one. Between national, regional, and local tiers of government tensions rise on meeting renewable energy objectives. Under the institutional arrangement of subsidiarity, decisions on renewable energy policy objectives are taken on the international level, while the implementation of policy increasingly becomes a local responsibility. In this paper, we use an institutional framework to analyze the tensions in interactions between tiers of governments on four cases of Dutch wind energy policy implementation. The analysis offers insights into how tensions emerge in top-down wind energy policy implementation in the Netherlands. Within the four cases, tensions between government tiers are found, serving to constrain local tiers of government to implement local policy and object to top-down development. The results indicate that local issues aren’t sufficiently addressed in higher-tier government policies.

The research highlights the peculiarities of the decentralization of power in Ukraine in the political and legal implementation aspect of the principle of subsidiarity. The objective of the study was to determine compliance with the political and legal aspects of the decentralization process in Ukraine based on global standards of the use of the principle of   subsidiarity, during the implementation of decentralization reform. The research methodology is because the principle of subsidiarity is the main feature of the interaction of all levels of power.  This premise is recognized in the European Charter of Local Self-Government and therefore means an urgent task in modern Ukraine. Financial decentralization, district consolidation, the creation of different but united territorial communities, changes in the administrative-territorial structure, ensuring the capacities of communities, the provision of public services in accordance with national standards must be based on the principle of subsidiarity. The information gathered makes it possible  to conclude that the principle of subsidiarity is a barrier to the overly profound centralization of the state body and the separation of power., La investigación da cuenta de las peculiaridades de la descentralización del poder en Ucrania en el aspecto de la implementación política y legal del principio de subsidiariedad. El objetivo del estudio fue determinar el cumplimiento de los aspectos políticos y legales del proceso de descentralización en Ucrania con base a los estándares mundiales del uso del principio de subsidiariedad, durante la realización de la reforma de descentralización. La metodología de investigación se basa en el hecho de que el principio de subsidiariedad es la característica principal de la interacción de todos los niveles de poder. Esta premisa es reconocida en la Carta europea de autogobierno local y significa, en consecuencia, una tarea urgente en la Ucrania moderna. La descentralización financiera, la consolidación de distritos, la creación de comunidades territoriales diferentes pero unidas, los cambios en la estructura administrativo-territorial, el aseguramiento de las capacidades de las comunidades, la prestación de servicios públicos de acuerdo con los estándares nacionales debe fundarse en el principio de subsidiariedad. La información recabada permite concluir que, el principio de subsidiariedad es una barrera para la centralización demasiado profunda del organismo estatal y la separación del poder.

Solidarity is a core value of European integration which is highly invoked at the political level as the ‘binder’ to fix the several crises the EU has faced. It has been as well put forward as a core pillar of the Pact on Migration and Asylum. Despite the narrative of the Commission stressing the novelty of the Pact, yet the Pact has been criticized, by scholars and practitioners alike, as being short-sighted on solidarity. The aim of this article is to contribute to the current debate on the Pact by demonstrating that by being modest on the implementation of the principle of solidarity, the Commission is also not fulfilling the principle of subsidiarity. The article proceeds by first unpacking the principle of subsidiarity, particularly its side of requiring a European added value of legislative proposals, which has been recently highlighted. It develops then an analysis on the meaning of the principle of solidarity, which should have a corrective dimension in the sense of fairly redistributing the effort between Member States. It emerges that, in today’s asylum policy, subsidiarity and solidarity are interlocked, so that requiring a “European added value” of the new rules calls for increasing the degree of solidarity. In the second part, the article analyses the Commission’s proposals on the screening, the new border procedures, the asylum management, and the return sponsorship mechanism, to show where the low degree of solidarity that they enshrine corresponds to a failure of the positive dimension of the subsidiarity test.

Solidarity is a core value of European integration which is highly invoked at the political level as the ‘binder’ to fix the several crises the EU has faced. It has been as well put forward as a core pillar of the Pact on Migration and Asylum. Despite the narrative of the Commission stressing the novelty of the Pact, yet the Pact has been criticized, by scholars and practitioners alike, as being short-sighted on solidarity. The aim of this article is to contribute to the current debate on the Pact by demonstrating that by being modest on the implementation of the principle of solidarity, the Commission is also not fulfilling the principle of subsidiarity. The article proceeds by first unpacking the principle of subsidiarity, particularly its side of requiring a European added value of legislative proposals, which has been recently highlighted. It develops then an analysis on the meaning of the principle of solidarity, which should have a corrective dimension in the sense of fairly redistributing the effort between Member States. It emerges that, in today’s asylum policy, subsidiarity and solidarity are interlocked, so that requiring a “European added value” of the new rules calls for increasing the degree of solidarity. In the second part, the article analyses the Commission’s proposals on the screening, the new border procedures, the asylum management, and the return sponsorship mechanism, to show where the low degree of solidarity that they enshrine corresponds to a failure of the positive dimension of the subsidiarity test.

This thesis examines the multijurisdictional National Heavy Vehicle Regulator to understand the contemporary governance of Australia as a federation. Through the application of enhanced governance models and creation of a diagnostic tool Australian Pragmatic Federalism Theory is advanced to describe, explain and potentially predict intergovernmental structures and processes in the Australian Federation. Using Actor-network Theory to reveal the (re)deployment of power amongst actors and incorporating Multi-level Governance theory into extant models revealed that while centralisation is occurring, it is not unidirectional toward the Commonwealth. Politicians and officials are willing to establish new permanent power-sharing arrangements that pool and share power.

The Recovery Plan for Europe, Next Generation EU, a temporary instrument to promote recovery with a total of 2,018 billion euros (trillion in Anglo-Saxon accounting), together with the long-term budget of the European Union, constitutes, in the words of the European Commission, the «largest stimulus package ever financed». The different levels of government that in the European Union concur in the elaboration and execution of the community norms face at this moment a common challenge: to reverse the negative consequences of a global health crisis. The complexity of the social, economic and political challenges requires the necessary involvement of all levels of government in the definition, management and evaluation of community policies. Transforming the serious economic and social consequences of COVID-19, investing unprecedented economic resources in the future of the next generations, is a task that falls to all institutions in the ambitious aim of achieving a greener, more digital and more resilient Europe . European affairs have long been on the agenda of the regional parliaments. The existence of specialized study bodies such as the Subcommittee on European Affairs of the Cortes de Aragón allow adequate monitoring of European issues. There are various networks and mechanisms of inter-parliamentary cooperation of which the Aragonese Parliament is a part and with whose participation it seeks to strengthen the policies of the European Union. Along with traditional parliamentary functions, the regional dimension of subsidiarity incorporated by the Lisbon Treaty offers autonomous parliaments instruments for a more active participation in the European decision-making process. The experience accumulated since 2009 by the Cortes de Aragón, thanks to its participation in the early warning system, has allowed it to concentrate its work today on those issues that the Subcommittee on European Affairs has selected for its greater interest for the aragonese citizenship The, El Plan de Recuperación para Europa, Next Generation UE, instrumento temporal para impulsar la recuperación dotado con un total de 2,018 billones de euros, junto con el presupuesto a largo plazo de la Unión Europea, constituye, en palabras de la Comisión Europea, el «mayor paquete de estímulo jamás financiado». Los distintos niveles de gobierno que en la Unión Europea concurren en la elaboración y ejecución de las normas comunitarias afrontan en este momento un desafío común: revertir las negativas consecuencias de una crisis sanitaria mundial. La complejidad de los desafíos sociales, económicos y políticos requieren de la necesaria implicación de todos los niveles de gobierno en la definición, gestión y evaluación de las políticas comunitarias. Transformar las graves secuelas económicas y sociales de la COVID-19, invirtiendo en el futuro de las siguientes generaciones unos recursos económicos sin precedentes, es una tarea que incumbe a todas las instituciones en el ambicioso propósito de conseguir una Europa más ecológica, digital y resiliente. Los asuntos europeos ocupan desde hace tiempo la agenda de los parlamentos autonómicos. La existencia de órganos especializados de estudio como la Ponencia de Asuntos Europeos de las Cortes de Aragón permiten un adecuado seguimiento de las cuestiones europeas. Son diversas las redes y mecanismos de cooperación interparlamentaria de las que forma parte el parlamento aragonés y con cuya participación trata de fortalecer las políticas de la Unión Europea. Junto a las funciones parlamentarias tradicionales, la dimensión regional de la subsidiaridad incorporada por el Tratado de Lisboa ofrece a los Parlamentos autonómicos instrumentos para una participación más activa en el proceso decisorio europeo. La experiencia acumulada desde el año 2009 por las Cortes de Aragón, gracias a su participación en el sistema de alerta temprana, le ha permitido concentrar su labor en la actualidad en aquellos temas que la Ponencia de Asuntos Europ

In this thesis, the legal theory of Robert Cover is employed to analyse the procedural turn of the ECtHR. The text studies how Animal Defenders International v. the United Kingdom (ADI) and subsequent case law relate to the margin of appreciation doctrine and how this can be understood from a Coverian point of view. The margin of appreciation is thus seen as a product of an interplay between paideic and imperial forces where the imperial, or world-maintaining, influences on the doctrine are the strongest. ADI and later cases are read as further accentuating the focus on the nomos of the state relative to competing nomoi already at work in the case law of the procedural turn. The thesis is closed with an amalgamation of Cover’s ideas with the democratic theory of Jacques Derrida which results in a discussion on what a Coverian re-evaluation of the approach outlined in ADI could look like.

In this paper we will analyze critically the traditional interpretation of the principle of subsidiarity in the Chilean Constitution of 1980 and its influence on the configuration of our economic constitution. To this end, firstly we will study the traditional interpretation of the subsidiarity, trying to demonstrate its faults, and its relationship with neoliberalism. After, we will evaluate the influence of this position on the constitutional jurisprudence of recent years (2015-2019). And finally, considering the crisis of legitimacy of our political system, we believe that the Welfare state could be a solution to the constitutional problem., En este trabajo analizaremos críticamente la interpretación tradicional del principio de subsidiariedad en la Constitución Chile de 1980 y su influencia en la configuración de nuestra constitución económica. Para ello, en primer lugar, examinaremos la interpretación tradicional de la subsidiariedad, a fin de mostrar sus defectos argumentativos, y su vinculación con el pensamiento neoliberal. Luego, evaluaremos la influencia de dicha postura en la jurisprudencia constitucional de los últimos años (2015-2019). Y finalmente, habida cuenta de la crisis de legitimidad que afecta a nuestro sistema político, propondremos la fórmula del Estado social y democrático de derecho como una solución al problema constitucional.

The Recovery Plan for Europe, Next Generation EU, a temporary instrument to promote recovery with a total of 2,018 billion euros (trillion in Anglo-Saxon accounting), together with the long-term budget of the European Union, constitutes, in the words of the European Commission, the «largest stimulus package ever financed». The different levels of government that in the European Union concur in the elaboration and execution of the community norms face at this moment a common challenge: to reverse the negative consequences of a global health crisis. The complexity of the social, economic and political challenges requires the necessary involvement of all levels of government in the definition, management and evaluation of community policies. Transforming the serious economic and social consequences of COVID-19, investing unprecedented economic resources in the future of the next generations, is a task that falls to all institutions in the ambitious aim of achieving a greener, more digital and more resilient Europe . European affairs have long been on the agenda of the regional parliaments. The existence of specialized study bodies such as the Subcommittee on European Affairs of the Cortes de Aragón allow adequate monitoring of European issues. There are various networks and mechanisms of inter-parliamentary cooperation of which the Aragonese Parliament is a part and with whose participation it seeks to strengthen the policies of the European Union. Along with traditional parliamentary functions, the regional dimension of subsidiarity incorporated by the Lisbon Treaty offers autonomous parliaments instruments for a more active participation in the European decision-making process. The experience accumulated since 2009 by the Cortes de Aragón, thanks to its participation in the early warning system, has allowed it to concentrate its work today on those issues that the Subcommittee on European Affairs has selected for its greater interest for the aragonese citizenship The, El Plan de Recuperación para Europa, Next Generation UE, instrumento temporal para impulsar la recuperación dotado con un total de 2,018 billones de euros, junto con el presupuesto a largo plazo de la Unión Europea, constituye, en palabras de la Comisión Europea, el «mayor paquete de estímulo jamás financiado». Los distintos niveles de gobierno que en la Unión Europea concurren en la elaboración y ejecución de las normas comunitarias afrontan en este momento un desafío común: revertir las negativas consecuencias de una crisis sanitaria mundial. La complejidad de los desafíos sociales, económicos y políticos requieren de la necesaria implicación de todos los niveles de gobierno en la definición, gestión y evaluación de las políticas comunitarias. Transformar las graves secuelas económicas y sociales de la COVID-19, invirtiendo en el futuro de las siguientes generaciones unos recursos económicos sin precedentes, es una tarea que incumbe a todas las instituciones en el ambicioso propósito de conseguir una Europa más ecológica, digital y resiliente. Los asuntos europeos ocupan desde hace tiempo la agenda de los parlamentos autonómicos. La existencia de órganos especializados de estudio como la Ponencia de Asuntos Europeos de las Cortes de Aragón permiten un adecuado seguimiento de las cuestiones europeas. Son diversas las redes y mecanismos de cooperación interparlamentaria de las que forma parte el parlamento aragonés y con cuya participación trata de fortalecer las políticas de la Unión Europea. Junto a las funciones parlamentarias tradicionales, la dimensión regional de la subsidiaridad incorporada por el Tratado de Lisboa ofrece a los Parlamentos autonómicos instrumentos para una participación más activa en el proceso decisorio europeo. La experiencia acumulada desde el año 2009 por las Cortes de Aragón, gracias a su participación en el sistema de alerta temprana, le ha permitido concentrar su labor en la actualidad en aquellos temas que la Ponencia de Asuntos Europ

In this thesis, the legal theory of Robert Cover is employed to analyse the procedural turn of the ECtHR. The text studies how Animal Defenders International v. the United Kingdom (ADI) and subsequent case law relate to the margin of appreciation doctrine and how this can be understood from a Coverian point of view. The margin of appreciation is thus seen as a product of an interplay between paideic and imperial forces where the imperial, or world-maintaining, influences on the doctrine are the strongest. ADI and later cases are read as further accentuating the focus on the nomos of the state relative to competing nomoi already at work in the case law of the procedural turn. The thesis is closed with an amalgamation of Cover’s ideas with the democratic theory of Jacques Derrida which results in a discussion on what a Coverian re-evaluation of the approach outlined in ADI could look like.

Within current environmental law, there is sometimes a one-sided focus on sustainability. Also other concepts such as subsidiarity and supremacy must be taken account, both at EU and national levels.

In a resolution adopted on 1 February 2018, the European Committee of the Regions noted that a legislative proposal of the European Commission concerning a Regulation that changes the rules governing the EU regional funds for 2014-2020 did not comply with the principle of subsidiarity. Accordingly, the Committee considered challenging the legislative proposal before the Court of Justice if the proposal was formally agreed upon. Although at a later stage the European Commission decided to take into account the Committee’s argument and amended the proposal accordingly, such a context offers the chance to investigate more in detail the role of the Committee of the Regions in the legislative process of the EU and, more in particular, its role as a watchdog of the principle of subsidiarity. This paper aims to shed light on a rather neglected aspect of the EU constitutional practice, such as the potential of the Committee of the Regions to contribute to the legislative process, and answer the question of whether this Committee is the right body to guarantee compliance with the principle of subsidiarity.

While national governments are the main actors in innovation policy, we witness a proliferation of challenge-oriented innovation policies both at the subnational and the supranational level. This begs the question about subsidiarity: what innovation policies for societal challenges should be organized at subnational, national and supranational levels? We provide arguments that innovation policies aimed to solve societal challenges, such as climate change or aging, are best pursued at subnational levels given the contested nature of problem identification and the contextual nature of problem-solving. Regional innovation policy, then, should formulate concrete societal goals tailored to the local context, while the transnational context promotes inter-regional learning and provides the complementary policies in the realms of basic research, regulation and taxation. In addition, the supranational level can set overall goals that are made more concrete and operational at the subnational level.

This chapter analyses the scope of the anti-tax avoidance directive (ATAD) as implemented in 2020 and its positioning within the EU legal order, in particular vis-à-vis primary EU law, national tax rules, and bilateral tax agreements. It examines the interpretation of the provisions of the ATAD and their compatibility with higher ranking norms, such as the fundamental freedoms, State aid rules, and fundamental rights.

This chapter analyses the scope of the anti-tax avoidance directive (ATAD) as implemented in 2020 and its positioning within the EU legal order, in particular vis-à-vis primary EU law, national tax rules, and bilateral tax agreements. It examines the interpretation of the provisions of the ATAD and their compatibility with higher ranking norms, such as the fundamental freedoms, State aid rules, and fundamental rights.

This chapter analyses the scope of the anti-tax avoidance directive (ATAD) as implemented in 2020 and its positioning within the EU legal order, in particular vis-à-vis primary EU law, national tax rules, and bilateral tax agreements. It examines the interpretation of the provisions of the ATAD and their compatibility with higher ranking norms, such as the fundamental freedoms, State aid rules, and fundamental rights.

Post-pandemic: Triple Agenda for a New RealityPós-pandemia: tripla agenda para uma nova realidadeNuevos campos de aplicación de la bioética han surgido con ocasión de la pandemia del SARS-Cov-2, pero muchos retos bioéticos se mantienen y es necesario reflexionar sobre la realidad que el ser humano tendrá que vivir luego de ella. Esta reflexión se hace en torno a una triple agenda: desafíos, alertas y orientaciones. La agenda de desafíos trata de los desarrollos científicos y biotecnológicos por venir; de los cambios en la forma de trabajar y de estudiar; de reorientar el desarrollo sustentable; de los cambios en los comercios y las empresas del entretenimiento. Estos desafíos se podrían resumir como cambios en los paradigmas del desarrollo. La agenda de alertas incluye el manejo de las especies silvestres; la desconfianza en las clases políticas; los comportamientos humanos insolidarios y delictivos; la sobreabundancia de información; la emulación de las industrias farmacéuticas; los determinantes de la cultura de la muerte. Las alertas podrían resumirse en la importancia de promover la cultura de la vida. La agenda de orientaciones incluye tener en cuenta una serie de principios como la dignidad de la persona humana, el bien común, la opción preferencial por los pobres, el destino universal de los bienes, la solidaridad, la subsidiariedad y el cuidado de la casa común. Estas orientaciones apuntan a una conversión ambiental, esencial y existencial. Todos estos cambios serán posibles gracias a la resiliencia humana, al profesionalismo y la solidaridad social que sean capaces de configurar un verdadero proyecto de desarrollo humano integral.Para citar este editorial / To reference this editorial / Para citar este editorialGamboa Bernal GA. Pospandemia: triple agenda para una nueva realidad. Pers Bioet. 2020;24(2):127-135. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5294/pebi.2020.24.2.1Publicado: 27/11/2020

The essay is focused on the proposals Region Lombardia approved in order to give a contribution to the decision concerning the European financial programme. With the Documento di indirizzo strategico per la politica di coesione 2021-2027 of July 2019 the purpose is to define the priorities of intervention of the cohesion policy. Particular attention is given to the methodology: the approach is based on the technology of Artificial Intelligence, which represents a significant innovation. The value of the Document is the dialogue it aims at establishing with the European institutions, in order to create a relationship between the regional and European objectives.

In Lombardy, the CAL (Consiglio delle autonomie locali) has recently been modified. Its composition has been simplified. Its functions have been expanded. However, the CAL has not yet been established to date. Therefore, it is necessary to wait for its concrete operation to evaluate the meaning of these innovations.

The perception of Islam as antithetical to European human rights values is widespread in Europe. Such perceptions complicate the task of integrating Muslim minorities across Europe. While incrementing respect to human rights norms among migrant communities is an important element of any integration policy, this goal should not be perused by forcing migrant communities to adhere to human rights norms based on purely secular grounds. The drafting history of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the ultimate proof that human rights can be justified from different political, philosophical and religious perspectives. While European States cannot compromise their commitment to human rights, even in relation to migrant communities, still, they must allow other narratives on the importance and the meaning of human rights to emerge. Muslim migrant communities must be allowed to engage in intra-group religion-based dialogues to reevaluate their stance on human rights and to debate their meaning. After being given the opportunity to engage in internal debates on the significance of human rights, Muslim migrant communities should also be engaged in cross-cultural dialogues with the rest of community to generate a wider agreement on the meaning and the application of human rights. This two-fold strategy is consistent with the principle of subsidiarity, which suggests that for human rights be effective they must be seen as legitimate by all those small groups that are close to the individual. Such legitimacy cannot be imposed from the outside, it must emerge from within these small groups. However, for these intra-group and cross-cultural dialogues to succeed, the separation of religion and State cannot be understood as the complete exclusion of religion from the public sphere. Individuals of different philosophical or religious convictions must have an equal access to public debates on the centrality of human rights in the European legal order.

This paper analyzes the veracity of the very widespread assertion that the principle of subsidiarity contained in the Constitution of 1980 is responsible for the social problems that Chile currently suffers, causing the so-called “social outbreak” of October 2019. The historical and dogmatic origin of the subsidiarity, its relationship with the common good, and the role that the Charter of 1980 attributes to the State of Chile are studied, also analyzing a set of interpretative biases that have greatly influenced the settlement of the aforementioned assertion, Se analiza la veracidad de la muy difundida aseveración de que el principio de subsidiariedad contenido en la Constitución de 1980 es responsable de los problemas sociales que actualmente sufre Chile, provocando el llamado “estallido social” de octubre de 2019. Para ello, se estudia el origen histórico y dogmático de la subsidiariedad, su relación con el bien común y el papel que la Carta de 1980 le atribuye al Estado de Chile analizando, también, un conjunto de sesgos interpretativos que mucho han influido en el asentamiento de la citada aseveración

With the Treaty of Lisbon, national Parliaments obtained a direct role in the legislative process of the European Union (EU). When the Commission releases a legislative proposal, each national Parliament has eight weeks to issue a Reasoned Opinion stating that the draft violates the EU principle of subsidiarity if they wish to do so. This article provides context on this so‐called Early Warning System (EWS), and then studies empirically when national Parliaments issue Reasoned Opinions under the EWS. A within‐between panel regression covering all 28 EU countries for 2010–16 leads to novel findings on the issuance of Reasoned Opinions. In particular, there is no robust statistical evidence that variations in public attitudinal euroscepticism in a country affect the number of Reasoned Opinions issued by its Parliament. In contrast, electoral euroscepticism as measured by the election of eurosceptic Parliaments is found to have a strongly significant across‐country effect on the number of Reasoned Opinions.

El autor hace un balance de los resultados del sistema europeo de protec-ción de los derechos humanos, que se ha revelado como uno de los más eficaces del mundo y pilar fundamental del proyecto europeo. Parte para ello de los orígenes del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos y el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos. Se analiza de forma panorámica y completa el contenido aplicado por el tribunal, la singularidad del mismo y la subsidiariedad como elemento clave del sistema. Como conclusión se presenta un análisis de las tendencias actuales del tribunal con apoyo en las reuniones internacionales que a tal efecto se desarrollaron en Interlaken (2010), lzmir (2011), Brighton (2012) y Bruselas (2015)., The author reviews the results of the European system for the protection of human rights, which has emerged as one of the most effective in the world and as a fundamental pillar of the European project. The author deals in his analysis with the fundamental aspects of the system, starting from the origins of the European convention on human rights and the european court of human rights. The content applied by the court, its singularity and subsidiarity as a key element of the system is analyzed in a panoramic but complete manner. the article presents an analysis of the court's current trends with support in the international meetings held for that purpose in Interlaken (2010), lzmir (2011), Brighjton (2012) and Brussels (2015).

In 2017, former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori was pardoned after serving less than half of a 25-year sentence for human rights violations. The measure was taken amidst political turmoil and an impeachment process led by the Fujimorista party against former president Pedro Pablo Kuczynski. Fujimori's victims in the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta cases requested the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) to annul the pardon due to its incompatibility with Peru's human rights obligations. The IACtHR decided that it was for the Peruvian courts to exercise jurisdictional control over the pardon, thus affirming its subsidiary role. Through an examination of the political situation, the underlying principles of the IACtHR's jurisprudence on amnesties, and rule of law and international standards, this article argues that the IACtHR had sufficient grounds to overturn the pardon. The court's resolution to refer the matter to the Peruvian jurisdiction may be explained by an increasing awareness of its subsidiary role, particularly regarding sensitive political issues.

In 2017, former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori was pardoned after serving less than half of a 25-year sentence for human rights violations. The measure was taken amidst political turmoil and an impeachment process led by the Fujimorista party against former president Pedro Pablo Kuczynski. Fujimori's victims in the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta cases requested the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) to annul the pardon due to its incompatibility with Peru's human rights obligations. The IACtHR decided that it was for the Peruvian courts to exercise jurisdictional control over the pardon, thus affirming its subsidiary role. Through an examination of the political situation, the underlying principles of the IACtHR's jurisprudence on amnesties, and rule of law and international standards, this article argues that the IACtHR had sufficient grounds to overturn the pardon. The court's resolution to refer the matter to the Peruvian jurisdiction may be explained by an increasing awareness of its subsidiary role, particularly regarding sensitive political issues.

This paper asks which legal tools digital operators could use to manage colliding rights on their platforms in a digitalised and transnational space such as the Internet. This space can be understood as a “modern public square”, bringing together actions in the digitalised world and their interactions with actual events in the physical world. It is then useful to provide this space with a discursive framework allowing for discussing and contesting actions happening on it. In particular, this paper suggests that two well-known legal concepts, proportionality and sanctions, can be helpfully articulated within that discursive framework. In a first step, proportionality, a justificatory tool, is often used to suggest a way for managing colliding rights. This paper argues that for proportionality to be useful in managing colliding rights on digital platforms, its role, scope and limits need to be better framed and supplemented by an overall digital environment which can feed into the proportionality test in an appropriate way. This can be provided, thanks to a second step, namely labelling in law the actions digital operators take as sanctions. Sanctions are the reactions organised by digital operators to bring back social order on the platforms. The labelling of these reactions under the legal category of “sanctions” offers a meaningful tool for thinking about what digital operators do when they manage colliding rights by blocking or withdrawing contents and/or accounts. As different types of sanctions can be distinguished, differentiated legal consequences, especially in relation to managing colliding rights, can be identified. Here the role played by the proportionality test can be distinguished depending on the type of sanctions. In any case, for sanctions and proportionality to help address colliding rights on the modern public square, a discursive framework needs to be developed, which depends on the existence of relevant meaningful communities engaging in reflecti