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Der Geisterseher (1787) von Friedrich Schiller setzt sich die psychologische und rationale Aufklärung der darin erzählten Ereignisse zum Ziel, doch die Verschwörung bleibt bis zum Ende unentschlüsselt. Er deckt den Betrug der Geisterbeschwörer und Geheimbündler auf, ohne dabei das eigentliche Geheimnis jemals zu lüften, denn die Konspiration und Einflussnahme des eigentlichen Geheimbundes bleibt bis zuletzt nur angedeutet und als Providenz des Handlungsverlaufs der Erzählung innerhalb der Erzählung unsichtbar. Die dafür benutzten narrativen Verfahren sollen hier anhand einer epistemologisch-narratologischen Analyse offengelegt werden. Außerdem wird zuletzt untersucht, ob der im philosophischen Gespräch offenbarte Freiheitsbegriff des Prinzen tatsächlich einen konspirationistischen Charakter aufweist und einen providentiellen Determinismus impliziert., Der Geisterseher (1787) by Friedrich Schiller attempts to psychologically and rationaly explain the narrated events, but the conspiracy remains undeciphered until the end. It uncovers the deception of the apparitionists and conspirators without ever revealing the actual secret itself, since the conspiracy and influence of the actual secret society remains only hinted at and invisible within the narrative while in fact being the providential structure of the story's plot. The peculiar narrative methods used for this purpose shall be shown here by means of an epistemological-narratological analysis. In addition, it will eventually be examined whether the prince's concept of freedom revealed in the philosophical conversation actually has a conspiracist character and implies a providential determinism., Der Geisterseher (1787) de Friedrich Schiller se propone una explicación psicológica y racional de los acontecimientos, pero la conspiración sigue sin descifrarse hasta el final. Descubre el engaño de los visionarios y los conspiradores sin revelar nunca el secreto real, pues la conspiración y la influencia de la sociedad secreta permanecen sólo insinuadas hasta el final e invisibles dentro de la narración, ya que son la estructura providencial de la trama del relato. Los peculiares métodos narrativos utilizados para ello se revelarán aquí mediante un análisis epistemológico-narratológico. Además, se examinará finalmente si el concepto de libertad del príncipe revelado en la conversación filosófica tiene realmente un carácter conspirativo e implica un determinismo providencial.

В статье на материале авантюрного романа Ш.Монселе «Женщины-масонки» («La Franc-maçonnerie des femmes», 1856) исследуется авторская интерпретация деятельности женского тайного общества во Франции XVIII века. Особое внимание уделяется вопросу наследования литературных принципов А. Дюма в творчестве писателя. = In the article on the material of the adventurous novel of Sh. Monselet "Women-Masons" explores the author's interpretation of the activities of the women's secret society in France of the XVIII century. Special attention is paid to the issue of inheritance of literary principles of A. Dumas in the work of the writer.

In this paper, the authors argue that Franz Boas had a coherent theory of the secret society, which he did not systematically develop anywhere, but which can be reconstructed from several of his works. The authors are not dealing with the whole theory, but only with the postulate of the warfare origin of secret societies (which later became the foundation of the Mannerbund theory). Namely, Boas believed that the secret societies of the North American Indians were originally warlike, but that by the beginning of the 20th century they either retained only the functions of initiation and education, or were transformed into therapeutic and dance societies. Although he claimed that the mythology of the Indians did not provide additional insights into the origins of secret societies, his dealings with the myth of the "culture hero" and the "trickster" proved the contrary. The authors try to go a step further and find new contributions for the study of the origins of secret societies in North America in the myth of Wolf as the brother (father) of the "culture hero."

In this paper, the authors argue that Franz Boas had a coherent theory of the secret society, which he did not systematically develop anywhere, but which can be reconstructed from several of his works. The authors are not dealing with the whole theory, but only with the postulate of the warfare origin of secret societies (which later became the foundation of the Mannerbund theory). Namely, Boas believed that the secret societies of the North American Indians were originally warlike, but that by the beginning of the 20th century they either retained only the functions of initiation and education, or were transformed into therapeutic and dance societies. Although he claimed that the mythology of the Indians did not provide additional insights into the origins of secret societies, his dealings with the myth of the "culture hero" and the "trickster" proved the contrary. The authors try to go a step further and find new contributions for the study of the origins of secret societies in North America in the myth of Wolf as the brother (father) of the "culture hero."

This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.

This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.

This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.

This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.

This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.This paper explores the links between the socio-cultural power structures of the Poro and Bondo secret societies and their interactions with internationalist human rights discourse in postconflict Sierra Leone. It argues that these secret societies offer gendered and cultural spaces that serve as social and political mobilizing symbols. These societies further provide forums as well as a stage for counter-discourses about gender-based violence and human rights violations, particularly with regards to the campaign against female circumcision. The paper concludes that despite internal tensions and squabbles, the Bondo secret societiy has gained most of its present-day solidarity by broadly disseminating to both members and non-members the highly charged narrative that the society’s exposure leads to its destruction. The Bondo society has been able to maintain cohesion and defend its interests by appropriating and invoking traditional knowledge and ritual codes.

After the 1680s, Big Vehicle Religion gradually developed on the Yunnan-Burma frontier. It was banned by the Qing government and became a sect of Chinese secret societies. The founders of this religion combined various Buddhist and Taoist elements together and claimed this to be the route to their salvation. They also trained many students to be monks. After the Sino-Burma wars these monks established a Five Buddha Districts system among the Lahu and some Wa villages in western Mekong River, until the system was destroyed by the Qing government in the 1880s. The monks became leaders of the Luohei/Lahu through millenarianism and many Han immigrants also became involved in the movements to become the Lahu or the Wa. The monks performed critical roles as social activists in Lahu cultural reconstruction. As a shaping power, their human agency was deeply integrated into secret societies and they formulated regional political centers as well as a network mechanism for the floating indigenous populations. Secret societies clearly shaped a historical framework for local politics and economic flux in the Yunnan-Burma frontier and became a cross-border mechanism for contemporary life after the border between Yunnan, Burma and Thailand was decided. However, it used to be a networking dynamic linked with silver and copper minefields, Sino-Burma wars, and anti-Qing millenarianism. Local people could also use this frontier space for their negotiations with different states before the coming of European colonialism.

After the 1680s, Big Vehicle Religion gradually developed on the Yunnan-Burma frontier. It was banned by the Qing government and became a sect of Chinese secret societies. The founders of this religion combined various Buddhist and Taoist elements together and claimed this to be the route to their salvation. They also trained many students to be monks. After the Sino-Burma wars these monks established a Five Buddha Districts system among the Lahu and some Wa villages in western Mekong River, until the system was destroyed by the Qing government in the 1880s. The monks became leaders of the Luohei/Lahu through millenarianism and many Han immigrants also became involved in the movements to become the Lahu or the Wa. The monks performed critical roles as social activists in Lahu cultural reconstruction. As a shaping power, their human agency was deeply integrated into secret societies and they formulated regional political centers as well as a network mechanism for the floating indigenous populations. Secret societies clearly shaped a historical framework for local politics and economic flux in the Yunnan-Burma frontier and became a cross-border mechanism for contemporary life after the border between Yunnan, Burma and Thailand was decided. However, it used to be a networking dynamic linked with silver and copper minefields, Sino-Burma wars, and anti-Qing millenarianism. Local people could also use this frontier space for their negotiations with different states before the coming of European colonialism.

The present article looks to analyze the possibilities that the study of the secret societies offer during the crisis of the Ancient Regime, to account for an interconnected process with the Hispanic world. For this, it studies the concepts about the use of the secret in politics, and it explores possible ways of diffusion of these secret societies between Europe and South America. As a hypothesis, we argue that Freemasonry had an indirect responsibility in the expansion of the associative model in Hispanic world, due to the fact that since the French Revolution, the anti- Masonic absolutist propaganda had a higher presence in the public sphere, constituting a possible vehicle of diffusion of the associative model., El presente artículo busca analizar las posibilidades que ofrece el estudio de las sociedades secretas durante la crisis del Antiguo Régimen, para dar cuenta de un proceso interconectado con el mundo hispánico. Para ello, se repasan las categorías de análisis referentes a la utilización del secreto en política, y se exploran posibles vías de difusión de estas sociedades secretas entre Europa y América del Sur. Como hipótesis, sostenemos que la masonería tuvo una responsabilidad indirecta en la expansión del modelo asociativo en el mundo hispánico, debido a que desde la Revolución Francesa, la propaganda antimasónica absolutista tuvo mayor presencia en la esfera pública constituyendo un posible vehículo de difusión del modelo asociativo.

The present article looks to analyze the possibilities that the study of the secret societies offer during the crisis of the Ancient Regime, to account for an interconnected process with the Hispanic world. For this, it studies the concepts about the use of the secret in politics, and it explores possible ways of diffusion of these secret societies between Europe and South America. As a hypothesis, we argue that Freemasonry had an indirect responsibility in the expansion of the associative model in Hispanic world, due to the fact that since the French Revolution, the anti- Masonic absolutist propaganda had a higher presence in the public sphere, constituting a possible vehicle of diffusion of the associative model., El presente artículo busca analizar las posibilidades que ofrece el estudio de las sociedades secretas durante la crisis del Antiguo Régimen, para dar cuenta de un proceso interconectado con el mundo hispánico. Para ello, se repasan las categorías de análisis referentes a la utilización del secreto en política, y se exploran posibles vías de difusión de estas sociedades secretas entre Europa y América del Sur. Como hipótesis, sostenemos que la masonería tuvo una responsabilidad indirecta en la expansión del modelo asociativo en el mundo hispánico, debido a que desde la Revolución Francesa, la propaganda antimasónica absolutista tuvo mayor presencia en la esfera pública constituyendo un posible vehículo de difusión del modelo asociativo.

After the 1680s, Big Vehicle Religion gradually developed on the Yunnan-Burma frontier. It was banned by the Qing government and became a sect of Chinese secret societies. The founders of this religion combined various Buddhist and Taoist elements together and claimed this to be the route to their salvation. They also trained many students to be monks. After the Sino-Burma wars these monks established a Five Buddha Districts system among the Lahu and some Wa villages in western Mekong River, until the system was destroyed by the Qing government in the 1880s. The monks became leaders of the Luohei/Lahu through millenarianism and many Han immigrants also became involved in the movements to become the Lahu or the Wa. The monks performed critical roles as social activists in Lahu cultural reconstruction. As a shaping power, their human agency was deeply integrated into secret societies and they formulated regional political centers as well as a network mechanism for the floating indigenous populations. Secret societies clearly shaped a historical framework for local politics and economic flux in the Yunnan-Burma frontier and became a cross-border mechanism for contemporary life after the border between Yunnan, Burma and Thailand was decided. However, it used to be a networking dynamic linked with silver and copper minefields, Sino-Burma wars, and anti-Qing millenarianism. Local people could also use this frontier space for their negotiations with different states before the coming of European colonialism.

In post-war situations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) feature highly in peace-building processes in their (perceived) capacities as both representatives of civil society and as grassroots agents to be employed in the reconstruction and transformation of society. As elsewhere, in Liberia, peace-building approaches include, first, international blueprints of representation that intend to empower groups generally perceived to be socially subordinate and, second, supporting traditional institutions considered social capital in reconciliation. Using the example of Liberia, this paper explores how in local conflict arenas, NGO workshops – the most popular mode of participatory intervention – are interpreted and appropriated by local actors; it highlights some fallacies and unintended consequences of inclusive procedures in practice and questions the support furnished to heads of gendered secret societies., Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NRO) wird in Nachkriegsphasen hohe Kompetenz in Bezug auf peace-building-Prozesse zugesprochen, denn sie repräsentieren die civil society und stellen gleichzeitig Akteure, die an der Basis zum Wiederaufbau und zur gesellschaftlichen Transformation beitragen können. Auch in Liberia schließen peace-building-Konzepte an erster Stelle international erarbeitete Zielvorgaben zur Repräsentanz ein und sehen erstens eine Beteiligung von Gruppen mit niedrigem sozialen Status vor und zweitens die Unterstützung traditioneller Institutionen, die als soziales Kapital im Aussöhnungsprozess angesehen werden. Die Autorin untersucht am Beispiel Liberia, inwieweit NRO-workshops – die beliebteste Form der partizipativen Intervention – in Konfliktzonen von lokalen Akteuren interpretiert und für eigene Ziele genutzt werden; sie verweist auf irrtümliche Annahmen und unbeabsichtigte Konsequenzen der praktischen Anwendung inklusiver Verfahren und stellt die Unterstützung in Frage, die Oberhäuptern geschlechtsspezifischer Geheimgesellschaften zuteil wird.

Naporednom analizom dečjih romana s jedne i špijunskih s druge strane, punktiranjem dečje i ozbiljne konstrukcije sveta i ega, izlaganjem homologije njihovih narativa i rekonstrukcijom socijalnog konstrukta koji ih prati, pretpostavlja se da bi se moglo baciti svetlo na jednu posebnost koja parazitira na domaćinu za koga bi da bude merodavna. Jukstapoziranje dva sveta ili, češće, sveta u svetu, predočava lik, unutrašnje tenzije i perverzije onog sveta koji draž službovanja pri tajni sa aspiracijom na javno dejstvo čini posebnim. Uspostavljena analogija po produženom radu infantilnog narcizma spram sveta objekata usmerava pažnju na dva punkta koji obeležavaju posebnost sveta tajne : na protokole igre zatajivanja i tajnog delovanja i na motiv izmeštanja, usložnjavanja i stečaja identita koji iz toga sledi.

SCOPUS: re.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

SCOPUS: re.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Naporednom analizom dečjih romana s jedne i špijunskih s druge strane, punktiranjem dečje i ozbiljne konstrukcije sveta i ega, izlaganjem homologije njihovih narativa i rekonstrukcijom socijalnog konstrukta koji ih prati, pretpostavlja se da bi se moglo baciti svetlo na jednu posebnost koja parazitira na domaćinu za koga bi da bude merodavna. Jukstapoziranje dva sveta ili, češće, sveta u svetu, predočava lik, unutrašnje tenzije i perverzije onog sveta koji draž službovanja pri tajni sa aspiracijom na javno dejstvo čini posebnim. Uspostavljena analogija po produženom radu infantilnog narcizma spram sveta objekata usmerava pažnju na dva punkta koji obeležavaju posebnost sveta tajne : na protokole igre zatajivanja i tajnog delovanja i na motiv izmeštanja, usložnjavanja i stečaja identita koji iz toga sledi.

Naporednom analizom dečjih romana s jedne i špijunskih s druge strane, punktiranjem dečje i ozbiljne konstrukcije sveta i ega, izlaganjem homologije njihovih narativa i rekonstrukcijom socijalnog konstrukta koji ih prati, pretpostavlja se da bi se moglo baciti svetlo na jednu posebnost koja parazitira na domaćinu za koga bi da bude merodavna. Jukstapoziranje dva sveta ili, češće, sveta u svetu, predočava lik, unutrašnje tenzije i perverzije onog sveta koji draž službovanja pri tajni sa aspiracijom na javno dejstvo čini posebnim. Uspostavljena analogija po produženom radu infantilnog narcizma spram sveta objekata usmerava pažnju na dva punkta koji obeležavaju posebnost sveta tajne : na protokole igre zatajivanja i tajnog delovanja i na motiv izmeštanja, usložnjavanja i stečaja identita koji iz toga sledi.

Naporednom analizom dečjih romana s jedne i špijunskih s druge strane, punktiranjem dečje i ozbiljne konstrukcije sveta i ega, izlaganjem homologije njihovih narativa i rekonstrukcijom socijalnog konstrukta koji ih prati, pretpostavlja se da bi se moglo baciti svetlo na jednu posebnost koja parazitira na domaćinu za koga bi da bude merodavna. Jukstapoziranje dva sveta ili, češće, sveta u svetu, predočava lik, unutrašnje tenzije i perverzije onog sveta koji draž službovanja pri tajni sa aspiracijom na javno dejstvo čini posebnim. Uspostavljena analogija po produženom radu infantilnog narcizma spram sveta objekata usmerava pažnju na dva punkta koji obeležavaju posebnost sveta tajne : na protokole igre zatajivanja i tajnog delovanja i na motiv izmeštanja, usložnjavanja i stečaja identita koji iz toga sledi.

本論では, イェーナにおけるフリーメイソンや他の秘密結社の歴史, ヴァイマル政府の対秘密結社政策, そして18 世紀ドイツにおける秘密結社の文化史上の意義について考察したい。18 世紀後半に秘密結社が興隆するのはイェーナに限ったことではないが, 大学と秘密結社のメンバーが密接な結びつきを持っていたという点は大学都市イェーナに特徴的なことであった。しかし, 高位階の導入と共に学生はフリーメイソンから経済的に排除され, 同郷人会や学生結社が学生の結社活動の中心になる。イェーナを支配していたヴァイマル政府や政府高官であったゲーテは, 学生による危険性を考慮して秘密結社設立には反対してきた。この地のイルミナーティもまた大学教授や学生を結社に加入させてきた。この結社は公的に解散を宣言した後, ヴァイマルとゴータが結社の中心となって活動を継続していたのであるが, イルミナーティのネットワークは, 活躍の場を見出せない有為な若者にイェーナやヴァイマルでの活動の場を提供し経済的に支援することで, 思想・文化の発展に寄与している。ラインホルトの生涯からは, ウィーン, ヴァイマル, イェーナ, さらにはベルリンやキールを結ぶ結社のネットワークの存在が浮かび上がってくる。出版や旅行, 文通は18 世紀文化を展開させた情報ネットワークとしてしばしば取り上げられるが, 秘密結社もまたこうしたネットワークの一部であることが認められるのである。, This article consists of three parts: a history of the Freemasons and other secret societies in Jena, of the attitude of the Weimar Government toward them and finally of the cultural-historical meaning of secret societies in the 18th century. In Jena, as in other cities in Germany, secret societies particularly flowered in the second half of the 18th century. For Jena it was characteristic that members of such orders had close relations with the university. With the introduction of the higher-degree system, students were excluded from the Order of Masons, and they entered the homeland associations or students' orders. The Weimar Government, which governed Jena, and also its dignitary Goethe, prohibited establishing secret societies there because of the danger to the students. The Illuminati there, whose center was Weimar and Gotha after the public dissolution of the Order, tried to accept university professors and students into the Order. Its network corresponds to a personal connection, which could support talented young people who were distressed financially and help them to get jobs in Weimar or Jena. We can recognize the network, which connected Vienna, Weimar, Jena, and even Berlin and Kiel, from the personal records of Reinhold. Publications, journeys and exchanges of letters have been regarded as an information network developing in 18th century culture, but we should not disregard the fact that secret societies also belonged to this network.

L'intime et le secret doivent être constamment différenciés dans le processus psychanalytique. L'intimité de la relation analytique provoque une croissance psychique réciproque, tandis que le secret mène à une retraite de la pensée et de la vie émotionnelle. Dans la vie interne de l'analysant, le secret correspond à une stratégie visant l'attaque de tout accomplissement. Une véritable propagande, tantôt ouverte, tantôt sournoise sabote la relation analytique; ce travail de déstabilisation est commandé par un groupe interne organisé comme une « société secrète ». De ce fait ce n'est pas le secret qui doit être analysé mas l'organisation qui le produit. L'intimité d'une relation ne peut être atteinte que lorsque analyste et analysant débusque le siège psychique de cette organisation. D'autre part, ce travail émet l'hypothèse, que les traits de cette société secrète interne sont souvent projetés par les analystes eux-mêmes dans leurs propres institutions.