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In this text, we analyze the different expressions of political and social conflict (riots, demonstrations, strikes...) between 1900 and 1936 in a prototypical medium-sized Castilian agrarian town: Paredes de Nava, in the province of Palencia. With this, we intend to show that, despite the prevailing cliché, these of medium-sized rural towns were a focus of intense political and social mobilization in Spain during the first decades of the 20th century., En el presente texto analizamos las diferentes expresiones de conflictividad política y social (motines, manifestaciones, huelgas...) que se produjeron entre 1900 y 1936 en una prototípica localidad castellana de tamaño medio: la villa palentina de Paredes de Nava. Con ello pretendemos mostrar que, a pesar del tópico imperante, este tipo de localidades rurales de tamaño medio fueron un foco de intensa movilización política y social en la España durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX.

During the 1960s, the United States of America experienced a surge of riots and inner turmoil, with the Detroit Riots of 1967 being one of the more violent instances. In a period of heavy turbulence, the need to maintain law and order whilst maintaining the various freedoms laid out by the Constitution became crossed. This essay thus explores the Detroit Riots of 1967 within a constitutional framework, in order to better understand the relationship between constitutional law and times of turbulence. Were the promised freedoms laid out by the Constitution upheld and was the integrity of the Constitution upheld within the domains of security, justice, and reforms? To answer these questions, this essay furthers the research headed by Geoff Ward, Nancy C. Marcus, and Leo P. Martinez, by instrumentalizing the Constitution as an analytical tool. Using a double-method approach, a qualitative content analysis was initially applied to the historical sources, followed by a constitutional analysis of the sources, of which a special focus was brought to Article IV, Amendment I and Amendments IV-VIII of the Constitution. The sources used for the investigation include legislative documents, court documents, and recorded mediums, and the theoretical framework is comprised of the “Rule of Law” theory and the “Living Constitution” theory. In answering the overall question of whether or not the integrity of the Constitution was upheld by legal authorities during the 1967 riots in Detroit, the historical investigation argues for a nuanced answer, an answer which differentiates between the legal authorities and the enforcers of the authorities. The investigation indicates that there were instances of both upholding and abandoning the freedoms promised by the Constitution. The significance of these results can be found in instances relating to the modern-day Black Lives Matter movement, in which this essay highlights the need for greater research on the relationship between the Constitu

This study analyzed how mass media portrays specific groups of actors involved in burnings of the quran, more precisely, burners of the quran and demonstrators opposed to it. The study has compiled 18 digitally published news articles derived from four different news agencies. By using critical discourse analysis as a theoretical and methodological framework, the study has applied the three-dimensional model developed by Norman Fairclough to examine the empirical findings. Conducted analysis of the news articles resulted in the identification of three prevalent themes also referred to as discourses. Identified themes were as follows: “The normalization of violent riots”, “Collective culpability of demonstrators”, “The quranburners as victims and the process of victimization of the quranburners” Furthermore, an analysis of the identified themes was conducted. The mentioned themes were further analyzed with textual tools as provided by Fairclough, as well as two sociological theories as necessitated by Fairclough’s theory of critical discourse analysis. The theory of stigmatization and labeling theory were applied. The empirical findings suggest that violent riots are depicted as inevitable consequences, thus undergoing a process of normalization. Furthermore, the protesters present during the manifestations are generalized into specific social groups such as muslims or arabs. Burners of the quran were on the contrary depicted as victims in a vulnerable position. Lastly, a discussion is held regarding the possible repercussions the discourses may have on a societal level and their potential impact on the field of social work., Denna studie analyserade hur massmedia porträtterar en specifik grupp av aktörer som är involverade i koranbränningar, nämligen, koranbrännare och demonstranter utifrån en kritisk diskursanalys. Studien har sammanställt 18 digitalt publicerade nyhetsartiklar från fyra olika nyhetsbyråer. Genom att använda kritisk diskursanalys som ett teoretiskt och metodiskt ramverk har studien tillämpat den tredimensionella modellen utvecklad av Norman Fairclough för att undersöka de empiriska resultaten av materialet. Genomförd analys av nyhetsartiklarna resulterade i identifierandet av tre förekommande teman, även refererade till som diskurser. Temana är följande: "Normaliseringen av våldsamma upplopp", "kollektiv skuldbeläggning av demonstranter", "Koranbrännarna som offer och viktimiseringsprocessen av koranbrännarna". Slutligen förs en analys av samtliga temana, nämligen "kampen mellan olika diskurser – hegemoni kontra antagonism". De nämnda temana analyserades vidare med diskursiva verktyg som tillhandahålls av Faircloughs tredimensionella modell och två sociologiska teorier som nödvändiggjordes av Faircloughs teori om kritisk diskursanalys, nämligen stigmatiseringsteorin och stämplingsteorin. Det empiriska resultatet tyder på att våldsamma upplopp framställs som oundvikliga konsekvenser och genomgår därmed en normaliseringsprocess. Vidare generaliseras demonstranterna under manifestationerna till specifika sociala grupper som muslimer eller araber. Koranbrännarna avbildades i kontrast som offer i en utsatt position. Slutligen diskuteras de möjliga konsekvenserna diskurserna kan få på samhällsnivå och deras potentiella inverkan på det sociala arbetets domän.

Why are some areas more resilient to riots than others? The literature seems divided on whether exposure to violence affects societies to become more resilient or more vulnerable to future violence. The most supported view is that "violence begets violence", but some studies suggest that riot exposed areas could possibly develop resilience. Potential resilience would arguably be the most noticeable in times of turmoil. As India had an outbreak of riot after the 2019 national election, it constitutes a good case to study. I therefore investigate whether riot exposure makes societies more resilient to violence or not, by looking at the probability that riot exposed areas in the pre-election period, had election-related riots after the election. The current thesis tests a hypothesis suggesting that there is lower probability that areas exposed to riots in the pre-election period experience riots in the post-election period, than in areas with no riot exposure in the pre-election period. By running a Linear Probability Model, on riot data in four Indian states, containing 1099 urban observations, the results of the thesis indicate that the hypothesis is unsubstantiated. Instead, an opposite relationship appears, which gives further support to the notion that “violence”, indeed, “begets violence”.

Many of the world’s major cities have recently seen large episodes of social unrest. What is the relationship between the changes these cities have experienced, particularly in the form of gentrification, and urban riots? We address this question by examining how local gentrification affected participation in the 2011 London riots. We use an instrumental variable strategy that exploits exogenous variation in the amount of local destruction caused by the Blitz; this is a strong predictor of local gentrification in London in 2001–2011. We find that gentrifying neighborhoods had a lower participation rate than other areas; this was a result of changes in the type of resident (a composition effect) and in the context in which the residents made their participation decisions (a contextual effect). Our findings are consistent with qualitative evidence from the United Kingdom and the United States, and highlight the effect that urban change can have on social order.

Why are some areas more resilient to riots than others? The literature seems divided on whether exposure to violence affects societies to become more resilient or more vulnerable to future violence. The most supported view is that "violence begets violence", but some studies suggest that riot exposed areas could possibly develop resilience. Potential resilience would arguably be the most noticeable in times of turmoil. As India had an outbreak of riot after the 2019 national election, it constitutes a good case to study. I therefore investigate whether riot exposure makes societies more resilient to violence or not, by looking at the probability that riot exposed areas in the pre-election period, had election-related riots after the election. The current thesis tests a hypothesis suggesting that there is lower probability that areas exposed to riots in the pre-election period experience riots in the post-election period, than in areas with no riot exposure in the pre-election period. By running a Linear Probability Model, on riot data in four Indian states, containing 1099 urban observations, the results of the thesis indicate that the hypothesis is unsubstantiated. Instead, an opposite relationship appears, which gives further support to the notion that “violence”, indeed, “begets violence”.

This study analyzed how mass media portrays specific groups of actors involved in burnings of the quran, more precisely, burners of the quran and demonstrators opposed to it. The study has compiled 18 digitally published news articles derived from four different news agencies. By using critical discourse analysis as a theoretical and methodological framework, the study has applied the three-dimensional model developed by Norman Fairclough to examine the empirical findings. Conducted analysis of the news articles resulted in the identification of three prevalent themes also referred to as discourses. Identified themes were as follows: “The normalization of violent riots”, “Collective culpability of demonstrators”, “The quranburners as victims and the process of victimization of the quranburners” Furthermore, an analysis of the identified themes was conducted. The mentioned themes were further analyzed with textual tools as provided by Fairclough, as well as two sociological theories as necessitated by Fairclough’s theory of critical discourse analysis. The theory of stigmatization and labeling theory were applied. The empirical findings suggest that violent riots are depicted as inevitable consequences, thus undergoing a process of normalization. Furthermore, the protesters present during the manifestations are generalized into specific social groups such as muslims or arabs. Burners of the quran were on the contrary depicted as victims in a vulnerable position. Lastly, a discussion is held regarding the possible repercussions the discourses may have on a societal level and their potential impact on the field of social work., Denna studie analyserade hur massmedia porträtterar en specifik grupp av aktörer som är involverade i koranbränningar, nämligen, koranbrännare och demonstranter utifrån en kritisk diskursanalys. Studien har sammanställt 18 digitalt publicerade nyhetsartiklar från fyra olika nyhetsbyråer. Genom att använda kritisk diskursanalys som ett teoretiskt och metodiskt ramverk har studien tillämpat den tredimensionella modellen utvecklad av Norman Fairclough för att undersöka de empiriska resultaten av materialet. Genomförd analys av nyhetsartiklarna resulterade i identifierandet av tre förekommande teman, även refererade till som diskurser. Temana är följande: "Normaliseringen av våldsamma upplopp", "kollektiv skuldbeläggning av demonstranter", "Koranbrännarna som offer och viktimiseringsprocessen av koranbrännarna". Slutligen förs en analys av samtliga temana, nämligen "kampen mellan olika diskurser – hegemoni kontra antagonism". De nämnda temana analyserades vidare med diskursiva verktyg som tillhandahålls av Faircloughs tredimensionella modell och två sociologiska teorier som nödvändiggjordes av Faircloughs teori om kritisk diskursanalys, nämligen stigmatiseringsteorin och stämplingsteorin. Det empiriska resultatet tyder på att våldsamma upplopp framställs som oundvikliga konsekvenser och genomgår därmed en normaliseringsprocess. Vidare generaliseras demonstranterna under manifestationerna till specifika sociala grupper som muslimer eller araber. Koranbrännarna avbildades i kontrast som offer i en utsatt position. Slutligen diskuteras de möjliga konsekvenserna diskurserna kan få på samhällsnivå och deras potentiella inverkan på det sociala arbetets domän.

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

Over the last several years, law enforcement’s image in the United States has been tarnished by the unlawful acts of a number of bad actors. These actions have negatively influenced the perception of law enforcement, particularly within some minority communities located in metropolitan cities nationwide. To strengthen its public profile, law enforcement is exploring methods to improve its image. This thesis investigates how law enforcement can develop positive social media exposure to improve police–community relations in the current social climate. Using qualitative and quantitative research, this thesis examined the different methods the Metropolitan Police Department of Washington, DC, the Boston Police Department, and the Portland Police Bureau used to develop positive social media exposure on Twitter directly before and after the murder of George Floyd on May 25, 2020. To assess the departments’ methods, this research analyzed their respective tweets by their frequency, method of posting, and the number of reactions they generated within this timeframe. As a result, this thesis finds that nationwide protests created significant exposure opportunities for law enforcement. This thesis concludes that to improve its image, law enforcement should continuously promote positive messaging on Twitter by highlighting positive work, conveying solidarity with the community, and exhibiting a willingness to work with the public., Civilian, State Govt, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

The Constitution and the Code of Criminal Procedure, as well as international treaties ratified by Chile, oblige the state to offer free legal assistance to those who require it, which is especially relevant in the criminal sphere. On the riots or social unrest that occurred in Chile in the last quarter of 2019 and early 2020, the Public Criminal Defense Office adopted a set of measures to offer legal defense to those who were detained or indicted by the criminal prosecution bodies. This research compares crime behavior in the country between 2017 and 2021 and identifies the social unrest crimes. These are a group of crimes whose frequency increased considerably during the turbulent months: 1) burglary, 2) public disorder, 3) disturbances to public order, and 4) attacks and threats against authorities. The volume and specificities of the social unrest crimes challenged the entire justice sector and, in doing so, made it possible to generate beliefs about the legitimacy of the criminal justice system. In contexts of social unrest, the generation of such beliefs seems especially important, because they can increase perceptions of injustice, enhancing the motivations that give rise to such unrest. Therefore, the operational reactions deployed in the Public Criminal Defense Office to ensure timely criminal defense services are explained. Good practices of the Public Criminal Defense Office that could be strengthened institutionally and normatively so that the justice sector is better prepared to face complex or unusual criminological phenomena, such as those that occurred during the social outburst, are also highlighted., La Constitución y el Código Procesal Penal, además de los tratados internacionales ratificados por Chile, obligan al Estado a ofrecer asistencia jurídica gratuita a quienes lo requieran, lo cual es especialmente relevante en el ámbito penal. Con ocasión de la revuelta o el estallido social ocurrido en Chile entre el último trimestre de 2019 y comienzos de 2020, la Defensoría Penal Pública adoptó un conjunto de medidas para ofrecer defensa jurídica a quienes eran detenidos o formalizados por los órganos de persecución penal. En esta investigación se compara el comportamiento delictual en el país entre los años 2017 y 2021, y se identifican los delitos del estallido social. Se trata de un conjunto de delitos cuyas frecuencias aumentaron considerablemente en los meses convulsionados: a) robos en lugar no habitado, b) desórdenes públicos, c) alteraciones al orden público, y d) atentados y amenazas contra la autoridad. El volumen y las especificidades de los delitos del estallido social pusieron a prueba a todo el sector justicia y, al hacerlo, posibilitaron la generación de creencias sobre la legitimidad del sistema de justicia penal. En contextos de disturbios sociales, el surgimiento de dichas creencias parece especialmente importante porque puede incrementar la percepción de injusticia, potenciando el malestar social que da origen a dichos disturbios. Por ello, se explican las reacciones operativas desplegadas en la Defensoría para asegurar servicios oportunos de defensa penal. También se destacan aquellas buenas prácticas de la Defensoría que podrían robustecerse institucional y normativamente para que el sector justicia esté mejor preparado para enfrentar fenómenos criminológicos complejos o no habituales, como los ocurridos durante el estallido social.

This open access book discusses the emergence and development, and in some cases also the disappearance, of social movements and activism in Sweden during the 1980s. Its aim is to nuance and problematize the image of the 1980s as unilaterally dominated by right-wing politics and neoliberalism, as well as the idea of a conflict-free Scandinavian model. The 1980s have often been described as a period when the influence of radical-left movements during the 1970s diminished. Instead, this book argues that the 1980s was a decade in which new radical social movements emerged in opposition to the prevalent political order, including the nuclear disarmament movement, the women's movement, anti-fascist movements, and the punk and environmental movements. The authors also demonstrate how issues such as squatting, nuclear resistance, rent strikes and the environment, included a variety of contentious collective action. Sweden, therefore, presents an interesting example of how resistance and conflict in a strong welfare state have been influenced by contentious social movements. Placing Sweden within the wider context of Scandinavia and Europe, this edited collection makes an important contribution to the history of social movements.

When several local mayors fiercely denunciated the violent riots that erupted after a curfew was imposed as a COVID-19 mitigant in the Netherlands, journalistic and academics critics soon warned that such responses often unjustly and counter-effectively depoliticize and delegitimize public protest. The commentators joined a choir of scholars who postulate that public authorities readily distance themselves from troublemakers, let alone acknowledge their grievances. However, our content analysis of mayors’ public responses to the Dutch 2021 anti-curfew riots in 719 newspaper articles finds that office holders portray considerable relational awareness. We find that mayors communicate a complex leadership style that crucially combines strict law enforcement with interpersonal empathy.

Máster 2001/2002

Kapitel aus: Davis, Mike (2006 [1990]): City of Quartz – Ausgrabungen der Zukunft in Los Angeles. Berlin: Assoziation A, 257-304. Aus dem Amerikanischen von Jan Reise.

This study analyses the factors that contributed to the collective behaviour of the mob at the January 6th Capitol riot and which factors were most influential. Previous studies have primarily relied on motive and justification in explaining prevention means and in part the actions of crowds during riots. However, have been unable to provide an in-depth understanding of a crowd’s collective behaviour and the process that occurs when individuals are placed in a crowd setting. Data was collected through reports and articles to accumulate information on the event, those involved and relevant theories, these were placed in a coding agenda through deductive content analysis that was followed, throughout the study. The results found that baiting, milling, norms and SIDE were crucial influential factors that contributed to the mob’s collective behaviour. Furthermore, the collective behaviour can be deemed as normative for the situation and that in turn collective behaviour contributes to the violence at the Capitol riots.

In the spring of 2022 Sweden experienced several riots among counter-protesters in connection with a Danish politician's Islamophobic manifestations. A societal debate was sparked around control, police capabilities and the limits of freedom of expression. The purpose of the current study is to, based on Anne Nassauer's theory from 2019 of paths to protest violence, with the support of previous research, understand protest violence in a Swedish context - more specifically the riots that took place over the Easter weekend of 2022. It is thus mainly interactions between protesters and the police that are put into focus in the current essay. The material for the study consists of a total of five district court judgments, i.e. court documents. The analysis method is a document analysis where the material is coded to be understood based on the purpose of the study. From the analysis of the study the violence and its origins could be understood by combinations of interactions in the form of spatial incursion, communication failures and escalation signals. Escalation and provocation such as masking, property damage has been identified as contributing factors to the violent riots. Further, the analysis found that emotional dynamics, particularly fear and tension, played a large role in the riots.

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Congressman ADAM SCHIFF. He is the chair of the House Intelligence Committee and he is on the House Select Committee investigating January 6th and Trump's attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election. He was also the lead manager of the first impeachment and senate impeachment trial of then president Trump. He is author of the memoir, Midnight in Washington: How We Almost Lost our Democracy and Still Could, which is now out in paperback. (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW).

The following paper is an attempt to analyze the wonderful tale Salman Rushdie has penned about the Indian nation. Rushdie’s sheer brilliance could be seen in Midnight’s Children, where he has piled the Indian history in a sublime way. Britishers, who sucked the soul out of India, are the ones directly responsible for the situation the Indian nationhood is in today. The mere pleasure of monarchs and elites brought catastrophes and havoc to the whole nation. The Indian freedom struggle was one of its kind in the world- for the country was divided on the night of its independence. It suffered one its worst time on the day it was liberated, millions left their home for ever and a line of hatred was drawn. This paper tries to lighten the history which tells us about those dreams which caused the partition of India. It talks about the working of the elites, who causes the manipulation of masses. It explains the political megalomania and how religion acts as the main ingredient for it, in India. The paper is not only a reference to a particular incident in history, but explains the working of government, authority and oligarchy and their dominion over the soul and body of the common people of the country.

The following paper is an attempt to analyze the wonderful tale Salman Rushdie has penned about the Indian nation. Rushdie’s sheer brilliance could be seen in Midnight’s Children, where he has piled the Indian history in a sublime way. Britishers, who sucked the soul out of India, are the ones directly responsible for the situation the Indian nationhood is in today. The mere pleasure of monarchs and elites brought catastrophes and havoc to the whole nation. The Indian freedom struggle was one of its kind in the world- for the country was divided on the night of its independence. It suffered one its worst time on the day it was liberated, millions left their home for ever and a line of hatred was drawn. This paper tries to lighten the history which tells us about those dreams which caused the partition of India. It talks about the working of the elites, who causes the manipulation of masses. It explains the political megalomania and how religion acts as the main ingredient for it, in India. The paper is not only a reference to a particular incident in history, but explains the working of government, authority and oligarchy and their dominion over the soul and body of the common people of the country.

The Forest of Dean is often regarded as a little country on its own, a borderland between England and Wales, almost an island between the rivers Severn and Wye. Appropriately, the Country - a synonym for local commonwealth - was the term inhabitants of this land between two rivers used to identify themselves. They shared grievances caused by woodland and key resources, such as iron ore and coal, being monopolised by royal favourites. In this liminal place, a carnivalesque riot mixing festivities with demolition of enclosures reportedly involving thousands of people began on Lady Day 1631 and continued, on and off, for more than a year. Skimmington, usually recorded as a mocking shame punishment visited on cuckolds and husband-beaters, was here used to invert hierarchy in other ways. It was used in a pejorative sense to symbolically bury the notorious "odious projector" Sir Giles Mompesson in one of his coal pits, and then used triumphantly, as a poor man, John Williams, took on the role of a riot captain, or lord of misrule. While the Skimmington Riots in the Forest of Dean have been bracketed in with various studies - whether of skimmington itself, the historiographical construct the Western Rising, and the centuries-long struggle by miners and commoners to retain their customary privileges - this is the first time the riots have been a singular focus of a study that is led by primary sources. These events are considered in various contexts, as a means of investigating the workings of early modern society, and the research project contributes to a debate within recent historiography by arguing that social relations were more complex than hegemonic or binary models allow.

How do riots affect civil conflict? The effects of riots on escalation and civil conflict have largely been overlooked in the peace and conflict literature. I argue that this omission is of particular significance because riots could act as a potent escalatory proxy for a government authority and legitimacy crisis, a robustly supported cause of escalation and civil conflict. Drawing on civil conflict theories concerning motivation, feasibility, and contentious politics, the hypothesis as riots increase, the intensity of state-based organized violence increases was developed. To test this hypothesis, a zero-inflated negative binomial regression analysis was conducted on 14728 country-month observations from African countries between 1997 and 2020, using riot events and state-based organized violence fatality data and theoretically and empirically motivated controls. Notwithstanding certain research design limitations, the regression analysis and the complementary tests and investigation strategies yielded findings that support the hypothesis and the supposition that riots tend to affect civil conflict by increasing the intensity of state-based organized violence. The novelty of the findings opens up avenues for future research and sheds light on the value of studying lower-level societal violence and minor-scale escalatory dynamics to enhance our collective understanding of civil conflicts.

Beyond the material consequences, violence can have a great psychological impact on the individual. Violence can cause institutional and interpersonal distrust, and in turn harm economic growth and political stability. As of today, there is more knowledge about the consequences of trust than its determinants, and longitudinal studies are scarce. This paper exploits survey data and disaggregated data on violence from Mexico, a country which since 2007 has experienced a rapid increase in violence. With the use of a Linear Fixed Effects Model, I analyse the impact of municipal level violence on trust in crime-related institutions and in other individuals. I find a significant relationship, robust across different model specifications, between exposure to battles and trust in the federal, state, and municipal police forces. This positive effect is also found for battles involving police forces. Furthermore, I find evidence of a negative relationship between riots and interpersonal trust.

How do riots affect civil conflict? The effects of riots on escalation and civil conflict have largely been overlooked in the peace and conflict literature. I argue that this omission is of particular significance because riots could act as a potent escalatory proxy for a government authority and legitimacy crisis, a robustly supported cause of escalation and civil conflict. Drawing on civil conflict theories concerning motivation, feasibility, and contentious politics, the hypothesis as riots increase, the intensity of state-based organized violence increases was developed. To test this hypothesis, a zero-inflated negative binomial regression analysis was conducted on 14728 country-month observations from African countries between 1997 and 2020, using riot events and state-based organized violence fatality data and theoretically and empirically motivated controls. Notwithstanding certain research design limitations, the regression analysis and the complementary tests and investigation strategies yielded findings that support the hypothesis and the supposition that riots tend to affect civil conflict by increasing the intensity of state-based organized violence. The novelty of the findings opens up avenues for future research and sheds light on the value of studying lower-level societal violence and minor-scale escalatory dynamics to enhance our collective understanding of civil conflicts.

This article reviews the historiography on military confrontations in Central American between 1820 and 1824. In the foreground, it looked over those writings that described it in a general way. In a second, the narrative published in each province. Additionally, to study this period should be done in two phases and must include new actors in the development of independence. Consequently, this paper suggests that the military conflicts of independence and the armed forces of Central America are part of a process that must be examined as such., Este artigo faz uma revisão da historiografia sobre os confrontos militares na América Central entre 1808 e 1824. Em primeiro plano, foram revisados ​​os escritos que a descreveram de maneira geral. Em um segundo, as histórias de cada província. Além disso, foi proposto um estudo do período em duas fases e a inclusão de novos atores no desenvolvimiento da independência. De fato, o ensaio sugere que os conflitos militares e as forças armadas da América Central fazem parte de um processo que deve ser examinado como tal., Este artículo recorre la historiografía sobre los enfrentamientos militares de Centro América entre 1808 a 1824. En un primer plano se repasaron aquellos escritos que los describieron de una manera general. En un segundo, los relatos sobre cada provincia. Además, se propuso un estudio del periodo en dos fases y la inclusión de nuevos actores en el desarrollo de la independencia. De hecho, el artículo sugiere que las pugnas militares y las fuerzas armadas de Centro América son parte de un proceso que debe examinarse.

The following paper is an attempt to analyze the wonderful tale Salman Rushdie has penned about the Indian nation. Rushdie’s sheer brilliance could be seen in Midnight’s Children, where he has piled the Indian history in a sublime way. Britishers, who sucked the soul out of India, are the ones directly responsible for the situation the Indian nationhood is in today. The mere pleasure of monarchs and elites brought catastrophes and havoc to the whole nation. The Indian freedom struggle was one of its kind in the world- for the country was divided on the night of its independence. It suffered one its worst time on the day it was liberated, millions left their home for ever and a line of hatred was drawn. This paper tries to lighten the history which tells us about those dreams which caused the partition of India. It talks about the working of the elites, who causes the manipulation of masses. It explains the political megalomania and how religion acts as the main ingredient for it, in India. The paper is not only a reference to a particular incident in history, but explains the working of government, authority and oligarchy and their dominion over the soul and body of the common people of the country.

The following paper is an attempt to analyze the wonderful tale Salman Rushdie has penned about the Indian nation. Rushdie’s sheer brilliance could be seen in Midnight’s Children, where he has piled the Indian history in a sublime way. Britishers, who sucked the soul out of India, are the ones directly responsible for the situation the Indian nationhood is in today. The mere pleasure of monarchs and elites brought catastrophes and havoc to the whole nation. The Indian freedom struggle was one of its kind in the world- for the country was divided on the night of its independence. It suffered one its worst time on the day it was liberated, millions left their home for ever and a line of hatred was drawn. This paper tries to lighten the history which tells us about those dreams which caused the partition of India. It talks about the working of the elites, who causes the manipulation of masses. It explains the political megalomania and how religion acts as the main ingredient for it, in India. The paper is not only a reference to a particular incident in history, but explains the working of government, authority and oligarchy and their dominion over the soul and body of the common people of the country.

The Forest of Dean is often regarded as a little country on its own, a borderland between England and Wales, almost an island between the rivers Severn and Wye. Appropriately, the Country - a synonym for local commonwealth - was the term inhabitants of this land between two rivers used to identify themselves. They shared grievances caused by woodland and key resources, such as iron ore and coal, being monopolised by royal favourites. In this liminal place, a carnivalesque riot mixing festivities with demolition of enclosures reportedly involving thousands of people began on Lady Day 1631 and continued, on and off, for more than a year. Skimmington, usually recorded as a mocking shame punishment visited on cuckolds and husband-beaters, was here used to invert hierarchy in other ways. It was used in a pejorative sense to symbolically bury the notorious "odious projector" Sir Giles Mompesson in one of his coal pits, and then used triumphantly, as a poor man, John Williams, took on the role of a riot captain, or lord of misrule. While the Skimmington Riots in the Forest of Dean have been bracketed in with various studies - whether of skimmington itself, the historiographical construct the Western Rising, and the centuries-long struggle by miners and commoners to retain their customary privileges - this is the first time the riots have been a singular focus of a study that is led by primary sources. These events are considered in various contexts, as a means of investigating the workings of early modern society, and the research project contributes to a debate within recent historiography by arguing that social relations were more complex than hegemonic or binary models allow.

Newark, Asbury Park, and Paterson all suffered in the second half of the 20th century due to the failure of city governments to begin to remedy decades of racism and discrimination and respond to the causes of the 1960s riots. The history of racism and discrimination in New Jersey informed the riots that occurred across the state in the 1960s and 1970s. After the riots, local governments misunderstood or ignored the driving causes and attempted urban renewal projects that either did not work or were never built. While the 21st century has seen these three cities bring in new investment and attractions, those developments may hurt lower-income and minority residents as rents rise., 2022, Includes bibliography., Degree granted: Thesis (MA)--Florida Atlantic University, 2022., Collection: FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

The 2020 Covid 19 pandemic came with good and bad news across the globe. The South African government had its most challenging moment, which found intra-party elite cohesion over state capture inquiry and corruption triggering riots in Gauteng and KwaZulu Natal. In South Africa whether they will be democratic deepening or decay will be unveiled in the article proffering for alternative solutions to resolve future conflicts in the country. Nevertheless, the article did not dispute the institutional democracy in South Africa as one of the African leading democratic state. The research used the socio-economic and political psychological analysis to unveil the July 2021 riots in South Africa. An ethnographical approach was utilized to enrich the study phenomenon, gathering data through documentary review, and multimedia platforms.

Beyond the material consequences, violence can have a great psychological impact on the individual. Violence can cause institutional and interpersonal distrust, and in turn harm economic growth and political stability. As of today, there is more knowledge about the consequences of trust than its determinants, and longitudinal studies are scarce. This paper exploits survey data and disaggregated data on violence from Mexico, a country which since 2007 has experienced a rapid increase in violence. With the use of a Linear Fixed Effects Model, I analyse the impact of municipal level violence on trust in crime-related institutions and in other individuals. I find a significant relationship, robust across different model specifications, between exposure to battles and trust in the federal, state, and municipal police forces. This positive effect is also found for battles involving police forces. Furthermore, I find evidence of a negative relationship between riots and interpersonal trust.

Theater audiences have been expressing their opinions about what is happing on stage and in the world around them for centuries. In some instances, uproarious behavior bordering on — and including — full-fledged riots, have provided early indications of profound conflicts taking shape within society that eventually can gather to overturn the political and social order. As the cases discussed here — drawn from Naples, London, Brussels, New York, Dublin, Paris, Miami, and Kyiv — suggest, such disturbances can reflect economic discontent, the rise of nationalist identities, and the emergence of new artistic movements. A night at the theater, the concert hall, or the club is always about more than the background noise of our lives. What happens when performers meet their audiences signals how we see our futures; and ourselves; and how we like what we see, or not.

In this interview conducted in person, Eva Alminiana Monroe speaks with Christina Ayson Plank, a member of the Watsonville is in the Heart project team. Monroe discusses her father's immigration story and the establishment of his barbershop in Watsonville called The Universal Barbershop. She also discusses her father's enlistment in the First Filipino Infantry Regiment and her mother's work as a nurse during World War II in the Philippines where they met. Monroe recalls memories of growing up in Watsonville and the events that her mother organized in association with the Filipino Women's Club. She also discusses her uncle's work in the agricultural fields, experiences with racism, and memories of other manongs in the community.

Background: Public order policing (POP) has attracted considerable interest from the academic community due to public protests in South Africa. This is not surprising given that it represents an important component of police work. As South Africa’s democracy has been maturing, the democratic dispensation brought the promise of civil liberties and a human rights culture. Although these parallel developments brought prospects of accountability and legitimacy by the South African Police Service (SAPS), the restoration of public order, especially during public protests, has remained a challenge for the SAPS. Purpose: The objectives of this research were threefold: to explore the role of the POP unit; to explore its capacity to respond to public protests; and to determine the effectiveness of the integrated interventions of the relevant stakeholders to restore engagement and order. Methods: A qualitative research approach employing semi-structured interviews was utilised. To understand the policing of public protests, purposeful sampling was utilised to select 25 participants comprising community members, municipal officials, and POP members. These participants were selected since they are directly involved either in responding to public order or being part of protests, and it was therefore envisaged that their contribution would assist in understanding how protests are responded to. Conclusion: The findings indicate that when the POP units that are mandated to fulfil these goals are not effective, disruptions of public order are minimised and the destructive consequences of those that do occur are contained. The results illustrate that the restoration of public order necessitates regenerating public order characterised by low expectations of violence and a heightened respect for human rights. Recommendations: This article recommends that the relevant stakeholders in collaboration with the POP unit must respond adequately to the maintenance of safety and security during

Governor Spencer J. Cox delivers a message on the violence at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021.

Executive order of Governor Spencer J. Cox on anticipated civil unrest after the January 6, 2021 United States Capitol attack.

Executive order of Governor Spencer J. Cox on anticipated civil unrest after the January 6, 2021 United States Capitol attack.

Governor Spencer J. Cox delivers a message on the violence at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021.

Il gruppo di lavoro che coordino nell’ambito di un progetto internazionale più ampio, si intitola Covid-19 e Viral Violence: violenza virale, proprio quella alla quale siamo assistendo da inizio pandemia, con le prime manifestazioni no lockdown. Il mondo dei NO si è poi diffuso in conseguenza, e grazie all’opportunità, che per certi ambienti è la pandemia e, soprattutto, la sua gestione. A differenza di altri, chi scrive non si stupisce di tale situazione. Per esempio, nello specifico delle proteste No Green Pass di Sabato 09 Ottobre, nelle chat e sui social di certi gruppi già si leggevano settimane prima i segnali di sentimenti e propositi che non sarebbero rimasti tali, ma che erano pronti ad esplodere negli eventi che poi si sono visti: l’assalto alla sede delle Cgil e ai blindati della Polizia.

Background: Public order policing (POP) has attracted considerable interest from the academic community due to public protests in South Africa. This is not surprising given that it represents an important component of police work. As South Africa’s democracy has been maturing, the democratic dispensation brought the promise of civil liberties and a human rights culture. Although these parallel developments brought prospects of accountability and legitimacy by the South African Police Service (SAPS), the restoration of public order, especially during public protests, has remained a challenge for the SAPS. Purpose: The objectives of this research were threefold: to explore the role of the POP unit; to explore its capacity to respond to public protests; and to determine the effectiveness of the integrated interventions of the relevant stakeholders to restore engagement and order. Methods: A qualitative research approach employing semi-structured interviews was utilised. To understand the policing of public protests, purposeful sampling was utilised to select 25 participants comprising community members, municipal officials, and POP members. These participants were selected since they are directly involved either in responding to public order or being part of protests, and it was therefore envisaged that their contribution would assist in understanding how protests are responded to. Conclusion: The findings indicate that when the POP units that are mandated to fulfil these goals are not effective, disruptions of public order are minimised and the destructive consequences of those that do occur are contained. The results illustrate that the restoration of public order necessitates regenerating public order characterised by low expectations of violence and a heightened respect for human rights. Recommendations: This article recommends that the relevant stakeholders in collaboration with the POP unit must respond adequately to the maintenance of safety and security during

Riots are sudden violent events, which can happen in prison at any moment. They have happened throughout history in almost all countries of the world. Due to unfavorable conditions in the institutions for the execution of criminal sanctions, both in the world and in our country, there is dissatisfaction among the prison population. In a way, the riots have, throughout history, been a cry for help and to attract the attention of the public and the media, in order to eliminate life's inconveniences in prisons and their possible impact on solving these problems. This paper describes the theoretical foundations of prison riots, patterns that lead to riots, such as overcrowding, violence, the formal and informal system, and deprivation. In this paper, we will also deal with interventions that can be applied in the event of riots and the approaches used to prevent them.

Urban riots are typically carried out by individuals who live in residential areas that are relatively marginalized socially, economically and politically. Previous research has discussed several aspects of deprivation that may help explain this relationship. Contributing further to this research, we aim to explain why marginalization produces riots by developing a rationalistic specification of social mechanisms. The utility of our model is demonstrated by a case study of the 2013 Stockholm riots. The model consists of (a) general local incentives that appeal to individual motives, but only lead to participation in riots when (b) the delicate local equilibrium is destabilized by an event that (c) makes riots appear justified, risk-free and thrilling. The advantage of this rationalistic model is that it shows why other people, in other places, would have reason to act in much the same way under similar circumstances.

Urban riots are typically carried out by individuals who live in residential areas that are relatively marginalized socially, economically and politically. Previous research has discussed several aspects of deprivation that may help explain this relationship. Contributing further to this research, we aim to explain why marginalization produces riots by developing a rationalistic specification of social mechanisms. The utility of our model is demonstrated by a case study of the 2013 Stockholm riots. The model consists of (a) general local incentives that appeal to individual motives, but only lead to participation in riots when (b) the delicate local equilibrium is destabilized by an event that (c) makes riots appear justified, risk-free and thrilling. The advantage of this rationalistic model is that it shows why other people, in other places, would have reason to act in much the same way under similar circumstances.

Urban riots are typically carried out by individuals who live in residential areas that are relatively marginalized socially, economically and politically. Previous research has discussed several aspects of deprivation that may help explain this relationship. Contributing further to this research, we aim to explain why marginalization produces riots by developing a rationalistic specification of social mechanisms. The utility of our model is demonstrated by a case study of the 2013 Stockholm riots. The model consists of (a) general local incentives that appeal to individual motives, but only lead to participation in riots when (b) the delicate local equilibrium is destabilized by an event that (c) makes riots appear justified, risk-free and thrilling. The advantage of this rationalistic model is that it shows why other people, in other places, would have reason to act in much the same way under similar circumstances.

Un entorno digital dominado por la inteligencia artificial, la influencia de los líderes políticos, el activismo de las audiencias y la eclosión de desinformación y fake news definen los códigos de la agenda. Se dibuja además un escenario en el que el papel de las agencias de fact-checking como propulsoras o detractoras de lo fake está cuestionado. En un contexto marcado por la convocatoria continuada de elecciones generales en España y por el conflicto de la Independencia de Cataluña se publica la Sentencia del Tribunal Supremo sobre los juicios del Procés (14-O). Una cadena de movilizaciones ciudadanas inunda la red. El objetivo general del estudio es conocer en Twitter las fake news sobre los disturbios catalanes, las estrategias de verificación en las agencias seleccionadas (@malditobulo, @Newtral y @veri_fi_cat), el nivel de impacto y la reacción de los públicos. Aplicamos una metodología triangular de análisis de contenido comparado y sobre una muestra general de tweets (n1=4500) se analiza el tratamiento de los bulos detectados por los fact-checkers (n2=62). Los resultados confirman que la autoría de las noticias falsas corresponde a cuentas de particulares y que las estrategias de fact-checking pueden favorecer más la viralización que el desmentido., In a digital environment dominated by artificial intelligence, the influence of political leaders and audience activism, the emergence of misinformation and fake news define the agenda codes. A scenario in which the role of fact-checking agencies as propellers or detractors of the fake is also questioned. In a context defined by the continued general elections in Spain and the conflict of the independence of Catalonia, the Supreme Court Judgment on the trials of Procés (14-O) is known. A chain of citizen mobilizations floods the network. The general objective of the study is to know on Twitter the fake news about the Catalan riots, verification strategies and the level of impact and reaction of the public. We apply a triangular methodology of comparative content analysis and on a sample of tweets (n1=4500) we analyze the treatment of the hoaxes detected by the fact-checkers (n2=62). The results confirm that the authorship of the false news corresponds to accounts of individuals and that the strategies of fact-checking can favor the viralization more than the denial.