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El trabajo analiza el uso que ha realizado VOX de los medios de comunicación de pago desde su primera campaña en abril de 2014 hasta la actualidad (con cierre a 31 de diciembre de 2021). El objetivo es conocer el uso que hace el partido político de los diferentes medios de comunicación, cuantificar qué medios utiliza y analizar qué mensajes lanza a través de su publicidad política (propaganda). Se recoge el contexto competitivo, es decir el número de piezas y los medios de comunicación que han utilizado los partidos políticos y sindicatos en el periodo de estudio para establecer un marco de referencia. Se han visionado o escuchado de forma exhaustiva las 159 piezas publicitarias que VOX ha utilizado en el periodo objeto de análisis para posteriormente codificar y clasificar sus mensajes con el objeto de descubrir que temas son los más relevantes para la organización a la hora de hacer publicidad. Es decir, aquellos sobre los que quiere incidir o transmitir con mayor claridad a la ciudadanía. Además, se ha constatado qué personas son las referentes dentro de las piezas. Se concluye que Vox utiliza la radio de una forma más intensa que sus competidores, y que la formación comunica principalmente sobre temáticas relativas a la inmigración, a los impuestos y a la unidad de España., This paper analyses VOX’s use of paid media from its first campaign in April 2014 to the present (closing date 31 December 2021). The aim of this study to find out how the political party uses the different media, to quantify which media it uses and to analyse what messages it launches through its political advertising (propaganda). The competitive context is collected, i.e. the number of pieces and the media used by political parties and trade unions in the study period to establish a frame of reference. The 159 advertising pieces used by VOX in the period under analysis were viewed or listened exhaustively in order to subsequently code and classify their messages with the aim of discovering which issues are the most relevant for the organisation when it comes to advertising. That is to say, those that it wants to influence or transmit more clearly to the public. In addition, it has been established which people are the referents in the pieces. It was concluded that Vox uses the radio more intensively than its competitors, and that the party communicates mainly on issues related to immigration, taxes and the unity of Spain.

I Anti-Versaillesfreden analyseras en särskild sorts tysk påverkan på svensk press. Det handlar om fördold nyhetsförmedling i syfte att skapa sympatier för Tyskland i allmänhet och en kritisk svensk opinion mot freden i Versailles i synnerhet. Denna propagandaverksamhet tog sin början under Weimarrepubliken och fortsatte sedan under det nazistiska Tredje riket. I centrum står Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg-Bremen (AAHB), en organisation som grundades 1923 i syfte att påverka den utländska opinionen genom artikelförmedling till dagspressen. När organisationen etablerades i Sverige 1932 hade den redan byggt upp ett globalt nätverk för att förmedla material till utlandet. Från 1933 inledde AAHB och den tyska legationen i Stockholm ett samarbete, pådrivet och stöttat av den nya nationalsocialistiska regeringen i Berlin. Andreas Åkerlund är professor i historia vid Södertörns högskola. Han har forskat om svensk–tyska relationer under 1900-talet, utbildningens internationalisering och svensk offentlig diplomati.

La situación generada por la Primera Guerra Mundial provocó la aparición de múltiples organizaciones destinadas a la población civil cuya acción humanitaria se desarrolló a nivel transnacional. Estas acciones se desarrollaron, también, como herramientas de influencia política apoyadas en los medios de comunicación de masas, en las que se involucraron intelectuales progresistas que facilitaron la movilización de amplias capas sociales. El Socorro Obrero Internacional estableció filiales en numerosos países con el doble objetivo de realizar acciones propagandísticas mientras desarrollaba acciones de apoyo a los obreros y sus familias, facilitando recursos en períodos de huelga, estableciendo comedores, hogares para niños o escuelas. La lucha contra el fascismo facilitó que se involucraran cineastas, fotógrafos, escritores, pintores, etc. en la elaboración y difusión de mensajes apoyados frecuentemente en imágenes que permitieron establecer los puentes emocionales adecuados para la creación de una red de intelectuales antifascistas, activa durante en el período de entreguerras y la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El objetivo del artículo es explorar las organizaciones y circunstancias que precedieron a esta red desde un enfoque transnacional y diacrónico que parte del concepto de solidaridad internacional y de sus implicaciones políticas. Para el estudio se han revisado publicaciones y archivos de las organizaciones cinematográficas vinculadas, así como los escritos realizados por Willy Münzemberg relacionados con la propaganda. Como resultado los mensajes y las imágenes compartidas y difundidas en los medios de comunicación permitieron moldear la opinión, establecer emociones compartidas que facilitaron la movilización humanitaria y sirvieron de justificación ideológica y cultural., The situation generated by the First World War led to the emergence of multiple humanitarian organizations aimed at the civilian population whose humanitarian action was developed at a transnational level. Those actions were also developed as tools for political influence-supported by the mass media– involving progressive intellectuals who facilitated the mobilisation of broad social strata. The International Workers’ Relief was established with the twofold aim of carrying out propagandistic action while developing action in support of the workers and their families, providing resources in periods of strike, setting up canteens, children`s homes or schools. The struggle against fascism facilitated the involvement of filmmakers, photographers, writers, painters, etc. in the elaboration and dissemination of messages often supported by images that allowed the establishment of the right emotional bridges for the creation of the network of anti-fascist intellectuals, active during the inter-war period and the Second World War. The aim of the article is to explore the organisations and circumstances that preceded this network from a transnational and diachronic approach based on the concept of international solidarity and its political implications. For the study, publications and archives of the linked film organisations as well as Willy Münzemberg’s writings related to propaganda have been reviewed. As a result, the messages and images shared and disseminated in the media made it possible to shape opinion, establish shared emotions that facilitated humanitarian mobilisation and served as an ideological justification for humanitarian and cultural mobilisation.

Partiendo desde una perspectiva de la historia del humanitarismo, el artículo estudia la configuración de una red transnacional de coordinación de organizaciones de ayuda a la República española durante la Guerra Civil (1936-1939). Dicha red estuvo, en su mayor parte, formada por entidades con una clara orientación política, y organizadas en base a una línea de frente popular antifascista. En el texto nos centraremos esencialmente en el análisis de la organización central de dicha red: el Comité international de coordination et d’information pour l’aide à l’Espagne républicaine (CICIAER) con sede en París. Analizaremos el funcionamiento de esta entidad y la configuración de todo un complejo entramado institucional derivado de ella; estudiaremos cuáles fueron sus principales actividades, así como el alcance de sus campañas de propaganda y recaudación; trataremos de adentrarnos en cómo se establecieron los vínculos con otros organismos internacionales de corte frente populista para generar toda una red de ayuda extendida por más de veinte países y examinaremos el funcionamiento de esta red así como la desigual implicación de las diversas organizaciones que formaban parte de la misma. A través del análisis de los discursos y la propaganda producida por esta organización y transmitida a través de su red de organizaciones asociadas, trataremos de determinar hasta qué punto estas organizaciones responden a unas dinámicas y unos objetivos meramente humanitarios o fueron instrumentalizadas como un mecanismo de difusión de los mensajes producidos por la Internacional comunista para la propagación de las políticas frente populistas que estaban tratando de propugnar desde el VII Congreso Mundial celebrado en 1935., From a humanitarian history perspective, the article studies the configuration of a transnational coordination network of aid organizations supporting the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This network was, mostly, composed of entities that were clearly politically oriented and organized on the lines of an anti-fascist popular front policy. The text focuses essentially on the analysis of the central organization of this network: the Comité international de coordination et information pour l’aide à l’Espagne républicaine (CICIAER) based in Paris. We will analyse the performance of this agency and the configuration of a complex institutional structure derived from it. We will look at its main activities, as well as the scope of its propaganda and fund-raising campaigns. We will try to explore how links were established with other front-populist international agencies to generate a whole aid network spread over more than twenty countries and we will examine the functioning of this network and the uneven commitment of the various organisations that were part of it. Through the analysis of the discourses and propaganda produced by this organisation and transmitted through its network of associated organisations, we will try to determine to what extent these organisations respond to purely humanitarian dynamics and objectives or were instrumentalised as a mechanism for disseminating the messages produced by the Communist International for the propagation of the anti-populist policies that they were trying to advocate since the VII World Congress held in 1935.

El “framing” es un concepto desarrollado por Entaman (1993), que sostiene que la forma en que se presenta una realidad puede influir en las interpretaciones y evaluaciones que se hacen de ella. En este sentido, se destaca el papel de los medios de comunicación y la desinformación en la conformación de las percepciones de la realidad. En cuanto a la desinformación, el documento analiza cómo se utilizó esta como arma en tiempos de guerra, en especial durante las dos Guerras Mundiales y la Guerra Fría. En este contexto, se destaca que el dominio de la información a nivel global se ha transformado en un objetivo estratégico para las naciones y una serie de nuevos actores que emergieron con la globalización y la digitalización de la sociedad, como es el caso de las grandes corporaciones multinacionales. Por otra parte, en este trabajo se evaluará la efectividad de prácticas desinformadoras en el conflicto actual entre Rusia y Ucrania, considerando las perspectivas mediáticas de ambos lados, enfatizando las prácticas de manipulación informativa llevadas a cabo por Rusia en el escenario internacional, así como señalando el papel de internet, las redes sociales y las nuevas formas de comunicación surgidas de la digitalización en la configuración de la opinión pública a nivel regional, nacional e internacional.

In the aftermath of Nazi Occupation during World War II, Hungarians were unable to escape the clutches of dictatorial government. The Soviet Union ousted the Nazis only to assert its own control in the years following the war. To sustain its subjugation of Hungary, the USSR needed Hungarians to accept communism. The Hungarian Revolt of 1956, however, revealed Hungary’s deep resentment for Soviet rule. To sway public opinion in favor of Soviet ideology, the USSR relied on propaganda, including statues, that sought to display the USSR in a positive light during the years 1945 to 1960. However, these attempts to sway public opinion were ultimately unsuccessful, with Hungarians refusing to accept the ideology of communism most clearly displayed in the Revolution of 1956.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur amerikanska påståenden kring Irakiska massförstörelsevapen användes som övertalningsmedel innan och omedelbart efter invasionen av Irak 2003. Detta görs via en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Analysen utgår från Jowett och O`Donnells teoretiska ramverk på tio punkter för analys av propaganda. Dessa operationaliseras och appliceras på källmaterialet. Källmaterialet består av tal från tre framstående amerikaner under tiden. President George Bush, vicepresident Dick Cheney samt stadssekreterare Colin Powell. Resultaten visar att vi via den teoretiska modellen kan få viss insikt i hur massförstörelsevapen användes som en specialteknik för rättfärdigandet av invasionen. Slutsatser kring hur massförstörelsevapen passade in i det större narrativet efter 9/11 dras samt applicerbarheten på teorin. Teorin anses passa bättre för mer omfattande studier, samt på ickestatliga aktörer.

Sverige har under de senaste åren fått utstå desinformation och propaganda från både internationella aktörer, såsom Ryssland, men även icke-statliga aktörer i form av LVU-kampanjen. På grund av dessa påverkansoperationer har den svenska staten behövt tillämpa motåtgärder för att bemöta och motverka spridningen av desinformation i syfte att skydda Sveriges säkerhet. Denna uppsats ämnar att utifrån statliga uttalanden och dokument utföra en jämförande textanalys för att analysera vilka åtgärder den svenska staten har tagit gentemot två olika desinformationskampanjer. De fall som har analyserats är rysk propaganda via tv och radio samt LVU-kampanjen. Åtgärderna som tagits för att motverka desinformationskampanjerna har skiljt sig åt. I fallet med den ryska propagandan har man tagit fram ett lagförslag som möjliggör för ingripande av sändningar av tv, radio och text-tv som kan kategoriseras som en blockeringsstrategi, medan åtgärderna för att motverka LVU-kampanjen har syftat åt att bemöta hotfulla narrativ med korrekt information vilket kan klassificeras som en konfronteringsstrategi. Blockeringsstrategin kan till skillnad från konfronteringsstrategin tolkas som en exceptionell åtgärd som inskränker på yttrandefriheten. Konfrontering kan dock också betraktas som odemokratisk då åtgärderna efterliknar det beteende man menar att motverka.

When you want to say something about memes, it is impossible to escape having to situate them. What usually happens is that meme makers and thinkers fall back on two definitions: Dawkins (1976), Shifman (2014). How can memes be defined beyond their work in a way that is better suited to our current time? Building on this work – yes of course – but in a way that leaves space for the meme to breathe. Honoring its transgressive everchanging nature, instead of limiting it into a static framework it never chose to be in in the first place. For meme studies to truly theoretically evolve as a field, the meme needs many expanded definitions. The goal of Critical Meme Reader III is to break its definition open with different visions, and to keep it open – letting the meme choose for itself what it wants to stay, be and become., https://www.librarystack.org/critical-meme-reader-iii-breaking-the-meme/?ref=unknown

In an age when Communist ideology has largely retreated from the daily lives of ordinary people, the bulk of the CCP's public communication is still heavily coated in ideological jargons. My dissertation argues that these jargons—which I call "catchphrases"—form a system of public intra-elite communication that is inaccessible to the general public, who lack the necessary skills to decipher the political messages embedded in them. Such a system of public communication through catchphrases helps increase the transparency necessary for elite power-sharing in a closed authoritarian regime. Catchphrases signify ideological and policy positions that cannot be easily revealed through literal interpretation. In particular, significant changes in ideological and policy positions are often signaled by extremely minute and seemingly trivial changes in the wording of catchphrases. In this dissertation, I identify a comprehensive list of 25,776 catchphrases from a corpus containing 2.5 million ideological texts from 1921 to 2019, using an automated method I developed based on strings matching. Going beyond a few legacy-defining catchphrases, this list shows how catchphrases form the "staples" of daily CCP elite communications, offering a "menu of options" representing varying ideological and policy positions that elites can use to reveal their differences in public without appearing divided to the general public. Next, using word embeddings, I measure how seemingly trivial changes in the wording of five pairs of catchphrases shift their ideological and policy positions along three predefined scales: a state-market scale that reflects positions on the party-state's role in the economy, a concentration-collective scale that pertains to positions on the power concentration within the party, and an authoritarian-democratic scale that reflects positions on openness to democratic values and social diversity. Finally, I use survey evidence to show how these minor modifications in word

El hormiguero (Antena 3) and El intermedio (laSexta), due to their prime-time broadcast, their 18 seasons on air and their high promotional demand, stand as television commercial options of media relevance. To answer how they execute their advertising aspect and elucidate their consumption profile, a content analysis of 1,500 spots is carried out. A theoretical construction to analyse promotion in infotainment that concludes two models: numerous and classic blocks in the face of exclusivity and hybridization, with spots for home products that diversify stereotypes, maintain the faces of celebrities and change roles to integrate a young-adult concerned about economic stability, family and happiness, from emotionality, and individualism. Strategies enriched with classic elements, music and slogans, and creative from the sets, with collaborators, characters and props that prolong their differentiation in content, ideology or structures to their commercial formula., El hormiguero (Antena 3) y El intermedio (laSexta), por su emisión en prime time, sus 18 temporadas consecutivas y su alta demanda promocional, se erigen como opciones comerciales televisivas de relevancia mediática. Para responder a cómo ejecutan su vertiente publicitaria y dilucidar su perfil de consumo, se efectúa un análisis de contenido de 1.500 spots. Una construcción teórica que analiza la promoción en el infoentretenimiento y concluye dos modelos: bloques numerosos y clásicos frente a la exclusividad y la hibridación, con spots de productos de hogar que diversifican los estereotipos, mantienen los rostros de famosos/as y cambian los roles para integrar a un segmento social joven-adulto, preocupado por la estabilidad económica, la familia y la felicidad, desde la emotividad y el individualismo. Estrategias enriquecidas con elementos clásicos, música y eslogan, y creativos desde los platós, con colaboradores, personajes y atrezo que prolongan su diferenciación en contenidos, ideología o estructuras a su fórmula comercial.

In a political and media context marked by the post-truth phenomenon and disinformation, paltering emerges as a particularly sophisticated use of deception. Barely studied in the literature, paltering introduces a deceptive idea on the grounds of a true statement, hence becoming a specially advantageous propaganda technique, since sometimes it is easier to deliver propaganda based on truth. This article studies how the Spanish media reported two specific paltering-related political incidents. We content-analyze the coverage of both cases in Spain’s four largest newspapers in terms of audience. Results indicate that paltering is present in the media (especially within the news sphere), that it is reproduced uncritically and without question, and that its impact is exacerbated in electoral contexts., En un contexto político y mediático marcado por la posverdad y la desinformación, el paltering emerge como un uso particularmente sofisticado del engaño. Escasamente estudiado en la literatura, el paltering consiste en inducir una idea engañosa a partir de un enunciado verdadero, lo que lo convierte en una técnica propagandística ventajosa, dado que en ocasiones resulta más sencillo construir la propaganda sobre una verdad. Este artículo estudia la representación mediática de dos casos de la política española relacionados con el paltering. Se realiza un análisis de contenido de la cobertura periodística de ambos casos de paltering en los cuatro diarios españoles con mayor audiencia. Los resultados indican que el paltering está presente en los medios (fundamentalmente en el género noticioso), que es reproducido sin cuestionar su veracidad, y que su repercusión mediática se exacerba en contexto electoral.

The 1928 International Exhibition for the Fight against Tuberculosis, held in Rome in the Palazzo delle Esposizioni on Via Nazionale, and the 1937 Exhibition of Summer Camps and Childcare, also in Rome but in the Circus Maximus area, constitute two important chronological milestones of a research that connects architects and engineers on the theme of architecture for holiday camps for children. They are two stages of a ten-year journey that from an original purely sanitary-assistance purpose acquired that of nationalistic-ideological formation in which the Fascist regime transformed the buildings intended for tuberculosis treatment into actual gyms for the physical and spiritual training of young Italians, which can be considered as formidable propaganda machines. During the 1928 exhibition the role of the holiday camps for both the recovery and prevention of children from tuberculosis began to emerge and the commitment of the Roman engineer-architect Cesare Valle, who had been tackling the problem of the hospitalization of TBC patients in Rome since the 1920s, was underlined by the exhibition's wide resonance in newspapers and journals. Less than a decade later, in the exhibition dedicated to holiday camps, the technical-sanitary solutions had already taken on a supporting role, and in the designs of the citadel and the pavilions of the institutions for the care and education of children by various protagonists of the Italian architectural scene, it was above all architecture and propaganda that found an effective combination.

Music during times of war has a profound and multifaceted role. It affects the emotional, psychological, and social realm of both combatants and civilians. Impacted by the social phenomenon of war, music stays as one of the most influential tools for propaganda and identity formation in the times of turmoil. The research presented here is a comparative case study which aims to explore the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian war on music. By analysing music created after the beginning of the war, my research studies whether war as a social and cultural phenomenon affects the creation and production of music in both societies and if so, to what extent. The thesis tries to establish the characteristics of war propaganda music and their prevalence in Russian and Ukrainian music of the present day. In this I also investigate the effect of propaganda music on identity formation and the shift in Russian and Ukrainian identities after the commencement of war.

This Paper examines the minting of coins during the reign of queen Christina of Sweden (Reign 1632-1654) from the area surrounding The Baltic Sea. The coins (seven types) that this essay seeks to analyze are minted in present day’s Estonia and Latvia and shows that even if the wishes of queen Christina are to get the new Baroque fashion to her aid in the making of the coins, they still remain at the style of the Renaissance era at large. Even if the standard of the coins does not reach the standard of the coins made in southern Europe, the various ways queen Christina is portrayed are also not explained solely by lack of monetary means from the Swedish State. Local Baltic resistance or Swedish politics might be reasons for the looks of the images of the monarch as well. The symbols of the coining reveal references to previous protestant heroes aiming to promote the legacy of Monarchy and portraits Christina as a Queen of Peace. By submitting the coining at hand some of the methods contained by the 20th-century thinkers Erwin Panofsky (1892- 1968) and Heinrich Wölfflin’s (1864–1945) theories, underlying features of meaning and understanding is thus possibly revealed.

This study seeks to illuminate the Swedish propaganda effort during the first years of Swedish participation in the Napoleonic wars, known as the Pomeranian War (1805-1807) in Swedish historiography. This is accomplished by analysing the reporting off the Swedish war effort in the official newspapers Stockholm Post-tidningar and Inrikes tidningar with a model of wartime propaganda previously put forward by Anna Maria Forssberg. The sources used, classified as “official Swedish war reporting”, are the published materials written either explicitly by official Swedish sources or other texts from an entirely Swedish perspective. A classification motivated by the heavy press regulations and state censorship of the late Gustavian era. The study covers the entirety of the period of Franco-Swedish warfare in northern Germany up to and including the evacuation of Swedish forces from Rügen in September 1807 but ends before the formal conclusion of peace in 1810. During this period several other important themes besides the fighting are covered in the official propaganda. These include a conflict with Prussia in 1806 and the Swedish alliances with Russia, Britain and, later, Prussia. The role of the image of the king in the authoritarian Gustavian political system and the way that the propaganda tries to paint a positive picture of Swedish military endeavours, mostly setbacks, with great emphasis on the preservation of military honour is also discussed.

The ‘Volk en Vaderland’ (VoVa) weekly newspaper served as the principal propaganda tool which allowed the Dutch fascist organisation National Socialist Movement – Netherlands (NSB) to propagate a meticulous blend of antisemitic, anti-Marxist and anti-‘establishment’ conspiracy theories, operating in complementary capacity to the ill-defined palingenetic vision of Dutch national rebirth (‘palingenesis’). Later in the wartime collaboration years, the various components of Dutch fascism were concretised (‘finished’) not by the NSB but by the Berlin-directed civilian occupation regime. As will be presented, utilising mixed-methods content analysis, VoVa’s double scrutiny in both a quantitative and qualitative examination points to the conclusion that the collaboration period had a stout germanisation effect on the completion and even replacement of the various facets of the initial NSB ideology: With pan-Dutch nationalism becoming increasingly outphased by pan-Germanicism; anti-jewish measures being introduced in the Netherlands by Berlin supported by NSB propaganda; and, finally, the revitalisation of ‘abolitionist’ antisemitic and anti-Marxist rhetoric occurring in virtue of Hitler’s invasion of the USSR. Thus, skewing the expectations of the natural fascist development under a heuristic fascist studies theory model, with particular attention paid to the elements most relevant to Holocaust & genocide studies, the NSB case study alludes to various noteworthy effects of intra-fascist wartime collaboration, and how it completed or even altered the propagated visions for societal transformations and persecutions. Therein, the thesis finishes with the recommendation that other national fascist organisations across World War Two Europe may have suffered equal changes to their abolitionist and palingenetic agendas following intra-fascist wartime collaboration with Germany and Italy; requesting further research is engaged in on other such fascist organisations across Euro

Beredskap för kulturarvssektorn vid höjd beredskap och krig

In this thesis, I argue for a major shift in the ideological dimension of state-backed cultural production in Iran in the recent decades, a shift that I predominantly attribute to the global domination of capital and the subsequent emergence of commodity as an ideology in its own right. I propose the term “late Islamic Republic” not just as a historical indicator to specify the general timeframe of this study but to also situate national cultural politics in the context of what Fredric Jameson has called late capitalism as our global totality. By arguing for the seams that connect culture, politics and economy, this thesis aims to demonstrate how a new dominant class has emerged in Iran, one that is less committed to the earlier ideals of the revolution on a discursive level but is semi-bourgeois in character and ideology. In emphasizing this capitalist dimension, the intention is not to relegate the Islamic Republic to simply a bourgeois state nor to dismiss the political role of Islam. It is rather to insist that the two logics—Islam and capitalism—never coincide with each other but, in their uneasy coexistence as two co-present moments or elements at the heart of late Islamic Republic, come to form an inescapable contradiction. In essence, the capitalist logic tends to “desacralize” the world and “disenchant” religion (Weber) while the Islamic edifice remains stubbornly committed to subject all aspects of social life to the imperatives of a “divine” rule. They thus form an inescapable contradiction, leaving gaps that constantly need to be filled. By adopting a spatial perspective in which the relationship between public and private spheres in Iran is interrogated in terms of a certain incompatibility, I emphasize the role of ideology in this process as precisely a formal operation within cultural texts for the imaginary resolution of historical dilemmas or incommensurabilities. This forms the basis of my argument that the new ideology of the state demonstrates a

The following research aims to analyze how Benjamin Netanyahu has employed the two political propaganda techniques that Edward Bernays considered necessary to shape public opinion, namely simplification and distortion, following the Hamas attacks on Israeli soil on October 7th. To this end, a minimal quantitative methodology has been employed through the online platform Fanpage Karma, as well as a qualitative methodology through Critical Discourse Analysis on a sample of 12 interventions by Netanyahu between October 7 and November 24. The results demonstrate that the political propaganda of the Israeli government is based on three discursive axes: 1) the political instrumentalization of the collective trauma of the Jewish people; 2) a theological rhetoric justifying military actions; and 3) linking the Islamist group Hamas to Nazism and ISIS., La investigación que se presenta a continuación busca analizar cómo Benjamín Netanyahu ha empleado las dos técnicas de propaganda política que Edward Bernays consideraba como necesarias para condicionar la Opinión Pública, simplificación y deformación, tras los atentados de Hamás en suelo israelí el 7 de octubre. A este fin, se ha empleado tanto una metodología cuantitativa mínima a través de la plataforma online Fanpage Karma, como una metodología cualitativa mediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso sobre una muestra de 12 intervenciones de Netanyahu entre el 7 de octubre y el 24 de noviembre. Los resultados demuestran que la propaganda política del gobierno de Israel descansa sobre tres ejes discursivos: 1) la instrumentalización política del trauma colectivo del pueblo judío; 2) una retórica teológica que justifica las acciones bélicas; y 3) la vinculación del grupo islamista Hamás con el nazismo y el ISIS., La recherche présentée ci-dessous vise à analyser comment Benjamin Netanyahu a utilisé les deux techniques de propagande politique que Edward Bernays considérait comme nécessaires pour conditioner l’opinion publique, à savoir la simplification et la deformation, à la suite des attentats du Hamas sur le sol israélien le 7 octobre. À cette fin, une méthodologie quantitative minimale a été utilisée à travers la plateforme en ligne Fanpage Karma, ainsi qu'une méthodologie qualitative à travers l'Analyse Critique du Discours sur un échantillon de 12 interventions de Netanyahu entre le 7 octobre et le 24 novembre. Les résultats démontrent que la propagande politique du gouvernement israélien repose sur trois axes discursifs: 1) l'instrumentalisation politique du traumatisme collectif du peuple juif; 2) une rhétorique théologique justifiant les actions militaires; et 3) la liaison du groupe islamiste Hamas avec le nazisme et l'État islamique.

La saturación en el mercado laboral dental y la alta competencia en odontología ha traído consigo la necesidad de implementar nuevas herramientas para atraer al cliente. De esta forma, el marketing profesional realizado a través de las redes sociales se ha convertido en una herramienta fundamental para establecer vínculos entre profesionales y clientes. Sin embargo, estos anuncios no siempre siguen las reglas establecidas por el Código de Ética Dental, caracterizando las infracciones éticas.Se analizó lo que la evidencia científica señala sobre las infracciones éticas previstas en el Código Brasileño de Ética Odontológica en relación a la práctica de la publicidad por parte de los odontólogos en las redes sociales. Se trata de una revisión integradora, realizada en la Biblioteca Virtual en Salud, entre marzo y abril de 2023. Se consideraron publicaciones a partir de 2012. Después de aplicar los criterios de inclusión y exclusión, la búsqueda resultó en la selección de cinco artículos. Se encontró que la mayoría de los odontólogos no cumplen con las normas establecidas por el capítulo XVI del código de ética odontológica en cuanto a la realización de anuncios, anuncios y publicidad en redes sociales. &nbsp, A saturação no mercado de trabalho odontológico e a alta concorrência na odontologia trouxe a necessidade de implantar novas ferramentas para atrair o cliente. Dessa forma, o marketing profissional realizado por meio das redes sociais, tornou-se uma ferramenta fundamental para o estabelecimento de vínculos entre profissionais e clientes. Contudo, estas publicidades nem sempre seguem as normas instituídas pelo Código de Ética Odontológica, caracterizando infrações éticas. Foi analisado o que apontam as evidências científicas sobre as infrações éticas previstas no Código de Ética Odontológica Brasileiro no que tange à  prática da publicidade veiculada por cirurgiões-dentistas nas redes sociais. Trata-se de uma revisão integrativa, realizada na Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde, entre os meses de março e abril de 2023. Foram consideradas as publicações a partir do ano de 2012. Após a aplicação dos critérios de inclusão e exclusão, a busca resultou na seleção de cinco artigos. Verificou-se que a maioria dos cirurgiões-dentistas não cumprem as normas estabelecidas pelo capítulo XVI do código de ética odontológica no que concerne a realização de anúncios, propagandas e publicidades, nas redes sociais.

Music during times of war has a profound and multifaceted role. It affects the emotional, psychological, and social realm of both combatants and civilians. Impacted by the social phenomenon of war, music stays as one of the most influential tools for propaganda and identity formation in the times of turmoil. The research presented here is a comparative case study which aims to explore the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian war on music. By analysing music created after the beginning of the war, my research studies whether war as a social and cultural phenomenon affects the creation and production of music in both societies and if so, to what extent. The thesis tries to establish the characteristics of war propaganda music and their prevalence in Russian and Ukrainian music of the present day. In this I also investigate the effect of propaganda music on identity formation and the shift in Russian and Ukrainian identities after the commencement of war.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how the Swedish Democrats (SD) try to hide their roots of right-wing extremism by the use of political whitewashing to appear as a more established and accepted party in the eyes of society as well as by other members present in parliament. The essay analyzes and compares the party’s party program from different years, the first one from 1989, the year when the first party program was adopted. The theoretical framework of Gunnar Sjöblom acts as a focal point when conducting analysis of the three political arenas, the parliamentary, the internal and the electoral arena, with a specific focus on the electoral arena. The method used to find out how SD have been using political whitewashing is qualitative content analysis. This essay shows how political whitewashing has been used in different ways and is focused on three policy areas where SD has been the center of controversial debates. The analysis showed that SD has been frequently using political whitewashing in an attempt to position themselves as a less extreme party in favor of a more centralized party.

En la actualidad, la precampaña electoral ha dejado de ser un elemento accesorio de la campaña electoral para pasar a ser un periodo independiente donde se debe proteger la integridad que rige al proceso electoral. Sin embargo, esta nueva situación que existe en nuestra realidad no se ha reflejado en la legislación, hasta el punto de no existir una definición legal propia; aunque esto no implica que no tenga repercusión en nuestras normas, ya que sí tendrá importancia en distintos aspectos, como la financiación electoral, el régimen de participación de terceros en el proceso electoral, la publicidad y propaganda electoral o el régimen de delitos e infracciones administrativas. Todos estos aspectos contribuyen a que sea posible configurar una regulación normativa de la precampaña electoral que sirva para conocer su esencia nuclear, la prohibición de petición del voto durante la misma., Departamento de Derecho Constitucional, Procesal y Eclesiástico del Estado, Grado en Derecho

This Paper examines the minting of coins during the reign of queen Christina of Sweden (Reign 1632-1654) from the area surrounding The Baltic Sea. The coins (seven types) that this essay seeks to analyze are minted in present day’s Estonia and Latvia and shows that even if the wishes of queen Christina are to get the new Baroque fashion to her aid in the making of the coins, they still remain at the style of the Renaissance era at large. Even if the standard of the coins does not reach the standard of the coins made in southern Europe, the various ways queen Christina is portrayed are also not explained solely by lack of monetary means from the Swedish State. Local Baltic resistance or Swedish politics might be reasons for the looks of the images of the monarch as well. The symbols of the coining reveal references to previous protestant heroes aiming to promote the legacy of Monarchy and portraits Christina as a Queen of Peace. By submitting the coining at hand some of the methods contained by the 20th-century thinkers Erwin Panofsky (1892- 1968) and Heinrich Wölfflin’s (1864–1945) theories, underlying features of meaning and understanding is thus possibly revealed.

La saturación en el mercado laboral dental y la alta competencia en odontología ha traído consigo la necesidad de implementar nuevas herramientas para atraer al cliente. De esta forma, el marketing profesional realizado a través de las redes sociales se ha convertido en una herramienta fundamental para establecer vínculos entre profesionales y clientes. Sin embargo, estos anuncios no siempre siguen las reglas establecidas por el Código de Ética Dental, caracterizando las infracciones éticas.Se analizó lo que la evidencia científica señala sobre las infracciones éticas previstas en el Código Brasileño de Ética Odontológica en relación a la práctica de la publicidad por parte de los odontólogos en las redes sociales. Se trata de una revisión integradora, realizada en la Biblioteca Virtual en Salud, entre marzo y abril de 2023. Se consideraron publicaciones a partir de 2012. Después de aplicar los criterios de inclusión y exclusión, la búsqueda resultó en la selección de cinco artículos. Se encontró que la mayoría de los odontólogos no cumplen con las normas establecidas por el capítulo XVI del código de ética odontológica en cuanto a la realización de anuncios, anuncios y publicidad en redes sociales. &nbsp, A saturação no mercado de trabalho odontológico e a alta concorrência na odontologia trouxe a necessidade de implantar novas ferramentas para atrair o cliente. Dessa forma, o marketing profissional realizado por meio das redes sociais, tornou-se uma ferramenta fundamental para o estabelecimento de vínculos entre profissionais e clientes. Contudo, estas publicidades nem sempre seguem as normas instituídas pelo Código de Ética Odontológica, caracterizando infrações éticas. Foi analisado o que apontam as evidências científicas sobre as infrações éticas previstas no Código de Ética Odontológica Brasileiro no que tange à  prática da publicidade veiculada por cirurgiões-dentistas nas redes sociais. Trata-se de uma revisão integrativa, realizada na Biblioteca Virtual em Saúde, entre os meses de março e abril de 2023. Foram consideradas as publicações a partir do ano de 2012. Após a aplicação dos critérios de inclusão e exclusão, a busca resultou na seleção de cinco artigos. Verificou-se que a maioria dos cirurgiões-dentistas não cumprem as normas estabelecidas pelo capítulo XVI do código de ética odontológica no que concerne a realização de anúncios, propagandas e publicidades, nas redes sociais.

In World War II, radio was one of the effective communication media that could be used to spread news and propaganda. The Japanese military government in Java made efforts to control or censor radios owned by the public. Control and censorship efforts to prevent the public from listening to radio broadcast by the Allies. On the other hand, radio was also useful for Japan to spread propaganda in society. The purpose of this study is to examine the policy of the Japanese military government in controlling and utilizing radio as a propaganda media in Java during wartime. This study is a historical research, thus the method used in this study is the historical method. The primary data used were Asia Raya newspaper, Djawa Baroe magazine, and Kan Pō (the government news) published by the Japanese military government in Java in 1942-1945. The results of this study show that the Japanese military government paid great attention to radio broadcasting and was strict in controlling it, radio broadcasts from enemy countries (Allies) were strictly forbidden to be listened to by the public, even the Japanese military government will impose severe punishment on the people if anyone violates. However, the Japanese military government also employed radio as a media for disseminating propaganda such as radio speeches from Japanese military officials, government programs, news, and so on.

The ‘Volk en Vaderland’ (VoVa) weekly newspaper served as the principal propaganda tool which allowed the Dutch fascist organisation National Socialist Movement – Netherlands (NSB) to propagate a meticulous blend of antisemitic, anti-Marxist and anti-‘establishment’ conspiracy theories, operating in complementary capacity to the ill-defined palingenetic vision of Dutch national rebirth (‘palingenesis’). Later in the wartime collaboration years, the various components of Dutch fascism were concretised (‘finished’) not by the NSB but by the Berlin-directed civilian occupation regime. As will be presented, utilising mixed-methods content analysis, VoVa’s double scrutiny in both a quantitative and qualitative examination points to the conclusion that the collaboration period had a stout germanisation effect on the completion and even replacement of the various facets of the initial NSB ideology: With pan-Dutch nationalism becoming increasingly outphased by pan-Germanicism; anti-jewish measures being introduced in the Netherlands by Berlin supported by NSB propaganda; and, finally, the revitalisation of ‘abolitionist’ antisemitic and anti-Marxist rhetoric occurring in virtue of Hitler’s invasion of the USSR. Thus, skewing the expectations of the natural fascist development under a heuristic fascist studies theory model, with particular attention paid to the elements most relevant to Holocaust & genocide studies, the NSB case study alludes to various noteworthy effects of intra-fascist wartime collaboration, and how it completed or even altered the propagated visions for societal transformations and persecutions. Therein, the thesis finishes with the recommendation that other national fascist organisations across World War Two Europe may have suffered equal changes to their abolitionist and palingenetic agendas following intra-fascist wartime collaboration with Germany and Italy; requesting further research is engaged in on other such fascist organisations across Euro

This study seeks to illuminate the Swedish propaganda effort during the first years of Swedish participation in the Napoleonic wars, known as the Pomeranian War (1805-1807) in Swedish historiography. This is accomplished by analysing the reporting off the Swedish war effort in the official newspapers Stockholm Post-tidningar and Inrikes tidningar with a model of wartime propaganda previously put forward by Anna Maria Forssberg. The sources used, classified as “official Swedish war reporting”, are the published materials written either explicitly by official Swedish sources or other texts from an entirely Swedish perspective. A classification motivated by the heavy press regulations and state censorship of the late Gustavian era. The study covers the entirety of the period of Franco-Swedish warfare in northern Germany up to and including the evacuation of Swedish forces from Rügen in September 1807 but ends before the formal conclusion of peace in 1810. During this period several other important themes besides the fighting are covered in the official propaganda. These include a conflict with Prussia in 1806 and the Swedish alliances with Russia, Britain and, later, Prussia. The role of the image of the king in the authoritarian Gustavian political system and the way that the propaganda tries to paint a positive picture of Swedish military endeavours, mostly setbacks, with great emphasis on the preservation of military honour is also discussed.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det finns skillnader i den politisk kommunikationen på digitala plattformar beroende på vilken målgrupp kommunikationen riktar sig till samt analysera hur dessa skillnader utspelar sig. Målet är att ge en djupare förståelse för hur politisk kommunikation är anpassad till olika målgrupper och hur strategier och budskap är utformade för att nå och engagera väljare i olika åldersgrupper. Forskningsfrågan som ska besvaras är: Hur anpassar politiska partier sin kommunikation på digitala plattformar för att nå sin målgrupp? Huvudmaterialet består i första hand av primärkällor, men även sekundära källor förekommer. Till de primära källorna hör bland annat Instagraminlägg från Moderaterna (MUF) och Socialdemokraternas Ungdomsförbunds (SSU) sidor samt Facebookinlägg från Moderaterna (M) och Socialdemokraternas (S) officiella sidor. De sekundära källorna består huvudsakligen av tidigare forskning och artiklar. Studiens teoretiska ramverk bygger på Gunnar Sjöbloms teorier om de tre politiska arenorna och Jürgen Habermas teorier om det offentliga samtalet och det fria ordet, metoden som används är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Slutsatserna visar bland annat att ungdomsförbund, som riktar sig till en yngre målgrupp, tenderar att ha en mer informell och humoristisk ton medans de officiella partierna, som riktar sig till en äldre målgrupp, tenderar att kommunicera mer objektivt och formellt., The purpose of the study is to investigate whether there are differences in political communication on digital platforms depending on which target group the communication is aimed at and to analyze how these differences play out. The goal is to provide a deeper understanding of how political communication is adapted for different target groups and how strategies and messages are designed to reach and engage voters in different demographic groups. The research question to be answered is: How do political parties adapt their communication on digital platforms to reach their target group? The main material consists primarily of primary sources, but secondary sources also occur. The primary sources include, among other things, Instagram posts from the pages of the Moderate Youth Union (MUF) and the Social Democrats Youth Union (SSU), as well as Facebook posts from the official pages of the Moderates (M) and the Social Democrats (S). The secondary sources mainly consist of previous research and articles. The study's theoretical framework is based on Gunnar Sjöblom's theories about the three political arenas and Jürgen Habermas theories about the public sphere and free speech, the method used is a qualitative content analysis. The conclusions show, among other things, that youth associations, which are aimed at a younge target group, tend to have a more informal and humorous tone, while the official parties, which are aimed at an older target group, tend to communicate more objectively and formally.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine, the largest armed conflict in Europe since the Second World War, is a war of many dimensions. Waged on land, sea, and in the air, it encompasses troop movements the size of which has not been seen since the Soviet invasion of the Third Reich. Today, there is a fourth dimension from where the war is being fought; The Internet. Information is being twisted, both on purpose and by accident, and propaganda is everywhere. This paper will make an analysis, touching upon how Russia has used information and propaganda since just after the cold war, and how it has changed with the invasion of Ukraine. It points out that the use of information has indeed changed, out of necessity to ensure domestic support for the cause, and in attempts to alienate Ukraine from the West.

Beredskap för kulturarvssektorn vid höjd beredskap och krig

I Anti-Versaillesfreden analyseras en särskild sorts tysk påverkan på svensk press. Det handlar om fördold nyhetsförmedling i syfte att skapa sympatier för Tyskland i allmänhet och en kritisk svensk opinion mot freden i Versailles i synnerhet. Denna propagandaverksamhet tog sin början under Weimarrepubliken och fortsatte sedan under det nazistiska Tredje riket. I centrum står Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg-Bremen (AAHB), en organisation som grundades 1923 i syfte att påverka den utländska opinionen genom artikelförmedling till dagspressen. När organisationen etablerades i Sverige 1932 hade den redan byggt upp ett globalt nätverk för att förmedla material till utlandet. Från 1933 inledde AAHB och den tyska legationen i Stockholm ett samarbete, pådrivet och stöttat av den nya nationalsocialistiska regeringen i Berlin. Andreas Åkerlund är professor i historia vid Södertörns högskola. Han har forskat om svensk–tyska relationer under 1900-talet, utbildningens internationalisering och svensk offentlig diplomati.

I Anti-Versaillesfreden analyseras en särskild sorts tysk påverkan på svensk press. Det handlar om fördold nyhetsförmedling i syfte att skapa sympatier för Tyskland i allmänhet och en kritisk svensk opinion mot freden i Versailles i synnerhet. Denna propagandaverksamhet tog sin början under Weimarrepubliken och fortsatte sedan under det nazistiska Tredje riket. I centrum står Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg-Bremen (AAHB), en organisation som grundades 1923 i syfte att påverka den utländska opinionen genom artikelförmedling till dagspressen. När organisationen etablerades i Sverige 1932 hade den redan byggt upp ett globalt nätverk för att förmedla material till utlandet. Från 1933 inledde AAHB och den tyska legationen i Stockholm ett samarbete, pådrivet och stöttat av den nya nationalsocialistiska regeringen i Berlin. Andreas Åkerlund är professor i historia vid Södertörns högskola. Han har forskat om svensk–tyska relationer under 1900-talet, utbildningens internationalisering och svensk offentlig diplomati.

I Anti-Versaillesfreden analyseras en särskild sorts tysk påverkan på svensk press. Det handlar om fördold nyhetsförmedling i syfte att skapa sympatier för Tyskland i allmänhet och en kritisk svensk opinion mot freden i Versailles i synnerhet. Denna propagandaverksamhet tog sin början under Weimarrepubliken och fortsatte sedan under det nazistiska Tredje riket. I centrum står Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg-Bremen (AAHB), en organisation som grundades 1923 i syfte att påverka den utländska opinionen genom artikelförmedling till dagspressen. När organisationen etablerades i Sverige 1932 hade den redan byggt upp ett globalt nätverk för att förmedla material till utlandet. Från 1933 inledde AAHB och den tyska legationen i Stockholm ett samarbete, pådrivet och stöttat av den nya nationalsocialistiska regeringen i Berlin. Andreas Åkerlund är professor i historia vid Södertörns högskola. Han har forskat om svensk–tyska relationer under 1900-talet, utbildningens internationalisering och svensk offentlig diplomati.

I Anti-Versaillesfreden analyseras en särskild sorts tysk påverkan på svensk press. Det handlar om fördold nyhetsförmedling i syfte att skapa sympatier för Tyskland i allmänhet och en kritisk svensk opinion mot freden i Versailles i synnerhet. Denna propagandaverksamhet tog sin början under Weimarrepubliken och fortsatte sedan under det nazistiska Tredje riket. I centrum står Aufklärungsausschuß Hamburg-Bremen (AAHB), en organisation som grundades 1923 i syfte att påverka den utländska opinionen genom artikelförmedling till dagspressen. När organisationen etablerades i Sverige 1932 hade den redan byggt upp ett globalt nätverk för att förmedla material till utlandet. Från 1933 inledde AAHB och den tyska legationen i Stockholm ett samarbete, pådrivet och stöttat av den nya nationalsocialistiska regeringen i Berlin. Andreas Åkerlund är professor i historia vid Södertörns högskola. Han har forskat om svensk–tyska relationer under 1900-talet, utbildningens internationalisering och svensk offentlig diplomati.

The reach of illiberal international propaganda outlets rests on citizens in democratic countries as recipients and potential disseminators. However, little research has scrutinised the audiences for such platforms. Why do audiences in democratic states consume content from such outlets, and how far do they actually align with it ideologically? The present research seeks to address this gap. Building on and extending the recent research findings of a large-scale survey, interviews with Swedish media consumers were conducted between 23 March and 13 April 2022, providing a unique close-up on a group of media consumers who stated that they consumed, among other alternative media, the Russian state-sponsored media outlets RT and Sputnik as part of their media diet. The findings, elicited through interviews and the Q-sort method, challenge previous research that presents this audience in a one-dimensional way. First, we investigate their alignment with different political narratives, identifying three different profiles. Although only one profile generally aligned with the RT/Sputnik messaging, almost all the participants appreciate the content and share it on social media. Secondly, we examine their rationale for consumption, revealing a diverse array of motivations, and leading us to theorise four distinct consumption profiles: Distant Observers, Reluctant Consumers, Media Nihilists and Establishment Critics. We interpret these results and discuss their broader implications, before reflecting on the complexities of characterising audiences consuming authoritarian international broadcasting.

The series of popular protests that shocked Catalonia in 1640 left a large volume of accounts of violence that reported on the disturbances erupted in the Catalan countryside against the abuses committed by the tercios of the Hispanic Monarchy. Many of these accounts were printed and during the early years of the Catalan War (1640-1652) they contributed to forging the memory of that turbulent year. This article analyses how the memory of the upheaval of the segadors that took place on Corpus Christi Day 1640 in Barcelona –Corpus de Sang–, the day on which the viceroy of Catalonia was assassinated, was used politically. Based on the analysis of different types of relaciones and political writings disseminated during the 1640s, this work suggests the confrontation of two memories of the assassination, one associated with the rebel side, in the form of rites of justice, and the other with the royalist side, in the form of rites of barbarism., El ciclo de protestas populares que conmovió Cataluña en 1640 dejó un amplio volumen de relatos de violencia que dieron cuenta de las alteraciones que estallaron en el campo catalán contra los abusos cometidos por los tercios de la Monarquía Hispánica. Muchos de estos relatos fueron llevados a imprenta y durante los primeros años de la Guerra de Cataluña (1640-1652) contribuyeron a forjar la memoria de aquel convulso año. Este artículo analiza cómo fue utilizado políticamente el recuerdo de la conmoción de los segadors que tuvo lugar el Día del Corpus Christi de 1640 en Barcelona –Corpus de Sang–, día en que el virrey de Cataluña fue asesinado. A partir del análisis de relaciones de sucesos y escritos políticos de distinta índole difundidos durante la década de 1640, este trabajo sugiere la confrontación de dos memorias del magnicidio, una asociada al bando rebelde, en forma de rituales de justicia, y otra, al bando realista, en forma de rituales de barbarie.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine, the largest armed conflict in Europe since the Second World War, is a war of many dimensions. Waged on land, sea, and in the air, it encompasses troop movements the size of which has not been seen since the Soviet invasion of the Third Reich. Today, there is a fourth dimension from where the war is being fought; The Internet. Information is being twisted, both on purpose and by accident, and propaganda is everywhere. This paper will make an analysis, touching upon how Russia has used information and propaganda since just after the cold war, and how it has changed with the invasion of Ukraine. It points out that the use of information has indeed changed, out of necessity to ensure domestic support for the cause, and in attempts to alienate Ukraine from the West.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det finns skillnader i den politisk kommunikationen på digitala plattformar beroende på vilken målgrupp kommunikationen riktar sig till samt analysera hur dessa skillnader utspelar sig. Målet är att ge en djupare förståelse för hur politisk kommunikation är anpassad till olika målgrupper och hur strategier och budskap är utformade för att nå och engagera väljare i olika åldersgrupper. Forskningsfrågan som ska besvaras är: Hur anpassar politiska partier sin kommunikation på digitala plattformar för att nå sin målgrupp? Huvudmaterialet består i första hand av primärkällor, men även sekundära källor förekommer. Till de primära källorna hör bland annat Instagraminlägg från Moderaterna (MUF) och Socialdemokraternas Ungdomsförbunds (SSU) sidor samt Facebookinlägg från Moderaterna (M) och Socialdemokraternas (S) officiella sidor. De sekundära källorna består huvudsakligen av tidigare forskning och artiklar. Studiens teoretiska ramverk bygger på Gunnar Sjöbloms teorier om de tre politiska arenorna och Jürgen Habermas teorier om det offentliga samtalet och det fria ordet, metoden som används är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Slutsatserna visar bland annat att ungdomsförbund, som riktar sig till en yngre målgrupp, tenderar att ha en mer informell och humoristisk ton medans de officiella partierna, som riktar sig till en äldre målgrupp, tenderar att kommunicera mer objektivt och formellt., The purpose of the study is to investigate whether there are differences in political communication on digital platforms depending on which target group the communication is aimed at and to analyze how these differences play out. The goal is to provide a deeper understanding of how political communication is adapted for different target groups and how strategies and messages are designed to reach and engage voters in different demographic groups. The research question to be answered is: How do political parties adapt their communication on digital platforms to reach their target group? The main material consists primarily of primary sources, but secondary sources also occur. The primary sources include, among other things, Instagram posts from the pages of the Moderate Youth Union (MUF) and the Social Democrats Youth Union (SSU), as well as Facebook posts from the official pages of the Moderates (M) and the Social Democrats (S). The secondary sources mainly consist of previous research and articles. The study's theoretical framework is based on Gunnar Sjöblom's theories about the three political arenas and Jürgen Habermas theories about the public sphere and free speech, the method used is a qualitative content analysis. The conclusions show, among other things, that youth associations, which are aimed at a younge target group, tend to have a more informal and humorous tone, while the official parties, which are aimed at an older target group, tend to communicate more objectively and formally.

This article analyzes the construction of a key foundation of the movement (or ideology) known as "Trumpism" and its relation to United States drug policy and its connection with Mexico. Firstly, it describes the origins of an anti-narcotics and border security strategy proposed by former President Donald Trump in 2017, which was amplified by sympathetic politicians and supporters who consider a potential military intervention in Mexico an electoral strategy for 2024. The analysis underscores the elements of misinformation and propaganda within the Trumpist strategy and revisits the use of psychological operations—outlined from the perspective of U.S. military manuals and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)—as tools of persuasion and electoral marketing., El presente artículo analiza la construcción de un fundamento clave del movimiento (o ideología) al que se le ha denominado “trumpismo” y que se relaciona con la política de drogas de Estados Unidos y su relación con México. En primer lugar, se describen los orígenes de una estrategia antinarcóticos y de seguridad fronteriza planteada por el expresidente Donald Trump en 2017 y amplificada por políticos afines y simpatizantes que consideran una posible intervención militar en México como estrategia electoral en el 2024. El presente análisis destaca los elementos de desinformación y propaganda de la estrategia trumpista y retoma el uso de operaciones psicológicas—planteadas desde la perspectiva de los manuales del ejército estadounidense y la Agencia Central de Inteligencia (CIA, por sus siglas en inglés)—como instrumento de persuasión y mercadotecnia electoral.

Beredskap för kulturarvssektorn vid höjd beredskap och krig

[EN] In contrast to the war scene, where it unleashed hostilities and maintained the initiative on several fronts at the same time, the National Socialist regime was hardly able to match the Allied countries in the political use of animation, despite the exceptional importance it attached to propaganda. In view of this failure, the article explores the causal framework and delves into a field of forces where institutions compete with companies and talented figures with opportunists in the development of films of very uneven tone and quality that quickly fell into oblivion but which, given their documentary value, should be taken into account in the general framework of the history of animation., [ES] A diferencia de lo sucedido en el escenario bélico, donde desató las hostilidades y mantuvo la iniciativa en varios frentes a la vez, el régimen nacionalsocialista apenas si pudo equipararse a los países aliados en el uso político de la animación a pesar de conceder a la propaganda una importancia excepcional. A la vista de este fracaso, el artículo indaga su marco causal y se adentra para ello en un campo de fuerzas donde instituciones rivalizan con empresas y figuras de talento con oportunistas en la gestación de filmes de tono y calidad muy desigual que rápidamente cayeron en el olvido pero que, dado su valor documental, conviene tomar en cuenta en el marco general de la historia de la animación.

[EN] In contrast to the war scene, where it unleashed hostilities and maintained the initiative on several fronts at the same time, the National Socialist regime was hardly able to match the Allied countries in the political use of animation, despite the exceptional importance it attached to propaganda. In view of this failure, the article explores the causal framework and delves into a field of forces where institutions compete with companies and talented figures with opportunists in the development of films of very uneven tone and quality that quickly fell into oblivion but which, given their documentary value, should be taken into account in the general framework of the history of animation., [ES] A diferencia de lo sucedido en el escenario bélico, donde desató las hostilidades y mantuvo la iniciativa en varios frentes a la vez, el régimen nacionalsocialista apenas si pudo equipararse a los países aliados en el uso político de la animación a pesar de conceder a la propaganda una importancia excepcional. A la vista de este fracaso, el artículo indaga su marco causal y se adentra para ello en un campo de fuerzas donde instituciones rivalizan con empresas y figuras de talento con oportunistas en la gestación de filmes de tono y calidad muy desigual que rápidamente cayeron en el olvido pero que, dado su valor documental, conviene tomar en cuenta en el marco general de la historia de la animación.

[EN] In contrast to the war scene, where it unleashed hostilities and maintained the initiative on several fronts at the same time, the National Socialist regime was hardly able to match the Allied countries in the political use of animation, despite the exceptional importance it attached to propaganda. In view of this failure, the article explores the causal framework and delves into a field of forces where institutions compete with companies and talented figures with opportunists in the development of films of very uneven tone and quality that quickly fell into oblivion but which, given their documentary value, should be taken into account in the general framework of the history of animation., [ES] A diferencia de lo sucedido en el escenario bélico, donde desató las hostilidades y mantuvo la iniciativa en varios frentes a la vez, el régimen nacionalsocialista apenas si pudo equipararse a los países aliados en el uso político de la animación a pesar de conceder a la propaganda una importancia excepcional. A la vista de este fracaso, el artículo indaga su marco causal y se adentra para ello en un campo de fuerzas donde instituciones rivalizan con empresas y figuras de talento con oportunistas en la gestación de filmes de tono y calidad muy desigual que rápidamente cayeron en el olvido pero que, dado su valor documental, conviene tomar en cuenta en el marco general de la historia de la animación.

This paper aims to show what manipulation techniques were used by the public media in Poland when presenting information about the Taliban offensive in Afghanistan. The study uses qualitative source analysis to gather data necessary and sufficient to answer the research questions, which are: how did the public media present the Taliban offensive in Afghanistan? What manipulation techniques were used? This paper begins by presenting the context of the study, in which the definition of the public broadcaster and its mission are presented. Next, the choice of the research field is justified and the theoretical tool of typology of manipulation techniques is presented. Then, the methodological assumptions are explained and a qualitative content analysis is conducted. The analysis reveals that the aim of public television was not to falsify information on the events taking place in Afghanistan. The manipulation techniques were used to discredit the decisions made by the U.S. government, to improve the image of the Polish government, and of the former U.S. president. In addition, these techniques were used to discourage Polish citizens from refugees from Afghanistan, and also to show them as dangerous., Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu ukazanie jakimi technikami manipulacji posługiwały się media publiczne w Polsce podczas prezentowania informacji o ofensywie Talibów w Afganistanie. Do przeprowadzenia badania wykorzystano jakościową analizę źródeł, aby zebrać dane konieczne i wystarczające do odpowiedzenia na pytania badawcze, które są następujące: Jak media publiczne przedstawiały ofensywę Talibów w Afganistanie? Jakie techniki manipulacji były wykorzystywane? Niniejszy artykuł rozpoczyna się od prezentacji kontekstu badania, w którym to przedstawiona zostaje definicja nadawcy publicznego oraz jego misji. Następnie uzasadniony zostaje wybór pola badawczego oraz przedstawione narzędzie teoretyczne jakim jest typologia technik manipulacji. Następnie wyjaśnione zostają założenia metodyczne oraz przeprowadzona zostaje analiza jakościowa zawartości. Przeprowadzona analiza ukazuje, iż celem telewizji publicznej nie było sfałszowanie informacji dotyczących samych wydarzeń dziejących się w Afganistanie. Posługiwanie się technikami manipulacji miało na celu dyskredytację decyzji podejmowanych przez rząd Stanów Zjednoczonych, ocieplanie wizerunku polskiego rządu, a także byłego prezydenta USA. Ponadto techniki te były wykorzystywane do zniechęcenia Polskich obywateli do uchodźców z Afganistanu, a także ukazania ich jako niebezpiecznych.

Introducción: Para las organizaciones políticas, las redes sociales, lejos de ser un espacio de diálogo, se han convertido en una herramienta más de comunicación unidireccional. Así, este artículo tiene como objetivo profundizar en el uso propagandístico de YouTube por parte de los partidos políticos, centrándose en Andalucía, la región española con mayor población y la primera en la que el partido de extrema derecha Vox logró una representación parlamentaria influyente. Metodología: Se aplicó un análisis de contenido a 999 videos publicados a lo largo de 2020 por los partidos políticos con representación parlamentaria, teniendo en cuenta variables como la presencia de los símbolos del partido, el tipo de propaganda utilizado y la referencia a un partido político rival. Resultados: Entre los resultados destaca la diferencia en el uso de la propaganda de negación por parte de los partidos ubicados a la derecha del espectro ideológico y de reacción por parte de los partidos ubicados a la izquierda. Discusión: Visto lo anterior, los resultados se discuten en términos de desideologización, populismo y reducción de ideas programáticas. Conclusiones: Al final encontramos que hay diferencias en cuanto al tipo de propaganda que se utiliza (destacando la de reacción y la de negación) apuntándose una notable incapacidad de los partidos para plantear alternativas que se relaciona con el auge del populismo y el pseudoabandono de la ideología., Introduction: For political organizations, social media, far from being a space for dialogue with citizens, have become another tool for unidirectional communication. Thus, this paper aims to deepen the propagandistic use of YouTube by political parties, focusing the case study on Andalusia, the Spanish region with the largest population and the first where the far-right party Vox achieved influential parliamentary representation. Methodology: Specifically, a content analysis was applied to 999 videos published throughout 2020 by political parties with representation in the Andalusian Parliament, considering variables such as the presence of the party symbols, the type of propaganda used and the reference to a rival political party. Results: Considering the foregoing, the results are discussed in terms of de-ideologization, populism, and the reduction of programmatic ideas. Conclusions: We find differences in the type of propaganda used (with emphasis on reaction and denial propaganda), pointing to a significant inability of political parties to propose alternatives, which is related to the rise of populism and the pseudo-abandonment of ideology.

Since Lasswell, propaganda has been considered one of three chief implements of warfare, along with military and economic pressure. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine revives public and scholarly interest in war propaganda. The Russian political leader frames the war as an imperial war. The Ukrainian political leader frames it as a war of national liberation. The discursive battle thus complements the military combat. The outcome of the discursive combat depends on the effectiveness of propaganda deployed by the parties involved. Propaganda effectiveness is the propagation of war-related messages stated by political leaders through various media with no or few distortions. The effectiveness of propaganda is compared (1) across countries, with a particular focus on two belligerents, Russia and Ukraine, (2) in the function of the medium (mass media, digital media), and (iii) using two different methods (content analysis and survey research). Data were collected during the first year of the large-scale invasion (February 2022 to February 2023). Survey data allowed measuring the degree of the target audience’s agreement with key propagated messages.