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This study delves into the effects of external financial support (official development assistance and foreign direct investments) on economic activity and welfare based on data from five nations injured by similar military conflicts from 2006 to 2021. Focusing on Ukraine, the research recommends ways for policymakers to navigate external financing during wartime. The employment rate, GDP per capita, inflation rate, and exports are the foundations for our analysis. The methodological approach employed regression analysis to measure the economic effect of external financing in wartime in these conflict-ridden nations. The findings reveal that increased foreign direct investment during wartime correlates with reduced employment rates, heightened GDP per capita, and increased exports. In addition, the negative impact of official development assistance ODA on employment was found, and it had a positive effect on exports but no significant effects on GDP per capita. A statistically significant impact on the inflation rate was not seen.

The prevailing literature on global state capacity suggests that: 1) Europe waspulling ahead of other regions in the early modern period, and 2) state capacity in thisperiod was mostly dedicated to the purposes of centralizing state power and increasingmilitary power. The interplay of institutions needed to expand military power and fiscalexpansion was a fundamental factor in these processes. We examine an unlikelycandidate for an empire and expanding state, namely early modern Sweden, where theconstruction of bureaucratic structures and the development of the military went inparallel during the 16th and 17th centuries. Sweden had scarce financial and humanresources, so its expansion was based on an offensive strategy to capture territory andresources, i.e. that "the war had to pay for itself." The military burden of the expansionwas, in comparative European terms, manageable, and it went hand-in-hand with thedevelopment of an efficient state bureaucracy. The strategy worked well until the early18th century, when confronted by more powerful enemies and inept domesticleadership. From the 1720s onwards, military expenditures began a slow decline. TheSwedish state was often forced to rely on revenue from trade to finance wars. However,a centralized state remained as a long-term structural element for Sweden, even thoughit had to eventually open up to trade, commit to political neutrality, and implement ademocratic system.

This study delves into the effects of external financial support (official development assistance and foreign direct investments) on economic activity and welfare based on data from five nations injured by similar military conflicts from 2006 to 2021. Focusing on Ukraine, the research recommends ways for policymakers to navigate external financing during wartime. The employment rate, GDP per capita, inflation rate, and exports are the foundations for our analysis. The methodological approach employed regression analysis to measure the economic effect of external financing in wartime in these conflict-ridden nations. The findings reveal that increased foreign direct investment during wartime correlates with reduced employment rates, heightened GDP per capita, and increased exports. In addition, the negative impact of official development assistance ODA on employment was found, and it had a positive effect on exports but no significant effects on GDP per capita. A statistically significant impact on the inflation rate was not seen.

Corruption, militarism, and conflict are bedfellows, and their coexistence feeds a vicious circle of violence and instability. Every dollar spent on the military is a dollar not spent on welfare-generating services such as education and healthcare. Yet, military spending makes up a bulk of government spending in several countries, and it is often shrouded from public purview. Rent-seeking behavior fostered within corrupt practices incentivize public officials to accept bribes from military suppliers, while the secrecy surrounding defense procurements allows them to act with perceived impunity. In this paper, I conduct a quantitative study using panel data from 175 countries from 2000 to 2020 to argue that corruption causes a distortion in public expenditure distribution by diverting valuable resources from social spending to military spending. Highly corrupt countries tend to spend a higher percentage of their GDP on the military, freeing up less of the finite resources for investment in education and healthcare. I find that corruption drives up military spending causing a crowding out of social spending.

This study adopts ARDL and VAR estimation methods to examine whether military spending crowd-out or crowd-in private investment in Nigeria. We use the data that covers the period from 1970 to 2019. Our results, based on the ARDL method, show that military spending only crowds-out private investment in the short run. In the long run, military spending crowds in private investment. The results are robust to the use of alternative estimation methods. Specifically, IRF results show that military spending has a contemporaneous negative effect on private investment. However, the negative effect turns positive after the third period. Also, FEVD results show that most of the variation in private investment is explained by its shock and few by military spending. Our findings have policy implications. While it is advisable to spend more on the military to curtail the activities of insurgents, bandits and kidnappers and to restore confidence in investors, it is important also to take cognisance of the fact that military spending can crowd out private investment.

Corruption, militarism, and conflict are bedfellows, and their coexistence feeds a vicious circle of violence and instability. Every dollar spent on the military is a dollar not spent on welfare-generating services such as education and healthcare. Yet, military spending makes up a bulk of government spending in several countries, and it is often shrouded from public purview. Rent-seeking behavior fostered within corrupt practices incentivize public officials to accept bribes from military suppliers, while the secrecy surrounding defense procurements allows them to act with perceived impunity. In this paper, I conduct a quantitative study using panel data from 175 countries from 2000 to 2020 to argue that corruption causes a distortion in public expenditure distribution by diverting valuable resources from social spending to military spending. Highly corrupt countries tend to spend a higher percentage of their GDP on the military, freeing up less of the finite resources for investment in education and healthcare. I find that corruption drives up military spending causing a crowding out of social spending.

Provides details on U.S. Space Force policy literature produced by the Biden Administration during its first eight months. Includes announcements that the Biden Administration will continue this new armed services branch begun during the Trump Administration. Features congressional testimony of Biden Administration officials such as Secretary of Defense Lloyd Wilson and Air Force Space Command leader General James Dickinson, the text of Space Force's 2021 Digital Force Vision document, congressionally approved FY 2022 space force budget figures, congressional committee comments and report requirements contained in emerging defense spending legislation, the emergence of collaboration between Space Force and universities such as Purdue, and likely forthcoming U.S. military space policy documents including the Biden Administration's National Security Strategy of the United States, Federal Register announcements, and federal defense contracting activity.

Provides details on U.S. Space Force policy literature produced by the Biden Administration during its first eight months. Includes announcements that the Biden Administration will continue this new armed services branch begun during the Trump Administration. Features congressional testimony of Biden Administration officials such as Secretary of Defense Lloyd Wilson and Air Force Space Command leader General James Dickinson, the text of Space Force's 2021 Digital Force Vision document, congressionally approved FY 2022 space force budget figures, congressional committee comments and report requirements contained in emerging defense spending legislation, the emergence of collaboration between Space Force and universities such as Purdue, and likely forthcoming U.S. military space policy documents including the Biden Administration's National Security Strategy of the United States, Federal Register announcements, and federal defense contracting activity.

This research work aims to verify how military expenditure promotes economic growth and industrial productivity, as suggested by the Military Keynesianism postulate. The NARDL method is employed to achieve the above objective on the panel data of India, China, and Pakistan, covering the period between 1990 and 2018. The study finds that the positive and negative impact of military expenditure has a significant positive and negative effect on economic growth in the long run for China and India; however, in the short-run, only positive impact favors economic growth. Thus, there is a symmetric effect in the short-run and an asymmetric impact in the long-run. This asymmetric result supports the work of Military Keynesianism, helping policymakers in devising appropriate macro-economic policies., Este trabajo de investigación pretende comprobar cómo el gasto militar promueve el crecimiento económico y la productividad industrial, como sugiere el postulado militar keynesiano. El método NARDL se emplea para lograr el objetivo anterior en los datos de panel de India, China y Pakistán que cubren el período 1990-2018. El estudio encuentra que el impacto positivo y negativo del gasto militar tiene un efecto positivo y negativo significativo en el crecimiento económico a largo plazo para China e India; sin embargo, en el corto plazo, solo los impactos positivos afectan el crecimiento económico. Por lo tanto, existe un efecto simétrico en el corto plazo y un impacto asimétrico en el largo plazo. Este resultado asimétrico respalda el trabajo del keynesianismo militar, que ayuda a los legisladores a diseñar políticas macroeconómicas adecuadas.

This research work aims to verify how military expenditure promotes economic growth and industrial productivity, as suggested by the Military Keynesianism postulate. The NARDL method is employed to achieve the above objective on the panel data of India, China, and Pakistan, covering the period between 1990 and 2018. The study finds that the positive and negative impact of military expenditure has a significant positive and negative effect on economic growth in the long run for China and India; however, in the short-run, only positive impact favors economic growth. Thus, there is a symmetric effect in the short-run and an asymmetric impact in the long-run. This asymmetric result supports the work of Military Keynesianism, helping policymakers in devising appropriate macro-economic policies., Este trabajo de investigación pretende comprobar cómo el gasto militar promueve el crecimiento económico y la productividad industrial, como sugiere el postulado militar keynesiano. El método NARDL se emplea para lograr el objetivo anterior en los datos de panel de India, China y Pakistán que cubren el período 1990-2018. El estudio encuentra que el impacto positivo y negativo del gasto militar tiene un efecto positivo y negativo significativo en el crecimiento económico a largo plazo para China e India; sin embargo, en el corto plazo, solo los impactos positivos afectan el crecimiento económico. Por lo tanto, existe un efecto simétrico en el corto plazo y un impacto asimétrico en el largo plazo. Este resultado asimétrico respalda el trabajo del keynesianismo militar, que ayuda a los legisladores a diseñar políticas macroeconómicas adecuadas.

Provides details on U.S. Space Force policy literature produced by the Biden Administration during its first eight months. Includes announcements that the Biden Administration will continue this new armed services branch begun during the Trump Administration. Features congressional testimony of Biden Administration officials such as Secretary of Defense Lloyd Wilson and Air Force Space Command leader General James Dickinson, the text of Space Force's 2021 Digital Force Vision document, congressionally approved FY 2022 space force budget figures, congressional committee comments and report requirements contained in emerging defense spending legislation, the emergence of collaboration between Space Force and universities such as Purdue, and likely forthcoming U.S. military space policy documents including the Biden Administration's National Security Strategy of the United States, Federal Register announcements, and federal defense contracting activity.

Provides details on U.S. Space Force policy literature produced by the Biden Administration during its first eight months. Includes announcements that the Biden Administration will continue this new armed services branch begun during the Trump Administration. Features congressional testimony of Biden Administration officials such as Secretary of Defense Lloyd Wilson and Air Force Space Command leader General James Dickinson, the text of Space Force's 2021 Digital Force Vision document, congressionally approved FY 2022 space force budget figures, congressional committee comments and report requirements contained in emerging defense spending legislation, the emergence of collaboration between Space Force and universities such as Purdue, and likely forthcoming U.S. military space policy documents including the Biden Administration's National Security Strategy of the United States, Federal Register announcements, and federal defense contracting activity.

This article proposes a transparent method for collecting, structuring, and analyzing Russian budget data on defense and security-related expenditures. A precise answer to the question of how big Russia’s defense expenditures are is impossible because of issues concerning secrecy and accounting principles. We circumvent this challenge by constructing lower and upper bounds for Russia’s military expenditure, showing that depending on the chosen measure these have increased from the range of 10.3–31.2% of federal expenditures in 2011 to 12.9–35.4% in 2018. The analysis also yields additional insights into the concept of secrecy in the Russian budget; we show that 39 out of 96 subchapters in the Russian budget contain secret expenditures, many of which are not nominally related to defense or security, and that secret expenditures increased as a share of total expenditures from 12% to 17% between 2011 and 2019.

The purpose of this study is to find out how editorials in various Swedish newspapers interpreted the ghost flights. The study shows how the phenomenon was interpreted based on defense and security policy. Through text analysis 44 editorial articles from the period 1934-1938 were investigated which showed that the most editorials interpreted ghost flying as military flights. The agenda of swedish liberal and moderate newspapers was to interpret military aviation as a reason for establishing an independent air force and in giving the military greater authority to make security decisions for the country. The Social Democratic agenda in editorials was to downplay loud defense interests. And the communist editorial agenda was more ideologically expressed in countering imperialist and warlike interests. Local Norrland newspapers were more likely to express hopes for greater military efforts for Norrland's sake and the development over time shows that it was the newspaper Norrskensflamman and Aftonbladet, political and ideological antagonists, that were the ones who kept the debate about the ghost flights alive until the outbreak of the Second World War., Godkänt datum 2020-06-05

The purpose of this study is to find out how editorials in various Swedish newspapers interpreted the ghost flights. The study shows how the phenomenon was interpreted based on defense and security policy. Through text analysis 44 editorial articles from the period 1934-1938 were investigated which showed that the most editorials interpreted ghost flying as military flights. The agenda of swedish liberal and moderate newspapers was to interpret military aviation as a reason for establishing an independent air force and in giving the military greater authority to make security decisions for the country. The Social Democratic agenda in editorials was to downplay loud defense interests. And the communist editorial agenda was more ideologically expressed in countering imperialist and warlike interests. Local Norrland newspapers were more likely to express hopes for greater military efforts for Norrland's sake and the development over time shows that it was the newspaper Norrskensflamman and Aftonbladet, political and ideological antagonists, that were the ones who kept the debate about the ghost flights alive until the outbreak of the Second World War., Godkänt datum 2020-06-05

Este trabajo de investigación pretende comprobar cómo el gasto militar promueve el crecimiento económico y la productividad industrial, como sugiere el postulado militar keynesiano. El método NARDL se emplea para lograr el objetivo anterior en los datos de panel de India, China y Pakistán que cubren el período 1990-2018. El estudio encuentra que el impacto positivo y negativo del gasto militar tiene un efecto positivo y negativo significativo en el crecimiento económico a largo plazo para China e India; sin embargo, en el corto plazo, solo los impactos positivos afectan el crecimiento económico. Por lo tanto, existe un efecto simétrico en el corto plazo y un impacto asimétrico en el largo plazo. Este resultado asimétrico respalda el trabajo del keynesianismo militar, que ayuda a los legisladores a diseñar políticas macroeconómicas adecuadas., This research work aims to verify how military expenditure promotes economic growth and industrial productivity, as suggested by the Military Keynesianism postulate. The NARDL method is employed to achieve the above objective on the panel data of India, China, and Pakistan, covering the period between 1990 and 2018. The study finds that the positive and negative impact of military expenditure has a significant positive and negative effect on economic growth in the long run for China and India; however, in the short-run, only positive impact favors economic growth. Thus, there is a symmetric effect in the short-run and an asymmetric impact in the long-run. This asymmetric result supports the work of Military Keynesianism, helping policymakers in devising appropriate macro-economic policies.

Este trabajo de investigación pretende comprobar cómo el gasto militar promueve el crecimiento económico y la productividad industrial, como sugiere el postulado militar keynesiano. El método NARDL se emplea para lograr el objetivo anterior en los datos de panel de India, China y Pakistán que cubren el período 1990-2018. El estudio encuentra que el impacto positivo y negativo del gasto militar tiene un efecto positivo y negativo significativo en el crecimiento económico a largo plazo para China e India; sin embargo, en el corto plazo, solo los impactos positivos afectan el crecimiento económico. Por lo tanto, existe un efecto simétrico en el corto plazo y un impacto asimétrico en el largo plazo. Este resultado asimétrico respalda el trabajo del keynesianismo militar, que ayuda a los legisladores a diseñar políticas macroeconómicas adecuadas., This research work aims to verify how military expenditure promotes economic growth and industrial productivity, as suggested by the Military Keynesianism postulate. The NARDL method is employed to achieve the above objective on the panel data of India, China, and Pakistan, covering the period between 1990 and 2018. The study finds that the positive and negative impact of military expenditure has a significant positive and negative effect on economic growth in the long run for China and India; however, in the short-run, only positive impact favors economic growth. Thus, there is a symmetric effect in the short-run and an asymmetric impact in the long-run. This asymmetric result supports the work of Military Keynesianism, helping policymakers in devising appropriate macro-economic policies.

Summary: Analyzing the effect of military expenditure on economic growth has been an essential task for U.S economists. This thesis analyzed macroeconomic components for the last 70 years by estimating the ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model and vector autoregressive model. To interpret the empirical analysis, historical analysis of the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Wars in the Middle East, was made. One found the negative effect of military spending during wartime on the economic growth of the United States. This thesis suggests that the policymakers and military commanders should focus on shortening the state of war to minimize economic damage to the United States., 2020, Includes bibliography., Degree granted: Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2020., Collection: FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

In this thesis, I study the association between scientific literacy and individual opinions on military spending of voting-age Americans using data from the 2016 General Social Survey. Based on responses to general science knowledge questions, I created a scientific knowledge test. Individuals were coded as scientifically literate if they answered 10 questions correctly out of the 12 on this test. Using multinomial logistic regression models, I found those exhibiting scientific literacy were 1.88 times more likely to express the opinion that military spending is too high, as compared to individuals classified as not scientifically literate. My results were robust to changes in the passing threshold for the test. Given the growing role of science and technology in the military, further study of this issue may have considerable implications for the education, scientific, and government communities. The findings could be applied to arguments related to the establishment of voter qualifications, changes in funding to science education, or how government agencies convey their spending habits to the public., http://archive.org/details/theeffectofscien1094562274, Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

NATO is an organization hindered by its 20th century success; in addition, it is not well understood in a postmodern world despite having been transformed by increasing its political aspect and reduced its military weight through the simple re-reading of its founding treaty. A "Hard" power institution in a postmodern and "Soft” world. However, risks and threats have only faded and, although they have lost some of their intensity, they have gained in specter. Paradoxically, NATO dissolution with the end of the Cold War would have led to the disappearance of a forum for dialogue, to the unraveling of the security space and, thus, to the rearming of Europe. Russia is the continent nation heir to the USSR, the reason for the creation of NATO. But Russia is not the USSR in geopolitical or ideological terms, even though its recent action has brought back the shadows of the Cold War. The complexity of the approach to the problem of its relationship with the West cannot be reduced to the dichotomous and exclusive enemy friend key (it is a partner, supplier, supplier ... more than a strategic rival). Its correct definition comes from the resolution of the problem of its identity. In this context, NATO remains a geopolitically necessary organization, not in vain is today the only bridge that links exclusively Europe and the United States while contributing to the stability and structure of the West. And it serves to find a place for Russia too. His eventual tensing is a proof of the vigor of his health and the need to find channels of understanding among its members. In general, it is not good to blow up bridges already built despite it is legitimate to want to change them., La OTAN es una organización lastrada por su éxito del siglo XX; además, no termina de ser comprendida en un mundo posmoderno pese a haberse transformado incrementando su vertiente política y reducido consecuentemente su peso militar mediante la simple relectura de su tratado fundacional. Una Institución de poder “Hard” en un mundo posmoderno y “Soft.” Sin embargo, los riesgos y las amenazas sólo se han difuminado y, aunque hayan perdido algo de su intensidad, han ganado en espectro. La globalización ha traído un incremento de la conflictividad por más que haya reducido su intensidad. Paradójicamente, su disolución con el fin de la Guerra Fría hubiera provocado la desaparición de un foro de diálogo, a la desvertebración del espacio de seguridad y, con ello finalmente, al rearme de Europa. Rusia es la nación continente heredera de la URSS, a su vez, la razón de la creación de la OTAN. Pero Rusia no es la URSS ni en términos geopolíticos ni ideológicos por más que su actuación reciente haya traído de vuelta el recuerdo de la Guerra Fría. La complejidad de la aproximación al problema de su relación con Occidente no puede reducirse a la clave dicotómica y excluyente amigo enemigo (es socio, suministrador, proveedor… por más que, en algunos aspectos rival estratégico). Su correcta definición proviene de la resolución del problema de su identidad. En este contexto, la OTAN sigue siendo una organización geopolíticamente necesaria, no en vano es el único puente que une a día de hoy a Europa y Estados Unidos mientras contribuye a la estabilidad y estructuración de Occidente pudiendo, paradójicamente, servir al propio acompasamiento de Rusia. Su eventual tensionamiento es prueba del vigor de su salud y de la necesidad de encontrar canales de entendimiento entre sus miembros. En general, no es bueno volar los puentes ya construidos por más que sea legítimo querer cambiarlos.

Despite the fact that previous studies have extensively investigated the causal nexus between military expenditure and economic growth in both developed and developing countries, those studies have not considered the role of globalization. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between militarism and globalization for the top 15 military expenditure spenders over the period 1990–2012. The bootstrap panel Granger causality approach is utilized to detect the direction of causality. The results show that military expenditure and overall globalization are causally related in most of the countries under review. This implies that countries experiencing greater globalization have relatively large increases in militarization over the past 20 years. The policy implication of the findings is that greater military spending by a country increases the likelihood of military conflict in the future, the anticipation of which discourages globalization.

Despite the fact that previous studies have extensively investigated the causal nexus between military expenditure and economic growth in both developed and developing countries, those studies have not considered the role of globalization. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between militarism and globalization for the top 15 military expenditure spenders over the period 1990–2012. The bootstrap panel Granger causality approach is utilized to detect the direction of causality. The results show that military expenditure and overall globalization are causally related in most of the countries under review. This implies that countries experiencing greater globalization have relatively large increases in militarization over the past 20 years. The policy implication of the findings is that greater military spending by a country increases the likelihood of military conflict in the future, the anticipation of which discourages globalization.

Despite the fact that previous studies have extensively investigated the causal nexus between military expenditure and economic growth in both developed and developing countries, those studies have not considered the role of globalization. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between militarism and globalization for the top 15 military expenditure spenders over the period 1990–2012. The bootstrap panel Granger causality approach is utilized to detect the direction of causality. The results show that military expenditure and overall globalization are causally related in most of the countries under review. This implies that countries experiencing greater globalization have relatively large increases in militarization over the past 20 years. The policy implication of the findings is that greater military spending by a country increases the likelihood of military conflict in the future, the anticipation of which discourages globalization.

Despite the fact that previous studies have extensively investigated the causal nexus between military expenditure and economic growth in both developed and developing countries, those studies have not considered the role of globalization. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between militarism and globalization for the top 15 military expenditure spenders over the period 1990–2012. The bootstrap panel Granger causality approach is utilized to detect the direction of causality. The results show that military expenditure and overall globalization are causally related in most of the countries under review. This implies that countries experiencing greater globalization have relatively large increases in militarization over the past 20 years. The policy implication of the findings is that greater military spending by a country increases the likelihood of military conflict in the future, the anticipation of which discourages globalization.

Despite the fact that previous studies have extensively investigated the causal nexus between military expenditure and economic growth in both developed and developing countries, those studies have not considered the role of globalization. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between militarism and globalization for the top 15 military expenditure spenders over the period 1990–2012. The bootstrap panel Granger causality approach is utilized to detect the direction of causality. The results show that military expenditure and overall globalization are causally related in most of the countries under review. This implies that countries experiencing greater globalization have relatively large increases in militarization over the past 20 years. The policy implication of the findings is that greater military spending by a country increases the likelihood of military conflict in the future, the anticipation of which discourages globalization.

Despite the fact that previous studies have extensively investigated the causal nexus between military expenditure and economic growth in both developed and developing countries, those studies have not considered the role of globalization. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between militarism and globalization for the top 15 military expenditure spenders over the period 1990–2012. The bootstrap panel Granger causality approach is utilized to detect the direction of causality. The results show that military expenditure and overall globalization are causally related in most of the countries under review. This implies that countries experiencing greater globalization have relatively large increases in militarization over the past 20 years. The policy implication of the findings is that greater military spending by a country increases the likelihood of military conflict in the future, the anticipation of which discourages globalization.

The aim of this paper is to study the relationship between military spending and sovereign debt in a panel of 13 European countries. In particular, under the assumption of the interdependence of military spending between US and European countries, we analyse whether US military spending affected European sovereign debt in the period 1988–2013. The empirical estimation is based on different steps: (i) a unit root test; (ii) an Arellano–Bond panel estimation and a linear fixed effect model; and (iii) a FMOLS estimation to highlight the long run relationship between debt and relevant variables. General results highlight that debt burden of European countries is: (1) positively associated with US military burden and (2) negatively associated with average military burden of other European countries.

What explains variation in military spending? Conventional wisdom suggests that states arm because of either foreign threats or domestic political institutions. The literature treats these factors as distinct and separate (Nordhaus et. al. 2012, Fordham and Walker 2005, Goldsmith 2003). Less attention is given to how states with different internal constraints respond to similar circumstances. This paper examines how states with different domestic political institutions respond to foreign threat during the Long 19th Century. Democratic states, with leaders who are accountable to a broad public through institutions of competitive elections and mass suffrage, invest in their militaries proportional to the level of foreign threat their state faces. Autocratic states respond less to shifts in the foreign security concerns, suggesting that the purpose of military spending differs in states with and without public accountability.

This paper explores the conditions under which public spending could minimize violent conflict related to oil wealth. Previous work on the resource curse suggests that oil can lead to violent conflict because it increases the value of the state as a prize or because it undermines the state's bureaucratic penetration. On the other hand, the rentier state literature has long argued that oil might provide states with resources to deliver public and private goods, and stabilize political regimes. The empirical evidence to settle these conflicting predictions is limited. This paper argues that the effect of oil on civil conflict is conditional on the size of government expenditure and the allocation of government spending for welfare or the military. To test these hypotheses, logit models of conflict onset are used and a global sample of 148 countries from 1960 to 2009 is examined. Higher levels of military spending are found to be associated with lower risks of both minor and major conflict onset in countries rich in oil and gas. By contrast, in countries with little oil or gas resources, increases in military spending are associated with a higher risk of conflict. Welfare expenditure is associated with a lower risk of small-scale conflict, irrespective of the level of oil revenue. However, general government spending does not appear to have any robust mitigating effects. Consistent with the focus in the more recent literature to disentangle the average effect of natural resources, these results nuance the conditions under which there may be a resource curse. The results point to what governments can do with resource revenues to mitigate conflict risk. (C) 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

This paper explores the conditions under which public spending could minimize violent conflict related to oil wealth. Previous work on the resource curse suggests that oil can lead to violent conflict because it increases the value of the state as a prize or because it undermines the state's bureaucratic penetration. On the other hand, the rentier state literature has long argued that oil might provide states with resources to deliver public and private goods, and stabilize political regimes. The empirical evidence to settle these conflicting predictions is limited. This paper argues that the effect of oil on civil conflict is conditional on the size of government expenditure and the allocation of government spending for welfare or the military. To test these hypotheses, logit models of conflict onset are used and a global sample of 148 countries from 1960 to 2009 is examined. Higher levels of military spending are found to be associated with lower risks of both minor and major conflict onset in countries rich in oil and gas. By contrast, in countries with little oil or gas resources, increases in military spending are associated with a higher risk of conflict. Welfare expenditure is associated with a lower risk of small-scale conflict, irrespective of the level of oil revenue. However, general government spending does not appear to have any robust mitigating effects. Consistent with the focus in the more recent literature to disentangle the average effect of natural resources, these results nuance the conditions under which there may be a resource curse. The results point to what governments can do with resource revenues to mitigate conflict risk. (C) 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

This paper explains some of the most important processes through the Chinese army has passed, as well as the industry dedicated to the arms production in China. The People's Republic of China after reaching economic stability in the late 1990s refocused its military modernization policies, to be able to measure with the most powerful ones in the world, leaving behind the mass army to make way for the era of computerization and Cyberwar. To understand this process is essential to study the situation in the early years of the Republic, through the era of the Four Modernizations to the National Defense White Papers and other policies related to the modernize China's military industry., El presente trabajo explica algunos de los procesos más importantes por los que ha pasado el ejército chino, así como la industria dedicada a la producción de armamento en China. La República Popular China después de haber alcanzado una estabilidad financiaría a finales de la década de 1990, reoriento las políticas de modernización militar para poder medirse con las poderosas del mundo, dejando atrás el ejército de masas para dar paso a la era de la informatización y guerra cibernética. Para entender dicho proceso es indispensable estudiar la situación durante los primeros años de la Republica, pasando por la era de las Cuatro Modernizaciones hasta los Libros Blancos de Defensa Nacional y otras políticas relacionadas para modernizar la industria militar china.

This paper explains some of the most important processes through the Chinese army has passed, as well as the industry dedicated to the arms production in China. The People's Republic of China after reaching economic stability in the late 1990s refocused its military modernization policies, to be able to measure with the most powerful ones in the world, leaving behind the mass army to make way for the era of computerization and Cyberwar. To understand this process is essential to study the situation in the early years of the Republic, through the era of the Four Modernizations to the National Defense White Papers and other policies related to the modernize China's military industry., El presente trabajo explica algunos de los procesos más importantes por los que ha pasado el ejército chino, así como la industria dedicada a la producción de armamento en China. La República Popular China después de haber alcanzado una estabilidad financiaría a finales de la década de 1990, reoriento las políticas de modernización militar para poder medirse con las poderosas del mundo, dejando atrás el ejército de masas para dar paso a la era de la informatización y guerra cibernética. Para entender dicho proceso es indispensable estudiar la situación durante los primeros años de la Republica, pasando por la era de las Cuatro Modernizaciones hasta los Libros Blancos de Defensa Nacional y otras políticas relacionadas para modernizar la industria militar china.

The contemporary empirical literature on military spending has focused on institutional and conflict factors, and although has acknowledged the role of trade openness, it has not taken into account the position of a state in the trade network. Building on the concept of network centrality, we claim that the structure of trade networks affects the optimal investment in security, and that a country's level of military spending is a function of its strategic position in the global network of a critical commodity, such as oil. Our empirical results show that network centrality constrains military spending.

The aim of this article is to study the interdependence of military spending between US and a panel of European countries in the period 1988–2013. The empirical estimation is based on a: (1) unit root tests and a cointegration analysis and (2) fully modified ordinary least squares and dynamic ordinary least squares estimations. General results highlight that military spending of European countries is: (1) positively associated with US military spending and (2) negatively associated with average military spending of other European countries.

To help the Congress make those decisions, the National Defense Authorization Act of 2013 (Public Law 112-239) required CBO to estimate the 10-year costs of the Administration’s plans to operate, maintain, and modernize U.S. nuclear forces. CBO estimates that over the 2015–2024 period, the Administration’s plans for nuclear forces would cost $348 billion, an average of about $35 billion a year, and an amount that is close to CBO’s December 2013 estimate of $355 billion for the 2014–2023 period. (Both estimates are given in nominal dollars; that is, they include the effects of inflation.) Although the two estimates of total costs are similar, projected costs for nuclear programs of both the Department of Defense (DoD) and the Department of Energy (DOE) have changed. Over the next 10 years, CBO estimates, DoD’s costs would total $227 billion, which is about $6 billion (or 3 percent) more than the 10-year estimate published in 2013, and DOE’s would total $121 billion, which is about $13 billion (or 9 percent) less than CBO’s 2013 estimate.

This paper investigates the relationship between the US military spending and public debt in a panel of European countries in the period 1992–2013. Under the established evidence of the interdependence between US and European military spending, we exploited a dynamic panel estimation. Findings show that the debt of European countries is: (1) positively associated with US military spending; (2) negatively associated with average military burden of other European countries.

To help the Congress make those decisions, the National Defense Authorization Act of 2013 (Public Law 112-239) required CBO to estimate the 10-year costs of the Administration’s plans to operate, maintain, and modernize U.S. nuclear forces. CBO estimates that over the 2015–2024 period, the Administration’s plans for nuclear forces would cost $348 billion, an average of about $35 billion a year, and an amount that is close to CBO’s December 2013 estimate of $355 billion for the 2014–2023 period. (Both estimates are given in nominal dollars; that is, they include the effects of inflation.) Although the two estimates of total costs are similar, projected costs for nuclear programs of both the Department of Defense (DoD) and the Department of Energy (DOE) have changed. Over the next 10 years, CBO estimates, DoD’s costs would total $227 billion, which is about $6 billion (or 3 percent) more than the 10-year estimate published in 2013, and DOE’s would total $121 billion, which is about $13 billion (or 9 percent) less than CBO’s 2013 estimate.

The aim of this paper is to study the interdependence of military spending between US and a panel of European countries in the period 1988-2013. The empirical estimation is based on a: (i) a unit root tests and a cointegration analysis; (ii) FMOLS and DOLS estimations. General results highlight that military spending of European countries is: (1) positively associated with US military spending and (2) negatively associated with average military spending of other European countries.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the causal relation between military spending and economic growth in one of the MENA countries, Jordan using annual data over the period 1988-2007. The methodology used in this study follows Toda and Yamamoto (1995) procedure in order to test the Granger causality between economic growth and military spending. The empirical results reveal that military spending Granger causes economic growth in Jordan. Thus, these findings lend support to the hypothesis that military spending positively affect economic growth through increasing aggregate demand.

Els quantiosos recursos destinats al finançament de les guerres contemporànies han donat lloc a una creixent rellevància de la despesa militar dins de l’àmbit de les ciències socials. Entre elles, l’anomenada economia de la defensa ha estudiat extensament els principals determinants de la despesa militar, així com les seves principals con4 seqüències a nivell econòmic i els seus efectes en termes de transformacions institucionals. Tanmateix, l’absència de panells de dades internacionals suficientment homogenis i comparables a llarg termini ha limitat l’abast de les anàlisis comparatives. L’article que aquí es presenta contribueix a cobrir aquesta mancança mitjançant la presentació de noves series de dades de despesa militar a Espanya des del 1850 fins al 2009. Basades en el criteri metodològic de la OTAN, les noves series proveeixen estimacions de la despesa militar total espanyola, així com de les respectives desagregacions econòmiques i administratives de bona part del període. Les noves series permeten realitzar comparacions internacionals més fiables, alhora que proporcionen nova evidència quantitativa que pot contribuir al millor coneixement de la història militar contemporània d’Espanya., The substantial resources devoted to warfare in modern times might explain the increasing relevance that military spending has acquired in social sciences. In this regard, the so-called defence economics has extensively studied the main determinants of military spending and its main consequences in terms of economic performance and institutional transformations. However, one of the main problems for comparative analysis on the causes and effects of military spending is the lack of long-term homogeneous and comparable data in international panel datasets. This paper contributes to fill in this gap by providing new military spending data on Spain from 1850 to 2009 based on the NATO methodological criterion. It provides total military spending estimates as well as economic and administrative disaggregated figures for most of the period. The data allows reliable international comparisons while also provide new quantitative evidence to better understand the military history of Spain in modern times, Los cuantiosos recursos destinados a la financiación de las guerras contemporáneas han dado lugar a una creciente relevancia del gasto militar dentro del ámbito de las ciencias sociales. Entre ellas, la llamada economía de la defensa ha estudiado extensamente los principales determinantes del gasto militar, así como sus principales consecuencias a nivel económico y sus efectos en términos de transformaciones institucionales. Sin embargo, la ausencia de paneles de datos internacionales suficientemente homogéneos y comparables en el largo plazo ha limitado el alcance de los análisis comparativos. El artículo que aquí se presenta contribuye a rellenar ese vacío mediante la presentación de nuevas series de datos de gasto militar en España desde 1850 hasta 2009. Basadas en el criterio metodológico de la OTAN, las nuevas series proveen estimaciones del gasto militar total español, así como de las respectivas desagregaciones económicas y administrativas de buena parte del período. Las nuevas series permiten realizar comparaciones internacionales más fiables, a la vez que proporcionan nueva evidencia cuantitativa que puede contribuir al mejor conocimiento de la historia militar contemporánea de España.

La aplicación del Plan Colombia en el país, generó una serie de posiciones antagónicas por parte de diversos sectores sociales en torno a su inspiración y funcionalidad. Después de más de una década de su incorporación como una política de Estado, se develan las reales intencionalidades del mismo de acuerdo a la experiencia histórica, la cual permite efectuar un juicio crítico en torno a su aplicación, extensión y resultados, en el plano social, ambiental y su impacto económico y político., The implementation of Plan Colombia in the country generated a series of antagonistic positions by various social sectors about their inspiration and unctionality. After more than a decade of its incorporation as a state policy, the real intentions are revealed according to historical experience, which allows for a critical judgment about its application, extent and results in social, environmental and economic and political impact.

The implementation of Plan Colombia in the country generated a series of antagonistic positions by various social sectors about their inspiration and unctionality. After more than a decade of its incorporation as a state policy, the real intentions are revealed according to historical experience, which allows for a critical judgment about its application, extent and results in social, environmental and economic and political impact., La aplicación del Plan Colombia en el país, generó una serie de posiciones antagónicas por parte de diversos sectores sociales en torno a su inspiración y funcionalidad. Después de más de una década de su incorporación como una política de Estado, se develan las reales intencionalidades del mismo de acuerdo a la experiencia histórica, la cual permite efectuar un juicio crítico en torno a su aplicación, extensión y resultados, en el plano social, ambiental y su impacto económico y político.

Els quantiosos recursos destinats al finançament de les guerres contemporànies han donat lloc a una creixent rellevància de la despesa militar dins de l’àmbit de les ciències socials. Entre elles, l’anomenada economia de la defensa ha estudiat extensament els principals determinants de la despesa militar, així com les seves principals con4 seqüències a nivell econòmic i els seus efectes en termes de transformacions institucionals. Tanmateix, l’absència de panells de dades internacionals suficientment homogenis i comparables a llarg termini ha limitat l’abast de les anàlisis comparatives. L’article que aquí es presenta contribueix a cobrir aquesta mancança mitjançant la presentació de noves series de dades de despesa militar a Espanya des del 1850 fins al 2009. Basades en el criteri metodològic de la OTAN, les noves series proveeixen estimacions de la despesa militar total espanyola, així com de les respectives desagregacions econòmiques i administratives de bona part del període. Les noves series permeten realitzar comparacions internacionals més fiables, alhora que proporcionen nova evidència quantitativa que pot contribuir al millor coneixement de la història militar contemporània d’Espanya., The substantial resources devoted to warfare in modern times might explain the increasing relevance that military spending has acquired in social sciences. In this regard, the so-called defence economics has extensively studied the main determinants of military spending and its main consequences in terms of economic performance and institutional transformations. However, one of the main problems for comparative analysis on the causes and effects of military spending is the lack of long-term homogeneous and comparable data in international panel datasets. This paper contributes to fill in this gap by providing new military spending data on Spain from 1850 to 2009 based on the NATO methodological criterion. It provides total military spending estimates as well as economic and administrative disaggregated figures for most of the period. The data allows reliable international comparisons while also provide new quantitative evidence to better understand the military history of Spain in modern times, Los cuantiosos recursos destinados a la financiación de las guerras contemporáneas han dado lugar a una creciente relevancia del gasto militar dentro del ámbito de las ciencias sociales. Entre ellas, la llamada economía de la defensa ha estudiado extensamente los principales determinantes del gasto militar, así como sus principales consecuencias a nivel económico y sus efectos en términos de transformaciones institucionales. Sin embargo, la ausencia de paneles de datos internacionales suficientemente homogéneos y comparables en el largo plazo ha limitado el alcance de los análisis comparativos. El artículo que aquí se presenta contribuye a rellenar ese vacío mediante la presentación de nuevas series de datos de gasto militar en España desde 1850 hasta 2009. Basadas en el criterio metodológico de la OTAN, las nuevas series proveen estimaciones del gasto militar total español, así como de las respectivas desagregaciones económicas y administrativas de buena parte del período. Las nuevas series permiten realizar comparaciones internacionales más fiables, a la vez que proporcionan nueva evidencia cuantitativa que puede contribuir al mejor conocimiento de la historia militar contemporánea de España.

Many believe that the growing National Debt is the United States biggest threat. Washington s unsustainable spending continues to endanger an already weak economy, and is making the United States less secure. The DOD budget accounts for approximately 20 percent of all federal government spending and the largest portion of discretionary spending. As a result of efforts to fend off the looming financial crisis, the department will face significant budget cuts. DOD is traditionally called upon to protect the United States and its interests through military action, but soon it will be called upon to help through fiscal action as well.

Over the last decade, the Iranian government budget on military has been higher than the average of the world. The current increasing international sanctions aim to reduce the military capabilities and capacities of the Iranian government. We analyze the response of the Iranian economy to shocks in its military budget from 1959-2007, using Impulse Response Functions (IRF) and Variance Decomposition Analysis (VDA). The Granger causality results show that there is unidirectional causality from the military spending growth rate to the economic growth rate. The response of income growth to increasing shocks in the military budget is positive and statistically significant.

Although the debate has become less heated in the post-Cold War period, no conclusive evidence has been reached regarding the economic impact of military spending. The aim of this paper is to investigate the existence and magnitude of budgetary trade-offs between military spending and human capital spending in the MENA (Middle East and North-Africa) region. It is striking that the guns versus butter hypothesis has not been studied extensively for the MENA region, given the high military burden this region faces. Due to limited data availability we can only include eight countries in our analysis. We therefore choose to employ the least squares dummy variable fixed effects model to control for country-specific heterogeneity. Our results suggest that there indeed exists a negative trade-off between military and human capital spending, with the opportunity costs of defense spending being higher for education than for health spending. While the level of economic development can mitigate the negative trade-off between defense and education spending, the level of resource wealth and democracy are not found to have a significant impact on the budgetary trade-offs.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Journalist DAVID WESSEL is economics editor for the Wall Street Journal and he writes the Capital column. His new book is Red Kink: Inside the High Stakes Politics of the Federal Budget. He says the book is his attempt to answer the questions: How did the US government get to this point? Where does the money come from? Where does the money go? And why the current trends aren't sustainable. (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW). (2.) Music critic MILO MILES reviews Golden Horns (on the Piranha label) a new recording by the Roma brass band Boban i Marko Markovic Orkestar.

Although the debate has become less heated in the post-Cold War period, no conclusive evidence has been reached regarding the economic impact of military spending. The aim of this paper is to investigate the existence and magnitude of budgetary trade-offs between military spending and human capital spending in the MENA (Middle East and North-Africa) region. It is striking that the guns versus butter hypothesis has not been studied extensively for the MENA region, given the high military burden this region faces. Due to limited data availability we can only include eight countries in our analysis. We therefore choose to employ the least squares dummy variable fixed effects model to control for country-specific heterogeneity. Our results suggest that there indeed exists a negative trade-off between military and human capital spending, with the opportunity costs of defense spending being higher for education than for health spending. While the level of economic development can mitigate the negative trade-off between defense and education spending, the level of resource wealth and democracy are not found to have a significant impact on the budgetary trade-offs.

Proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) has had (and continues to have) devastating consequences in the Horn of Africa and the Great Lake Regions. Belligerents in the conflict areas for example Somali Sudan and parts of northern Uganda use the small arms and light weapons as the primary tools of violence causing deaths and injuring thousands of people among them innocent civilians. In Sub-Saharan African countries experiencing violent conflicts, the availability of SALW escalates insecurity and duration of violence. The impact of insecurity and other problems attributed to SALW are also manifested in the neighboring peaceful countries within the region. Proliferation of SALW impact negatively on the economic development of the Sub-Saharan African and the Lake Region countries as high levels of insecurity continue to deter economic development sustenance initiatives and cause increased military spending, which divert state resources from critical areas. In my SRP, I intend to highlight and analyze the issue of proliferation of SALW and its effects in the Horn of Africa and the Lake Region and make recommendations to address this problem.