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Swat valley is an administrative district of Pakistan where Pashtuns live. Their ethnic and cultural heritage and Islamic values are mixed with the Pashtunwali, a traditional Pashtun code of conduct. The strong warrior history of Pashtuns made them vulnerable, and especially foreign terrorists tried to use this land for their interests. The Taliban insurgency in Swat started in 2007, due to which every sector of life was affected. Hence, Pakistan’s government, Pakistan's military, and different national and international NGOs put their utmost efforts until now to re-establish the lost peace at the hands of the Taliban in the beautiful valley of Swat. The central argument of this article is shaped by the study of the Pashtun’s heritage, culture, demographic history, the Taliban’s insurgency, the major destructions and the reconstruction by the government of Pakistan, and the revival of tourist sustainability in Swat. The research methodology is characterised by mixed-method research, making it a descriptive, exploratory, and observational study. However, the paper's significance is contributed by analysing the role of influential factors in the rise of militancy and providing recommendations for the future security of the Swat region.

Swat valley is an administrative district of Pakistan where Pashtuns live. Their ethnic and cultural heritage and Islamic values are mixed with the Pashtunwali, a traditional Pashtun code of conduct. The strong warrior history of Pashtuns made them vulnerable, and especially foreign terrorists tried to use this land for their interests. The Taliban insurgency in Swat started in 2007, due to which every sector of life was affected. Hence, Pakistan’s government, Pakistan's military, and different national and international NGOs put their utmost efforts until now to re-establish the lost peace at the hands of the Taliban in the beautiful valley of Swat. The central argument of this article is shaped by the study of the Pashtun’s heritage, culture, demographic history, the Taliban’s insurgency, the major destructions and the reconstruction by the government of Pakistan, and the revival of tourist sustainability in Swat. The research methodology is characterised by mixed-method research, making it a descriptive, exploratory, and observational study. However, the paper's significance is contributed by analysing the role of influential factors in the rise of militancy and providing recommendations for the future security of the Swat region.

Swat valley is an administrative district of Pakistan where Pashtuns live. Their ethnic and cultural heritage and Islamic values are mixed with the Pashtunwali, a traditional Pashtun code of conduct. The strong warrior history of Pashtuns made them vulnerable, and especially foreign terrorists tried to use this land for their interests. The Taliban insurgency in Swat started in 2007, due to which every sector of life was affected. Hence, Pakistan’s government, Pakistan's military, and different national and international NGOs put their utmost efforts until now to re-establish the lost peace at the hands of the Taliban in the beautiful valley of Swat. The central argument of this article is shaped by the study of the Pashtun’s heritage, culture, demographic history, the Taliban’s insurgency, the major destructions and the reconstruction by the government of Pakistan, and the revival of tourist sustainability in Swat. The research methodology is characterised by mixed-method research, making it a descriptive, exploratory, and observational study. However, the paper's significance is contributed by analysing the role of influential factors in the rise of militancy and providing recommendations for the future security of the Swat region.

This article explores the role of the Madrid neighbourhood of Chueca in the films of director Pedro Almodóvar. Through a study of the representations of the neighbourhood in films belonging to four different decades, a socio-spatial analysis of the evolution of the neighbourhood itself is traced: from a degraded and marginalised area to a fashionable specialised (LGBTIQ+) neighbourhood. Rather than a critical analysis of the works or an evaluation of their artistic value, an investigation is therefore carried out in order to identify referents and models, social practices and spatial particularities. The focus is not so much on the identity of place understood as an identity substructure, but rather on the identity of a physical place: the neighbourhood. The results discuss, on the one hand, the possible reasons for the director's lack of attention, in his first film productions, to the LGBTIQ+ world itself and to the territory of Chueca. On the other hand, it analyses the history of the neighbourhood as an LGBTIQ+ space and how this is intertwined with his representations. Finally, in the conclusions, it is highlighted that the polyhedral image of Chueca that emerges from the films of the Spanish director derives from a fusion of spatial and temporal indices, that is, those generated by the passage of time on a specific territory. At the same time, the evolution of the trajectory of Almodóvar's relationship with LGBTIQ+ militancy is traced, that means, from the scarce commitment of the Movida years to the most current implications., El artículo explora el papel del barrio madrileño de Chueca dentro de la cinematografía del director Pedro Almodóvar. A través de un estudio de las representaciones del barrio en películas pertenecientes a cuatro décadas diferentes, se traza un análisis socioespacial sobre la evolución del propio barrio: de zona degradada y marginada a barrio especializado (LGBTIQ+) de moda. Más que un análisis crítico de las obras o una evaluación de su valor artístico, se realiza una investigación con el fin de identificar referentes y modelos, prácticas sociales y particularidades espaciales. La atención no se centra tanto en la identidad de lugar entendida como subestructura identitaria, como en la identidad de un lugar físico: el barrio. En los resultados se discute, por un lado, las posibles razones de la falta de atención del director, en sus primeras producciones cinematográficas, al mundo LGBTIQ+ propiamente dicho y al territorio de Chueca. Por otro lado, se analiza la historia del barrio como espacio LGBTIQ+ y cómo ésta se entrelaza con sus representaciones. Finalmente en las conclusiones, se destaca que la imagen poliédrica de Chueca que se desprende de las películas del director manchego deriva de una fusión de índices espaciales y temporales, es decir, los generados por el paso del tiempo sobre un territorio concreto. Al mismo tiempo, se traza la evolución de la trayectoria de la relación de Almodóvar con la militancia LGBTIQ+, es decir, desde el escaso compromiso de los años de la Movida hasta las implicaciones más actuales.

Diese Arbeit untersucht nationalistisch geprägte Menschenfeindlichkeit und die Entwicklung des Neonazismus im ehemaligen Bezirk Suhl/Südthüringen. Dabei werden verschiedene Akteure wie staatliche Sicherheitsbehörden, gesellschaftliche Instanzen, lokale Initiativen und neonazistische Gruppierungen beleuchtet. Die Analyse stützt sich auf Zeitungsartikel, Interviews und Archivmaterialien wie Akten des Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit der DDR. Ein mikrohistorischer Ansatz wird angewandt, um regionale Eigenheiten herauszuarbeiten und die komplexe Dynamik des Aufkommens und der Bekämpfung des Neonazismus in drei Thesen herauszuarbeiten: I. Seit der Gründung des Bezirks 1952 lassen sich kontinuierliche unterschiedliche Ideologien der Ungleichwertigkeit nachweisen. Und dennoch gab es im Vergleich zu anderen DDR-Bezirken in der zweiten Hälfte der 1980er-Jahre weder einen signifikanten Anstieg antisemitischer Vorfälle, noch eine Dominanz von subkulturellem Neonazismus. Das Fehlen einer ausgeprägten Skin- und Hooligan-Szene als Trägermilieu verzögerte dessen Entstehung. II. Die über Schlüsselerlebnisse mit Neonazis politisierte Punk-Szene in Suhl und Meiningen etablierte einen nicht staatlichen und undogmatischen Antifaschismus, der die Ausbreitung des Neonazismus bis Mitte der 1990er-Jahre behinderte. III. Infolge der Umbruchskrisen und massenhafter Enttäuschungen in der Transformationszeit entstand eine strukturelle benachteiligte Region. Eine vorurteilsgeprägte Konkurrenzkultur, gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit in der Mehrheitsgesellschaft sowie weiter existierende Ideologien in den Behörden mündeten in einer Welle von Nationalismus und Gewalt. Hierunter fast zerrieben wurde jener eigenständige, nicht staatliche Antifaschismus in der Jugendkultur, der für eine Eindämmung extrem rechter Tendenzen gesorgt hatte. Die Arbeit zeigt, wie politische Paradigmen und (staatliche) Antifaschismusverständnisse die Auseinandersetzung mit Neonazismus beeinflussten., This thesis examines nationalist misanthropy and the development of neo-Nazism in the former district of Suhl/South Thuringia. Various players such as state security authorities, social authorities, local initiatives and neo-Nazi groups are researched. The analysis is based on newspaper articles, interviews and archive material such as documents from the GDR Ministry for State Security. A micro-historical approach is used to work out regional characteristics and the complex dynamics of the emergence of and fight against neo-Nazism in three theses: I. Since the founding of the district in 1952, different ideologies of inequality have been continuously evident. And yet, compared to other GDR districts, there was neither a significant increase in anti-Semitic incidents nor a dominance of subcultural neo-Nazism in the second half of the 1980s. The lack of a distinct skinhead and hooligan scene as a supporting environment delayed its development. II. The punk scene in Suhl and Meiningen, politicized by key experiences with neo-Nazis, established a non-governmental and undogmatic anti-fascism that hindered the spread of neo-Nazism until the mid-1990s. III. As a result of the crises of upheaval and mass disappointments during the period of transformation, a structurally disadvantaged region emerged. A prejudiced culture of competition, group-based misanthropy in the majority of the society and persistent ideologies in the authorities led to a wave of nationalism and violence. The independent, non-state anti-fascism in youth culture, which had ensured that extreme right-wing tendencies were contained, was almost crushed by this. The work shows how political paradigms and (state) understandings of anti-fascism influenced the confrontation with neo-Nazism.

In this paper, in order to trace feminist genealogies, we will investigate some experiences that occurred in the 70's in Mendoza. In previous research we have reconstructed the main characteristics of the class struggle in the peak '60s and '70s. On this occasion, we will focus on some early feminist debates that questioned "the machista social order", aiming to value the early presence of these discussions in a peripheral province. Also we will focus on how these experiences were creating networks and were a fundamental part of the political mobilization process of the '70s and the organization of the women's movement during the '80s., En este trabajo, en vistas a rastrear genealogías feministas, indagaremos en algunas experiencias ocurridas en la década del ´70 en Mendoza. En investigaciones anteriores hemos reconstruido las principales características que tuvo la lucha de clases en los álgidos ’60 y ´70. En esta ocasión, pondremos el foco en algunos tempranos debates feministas que cuestionaron “el orden social machista”, apuntando a poner en valor la temprana presencia de esas discusiones en una provincia periférica, y a rastrear de qué modo esas experiencias se fueron conectando y creando redes que fueron parte fundamental tanto del proceso de movilización política de los ´70 como de la organización del movimiento de mujeres durante los ’80.

In this paper, in order to trace feminist genealogies, we will investigate some experiences that occurred in the 70's in Mendoza. In previous research we have reconstructed the main characteristics of the class struggle in the peak '60s and '70s. On this occasion, we will focus on some early feminist debates that questioned "the machista social order", aiming to value the early presence of these discussions in a peripheral province. Also we will focus on how these experiences were creating networks and were a fundamental part of the political mobilization process of the '70s and the organization of the women's movement during the '80s., En este trabajo, en vistas a rastrear genealogías feministas, indagaremos en algunas experiencias ocurridas en la década del ´70 en Mendoza. En investigaciones anteriores hemos reconstruido las principales características que tuvo la lucha de clases en los álgidos ’60 y ´70. En esta ocasión, pondremos el foco en algunos tempranos debates feministas que cuestionaron “el orden social machista”, apuntando a poner en valor la temprana presencia de esas discusiones en una provincia periférica, y a rastrear de qué modo esas experiencias se fueron conectando y creando redes que fueron parte fundamental tanto del proceso de movilización política de los ´70 como de la organización del movimiento de mujeres durante los ’80.

This article explores the experience of political clandestine in Uruguay during the years of the dictatorship (1973-1985), placing it within the phenomenon of insilement or internal exile, understanding that it is an expression of the consequences linked to social control, surveillance and the production of terror by the of the State. Its inclusion makes it possible to expand and conceptually complicate the experiences of the insilios in the understanding that it represented, for those who lived it and their families, another form of exile without leaving the territory of origin. It is structured based on testimonial sources and interviews conducted by the authors, as a way of accessing the complex network of emotions and sensations that unfold as you go through memory. In this way, the article aims to account for the profound transformations in the lives of the militants who went underground from the ruptures with the places of belonging (both real and symbolic), the interruption of affective ties, fear as a permanent companion, the difficulty of shaping the story and the strong presence of silence as well as the constructions of meaning around clandestine militancy that allowed them to go through this traumatic experience., Este artículo explora la experiencia de la clandestinidad política en Uruguay durante los años de dictadura (1973-1985) ubicándola dentro del fenómeno del insilio o exilio interior entendiendo que configura una expresión de las consecuencias vinculadas al control social, vigilancias y producción del terror por parte del Estado. Su inclusión permite ampliar y complejizar conceptualmente las experiencias de los insilios en el entendido de que representó, para quienes la vivieron y sus familias, otra forma de destierro sin salir del territorio de origen. El mismo se estructura en base a fuentes testimoniales y entrevistas realizadas por las autoras, como forma de acceder al complejo entramado de emociones y sensaciones que se van desplegando al recorrer la memoria. De esta manera el artículo pretende dar cuenta de las transformaciones profundas en la vida de los militantes que ingresaron a la clandestinidad a partir de las rupturas con los lugares de pertenencia (tanto reales como simbólicos), la interrupción de los vínculos afectivos, el miedo como compañía permanente, la dificultad de dar forma al relato y la fuerte presencia del silencio así como también las construcciones de sentido en torno a la militancia clandestina que permitieron atravesar esta experiencia traumática.

Pakistan, unfortunately, has been a victim of both extremism and terrorism for the past three decades. It is mainly due to Pakistan’s geostrategic compulsions as well as bad domestic policies and lack of commitment by the policy elites. The aftermath of September 11 and the joining of War on Terror by the then President, as a front-line state, further brought perils for the country, the jolts of which are still visible. Pakistan needs proper policy making and pragmatic approach to handle the situation and further, proactive foreign and domestic policies must be adopted, along-with intelligence sharing mechanisms to counter this religious extremism and terrorism. There is dire need to address the internal factors like socio-economic inequality, political disorder, corruption, poverty and bad governance at priority basis, along-with start of national dialogue with all the stakeholders to reach at some sort of consensus for the national security purposes.

Pakistan, unfortunately, has been a victim of both extremism and terrorism for the past three decades. It is mainly due to Pakistan’s geostrategic compulsions as well as bad domestic policies and lack of commitment by the policy elites. The aftermath of September 11 and the joining of War on Terror by the then President, as a front-line state, further brought perils for the country, the jolts of which are still visible. Pakistan needs proper policy making and pragmatic approach to handle the situation and further, proactive foreign and domestic policies must be adopted, along-with intelligence sharing mechanisms to counter this religious extremism and terrorism. There is dire need to address the internal factors like socio-economic inequality, political disorder, corruption, poverty and bad governance at priority basis, along-with start of national dialogue with all the stakeholders to reach at some sort of consensus for the national security purposes.

This open access book discusses the emergence and development, and in some cases also the disappearance, of social movements and activism in Sweden during the 1980s. Its aim is to nuance and problematize the image of the 1980s as unilaterally dominated by right-wing politics and neoliberalism, as well as the idea of a conflict-free Scandinavian model. The 1980s have often been described as a period when the influence of radical-left movements during the 1970s diminished. Instead, this book argues that the 1980s was a decade in which new radical social movements emerged in opposition to the prevalent political order, including the nuclear disarmament movement, the women's movement, anti-fascist movements, and the punk and environmental movements. The authors also demonstrate how issues such as squatting, nuclear resistance, rent strikes and the environment, included a variety of contentious collective action. Sweden, therefore, presents an interesting example of how resistance and conflict in a strong welfare state have been influenced by contentious social movements. Placing Sweden within the wider context of Scandinavia and Europe, this edited collection makes an important contribution to the history of social movements.

Introduction: In this work we focus on the constitution of the «Juegoteca», a manufacturing sector dedicated to care work in the Madygraf graphic (ex-Donnelley), located in the northern part of the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. This factory was recovered by its workers in a context of retirement of the employers, judicial presentation of the bankruptcy of the firm and dismissal of all its workers. Faced with this, the workers' collective launched a conflict that included the occupation of the workplace, the constitution of a cooperative and the continuity of production under worker management. The militancy and organization of women was key to its development and consolidation, and one of its results was the constitution of the Juegoteca, a factory space for the care of the children of factory workers. Main objective: The aim of our study is to reconstruct the genesis of this care space, as well as the various factors that converged in its development. [Continue reading in the article], Introducción: En este trabajo nos centramos en la constitución de la «Juegoteca», un sector fabril dedicado al trabajo de cuidados en la gráfica Madygraf (ex-Donnelley), ubicada en la zona norte de la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Esta fábrica fue recuperada por sus trabajadores en un contexto de retiro de los empresarios, presentación judicial de la quiebra de la firma y despidos de la totalidad de sus trabajadores. Ante ello, el colectivo obrero emprendió un conflicto que incluyó la ocupación del lugar del trabajo, la constitución de una cooperativa y la continuidad de la producción bajo gestión obrera. La militancia y organización de las mujeres fue clave para su desarrollo y consolidación, y uno de sus resultados fue la constitución de la Juegoteca, espacio fabril destinado al cuidado de hijas e hijos de trabajadores y trabajadoras de la fábrica. Objetivo principal: Nuestro objetivo es reconstruir la génesis de este espacio de cuidados, así como los diversos factores que confluyeron en su desarrollo. [Continúa leyendo en el artículo]

This study aims to understand the context, patterns, and social implications of Islamisation Zia-ul-Haq in Pakistan. After seizing power, Zia started a manic process of Islamisation. One segment of Pakistani society believes that it has positive impacts, while others believe that it has negative consequences for society. This study investigates this disconcerted debate, and its nature is descriptive and explanatory because it tries to examine the queries of what and why. It is based on the literature review of secondary sources and an analysis of primary data. The thematic analysis model is used for the analysis of data. It was found that the patterns of Zia’s policy regarding state-religion relations were opposite to the vision of the founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The global, strategic, and socio-political contexts of Islamisation were the impulse behind that process. The consequences of this process are of concern, as it brought about extremism, sectarianism, and terrorism and negatively affected the human rights regime, polity, and education system. It is suggested that the state should stop patronising extremists’ narratives, adopt peaceful, mystical interpretations, separate matters of religion from state politics, and promote progressive interpretations and arrangements for a better future for the country.

Aunque dado por muerto en repetidas ocasiones, el carlismo mantuvo una significativa presencia en la sociedad española del siglo XX, pese a una progresiva contracción fruto de la suma de divisiones y rupturas. Una de las formas en las que se hizo presente en el espacio público fue a través de una prensa que se profesionalizó, aunque buena parte de sus periodistas combinaran esta actividad con una militancia y un activismo intenso, lo que da lugar a tres preguntas: ¿cuál fue la conexión entre carlismo y militancia? ¿puede hablarse de militancia carlista? ¿cómo se plasma esta militancia en los periodistas de este movimiento? En esta diversidad de situaciones hay algunas significativas trayectorias personales que servirán para un análisis de los procesos de modernización y adaptación de la prensa carlista al cambiante y turbulento contexto del siglo XX. Se trata de Juan María Roma, Melchor Ferrer y Josep Carles Clemente, figuras relevantes de este marco carlista que caracterizan la combinación de actividad profesional y militancia activa., Although repeatedly presumed dead, Carlism maintained a significant presence in Spanish society along the 20th century, despite a progressive contraction resulting from a series of divisions and ruptures. One of the ways it was present in the public sphere was through a professionalised press, although many of its journalists combined this activity with militancy and intense activism. This gives rise to three questions: What was the connection between Carlism and militancy? Can we speak of Carlist militancy? How is such militancy reflected in this movement journalists? Such diverse situations provide significant personal trajectories allowing for an analysis of the processes of modernisation and adaptation of the Carlist press to the changing and troubled context of the 20th century. These are Juan María Roma, Melchor Ferrer and Josep Carles Clemente, all of them important figures in this Carlist context who characterise the combination of professional activity and active militancy.

Deradicalization refers to a situation in which a person not only gets radicalized but also follows a route of rhetoric that leads to violent extremism. Deradicalization is the only disease emerging from the turmoil of terrorism. Pakistan is at a crossroads, where religious extremism is thriving every day and the scourge of terrorism is engulfing Pakistan. Deradicalization in the course of counter-terrorism is used as a soft approach without violating the basic ethics of human liberties. Radicalization, intolerance, sectarianism, Islamic militancy, and terrorism are not only spreading quickly over the globe, but they are also negatively impacting Pakistan's social security, religious peace, economics, good governance, democratic reform, and system of education. The study aimed to highlight the gaps and challenges faced by Pakistan during deradicalization.to identify its nature and extent methodological investigation at the local level is accomplished This is a quantitative study to investigate the challenges and strategies for deradicalization. To gather data primary and secondary sources were used. Pakistan needs to formulate its own, home-based strategies and paths to counter radicalization. Radicalization, administration, extremism, governance, Islamic insurgency, intolerance, violence, and identification are all addressed in this study. The key underlying causes of insurgency and radicalization have been identified, which will aid in the fight against Islamic militancy, radicalism, extremism, and intolerance in Pakistan. The study's findings and recommendations will be used to combat extremism and Islamic insurgency in Pakistan. This work will assist Think Tank experts, scholars, educators, and legislators, who will use the results and suggestions for broader objectives.

The Sikh community of Swat has been living in the area since their migration from Hazara in the 19th century. They lived peacefully though dealt with as clients of the Pukhtuns of Swat till 1969 when it was merged with Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution, they are equal citizens of Pakistan, however, the practice may not be as prescribed by the State. There are citizens and social forces too, that work alongside state institutions. The post-9/11 militancy has affected the entire region and Swat remained a hotbed of militancy for more than a decade. The paper looks into the status of the Sikhs living in Swat, their economic and social opportunities, the threats that they have faced as well as their perception of their status. The Sikh community of Swat was approached, and a few questions were put before them which were frankly responded. Despite serious threats to the state and society at large, the Sikhs of Swat were not tortured by the militants which indicate that militancy was not an indigenous move. Though a few families migrated from the area but returned to Swat after a couple of years because they were not happy in the ‘other’ social structure.

The Sikh community of Swat has been living in the area since their migration from Hazara in the 19th century. They lived peacefully though dealt with as clients of the Pukhtuns of Swat till 1969 when it was merged with Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution, they are equal citizens of Pakistan, however, the practice may not be as prescribed by the State. There are citizens and social forces too, that work alongside state institutions. The post-9/11 militancy has affected the entire region and Swat remained a hotbed of militancy for more than a decade. The paper looks into the status of the Sikhs living in Swat, their economic and social opportunities, the threats that they have faced as well as their perception of their status. The Sikh community of Swat was approached, and a few questions were put before them which were frankly responded. Despite serious threats to the state and society at large, the Sikhs of Swat were not tortured by the militants which indicate that militancy was not an indigenous move. Though a few families migrated from the area but returned to Swat after a couple of years because they were not happy in the ‘other’ social structure.

el artículo analiza experiencias de cautiverio femenino ocurridas en el marco de las dictaduras cívico-militares del Cono Sur latinoamericano de fines del siglo XX, poniendo el foco en el secuestro ilegal en centros clandestinos y la prisión política en cárceles y campos de detención en la Argentina, Uruguay y Chile. Con este propósito hemos analizado bibliografía especializada, testimonios publicados por exmilitantes, entrevistas realizadas por las autoras y fuentes documentales producidas por las organizaciones revolucionarias. a las que pertenecían las mujeres, las que establecieron comportamientos ideales y mandatos, The article analyzes experiences of female captivity that occurred within the framework of the civic-military dictatorships of the Latin American Southern Cone at the end of the 20th century, focusing on illegal kidnapping in clandestine centers and political imprisonment in prisons and detención camps in Argentina, Uruguay and Chile. For this purpose, we have analyzed specialized bibliography, testimonies published by former militants, interviews conducted by the authors and documentary sources produced by the revolutionary organizations

In this paper, we intend to contribute to the study of the relationship between the New Feminist Wave and the labor movement, from an analysis of the militancy of women workers at Shipyard Río Santiago Factory (ARS), located in the City of Ensenada. Among the results obtained, we can highlight that the feminist movement had a significant impact within the factory. Women workers’ militancy along those years was influenced by the fight against gender violence and the debate for the right to access abortion safely and legally. At the same time, there was a shift in participation in workers’ resistant movements and tactics that exceeded the feminist movement, particularly in the conflict of the shipyard in 2018 against emptying and privatization during Macri and Vidal’s government. This conflict, intrinsic of the factory, and the convergence of the rise of the New Feminist Wave, produced a change in identity, by beginning to identify themselves as “women workers”. In methodological terms, this research is qualitative and based on interviews with militant women workers., En este artículo pretendemos contribuir al estudio acerca de la relación entre la Nueva OlaFeminista y el movimiento obrero, desde el análisis sobre la militancia de trabajadoras de lafábrica Astillero Río Santiago (ARS), ubicada en la ciudad de Ensenada. Entre los resultados deeste estudio observamos que la militancia de las trabajadoras durante estos años estuvo atravesadapor la pelea contra la violencia de género, y el debate por la legalización del aborto. Al mismotiempo que se produjo un cambio en su forma de participación en luchas que exceden almovimiento feminista, particularmente en el conflicto del astillero del año 2018 contra el intentode vaciamiento y privatización durante el gobierno de Macri y Vidal. La convergencia del augedel movimiento feminista y este conflicto propio de la fábrica, produjo un cambio en su identidadempezando a reconocerse como “mujeres trabajadoras”. En términos metodológicos, estainvestigación es de tipo cualitativa basada en entrevistas a trabajadoras militantes.

This article is aimed to identify the influences and life experiences that led to the development of a critical feminist consciousness in some left-wing militant women between the 1960s and 1980s in Santiago and Concepción in Chile and/or in exile. From the methodological point of view, it meant positioning ourselves qualitatively, using the so-called oral history, complemented with material from private and public archives. Both the processes of primary family socialization, political socialization linked to both secondary and university studies, as well as access to feminist support networks during exile and the context of the struggle against the dictatorship, influenced her feminist awareness and activism in feminist movements., Este artículo tiene por objetivo identificarlas influencias y experiencias de vida que propiciaron el desarrollo de una conciencia crítica feminista en algunas mujeres militantes de izquierda entre las décadas de 1960 y 1980 en Santiago y Concepción en Chile y/o en el exilio. Ello en lo metodológico significó posicionarnos desde lo cualitativo, utilizando la denominada historia oral, complementadas con material de archivos privados y públicos. Tanto los procesos de socialización primaria familiar, socialización política ligada tanto a estudios secundarios, universitarios como al acceso a redes de apoyo feminista durante el exilio y el contexto de lucha contra la dictadura, incidieron en su conciencia feminista y el activismo en movimientos feministas

In this paper, we intend to contribute to the study of the relationship between the New Feminist Wave and the labor movement, from an analysis of the militancy of women workers at Shipyard Río Santiago Factory (ARS), located in the City of Ensenada. Among the results obtained, we can highlight that the feminist movement had a significant impact within the factory. Women workers’ militancy along those years was influenced by the fight against gender violence and the debate for the right to access abortion safely and legally. At the same time, there was a shift in participation in workers’ resistant movements and tactics that exceeded the feminist movement, particularly in the conflict of the shipyard in 2018 against emptying and privatization during Macri and Vidal’s government. This conflict, intrinsic of the factory, and the convergence of the rise of the New Feminist Wave, produced a change in identity, by beginning to identify themselves as “women workers”. In methodological terms, this research is qualitative and based on interviews with militant women workers., En este artículo pretendemos contribuir al estudio acerca de la relación entre la Nueva OlaFeminista y el movimiento obrero, desde el análisis sobre la militancia de trabajadoras de lafábrica Astillero Río Santiago (ARS), ubicada en la ciudad de Ensenada. Entre los resultados deeste estudio observamos que la militancia de las trabajadoras durante estos años estuvo atravesadapor la pelea contra la violencia de género, y el debate por la legalización del aborto. Al mismotiempo que se produjo un cambio en su forma de participación en luchas que exceden almovimiento feminista, particularmente en el conflicto del astillero del año 2018 contra el intentode vaciamiento y privatización durante el gobierno de Macri y Vidal. La convergencia del augedel movimiento feminista y este conflicto propio de la fábrica, produjo un cambio en su identidadempezando a reconocerse como “mujeres trabajadoras”. En términos metodológicos, estainvestigación es de tipo cualitativa basada en entrevistas a trabajadoras militantes.

El objetivo del presente artículo es trazar una posible articulación entre feminismo y peronismo, teniendo en cuenta su histórica y aparentemente irreductible enemistad. Para ello, la metodología empleada consistirá en un análisis doble: histórico-genealógico y filosófico-político. Los resultados nos permitirán examinar las tensiones y los intersticios a través de los cuales puede forjarse un vínculo amistoso entre estos dos significantes aparentemente antagónicos para, a modo de conclusiones, contribuir a una teoría de la militancia (cf. Selci, 2018) comprometida en la construcción de un feminismo peronista., The purpose of this article is to draw a possible articulation between feminism and Peronism, considering their historical and apparently irreducible enmity. To do that, the methodology will consist in a double analysis: historical-genealogical and politicophilosophical. The results will allow us to examine the tensions and interstices through which a friendly bond between these two apparently antagonistic signifiers can emerge. To conclude, we intend to make some contributions to a theory of militancy engaged with the construction of a Peronist feminism

The Sikh community of Swat has been living in the area since their migration from Hazara in the 19th century. They lived peacefully though dealt with as clients of the Pukhtuns of Swat till 1969 when it was merged with Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution, they are equal citizens of Pakistan, however, the practice may not be as prescribed by the State. There are citizens and social forces too, that work alongside state institutions. The post-9/11 militancy has affected the entire region and Swat remained a hotbed of militancy for more than a decade. The paper looks into the status of the Sikhs living in Swat, their economic and social opportunities, the threats that they have faced as well as their perception of their status. The Sikh community of Swat was approached, and a few questions were put before them which were frankly responded. Despite serious threats to the state and society at large, the Sikhs of Swat were not tortured by the militants which indicate that militancy was not an indigenous move. Though a few families migrated from the area but returned to Swat after a couple of years because they were not happy in the ‘other’ social structure.

After 9/11 incident, the US and NATO forces entered Afghanistan to defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliated militant group–Taliban. The NATO forces invasion pushed militants from Afghanistan to take refuge in nearby places. Due to close proximity and vulnerable borders, many of these militants entered Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), which resulted in the growth of militancy and extremism in the region. Pakistan launched a series of operations to counter terrorism and its facilitators. Operation Zarb-e-Azb was the continuation of those operations, started as a last vengeance in North Waziristan Agency with the aim to evacuate common people and then to extinguish militants. Resultantly, operation started in the mid of June, 2014 and the people of North Waziristan Agency started migration to the adjacent areas i.e., Bannu, Lakki Marwat and Karak etc. with worries and miseries in their hearts. Operation Zarb-e-Azb has been discussed in the literature. However, the perspective of IDPs has been overlooked. The study is descriptive-exploratory which is accomplished on a mixed study approach. This research article aimed to assess the perception of IDPs camped in Lakki Marwat from 2014-17 regarding the operation's causes and factors and the problems IDPs faced during displacement.

After 9/11 incident, the US and NATO forces entered Afghanistan to defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliated militant group–Taliban. The NATO forces invasion pushed militants from Afghanistan to take refuge in nearby places. Due to close proximity and vulnerable borders, many of these militants entered Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), which resulted in the growth of militancy and extremism in the region. Pakistan launched a series of operations to counter terrorism and its facilitators. Operation Zarb-e-Azb was the continuation of those operations, started as a last vengeance in North Waziristan Agency with the aim to evacuate common people and then to extinguish militants. Resultantly, operation started in the mid of June, 2014 and the people of North Waziristan Agency started migration to the adjacent areas i.e., Bannu, Lakki Marwat and Karak etc. with worries and miseries in their hearts. Operation Zarb-e-Azb has been discussed in the literature. However, the perspective of IDPs has been overlooked. The study is descriptive-exploratory which is accomplished on a mixed study approach. This research article aimed to assess the perception of IDPs camped in Lakki Marwat from 2014-17 regarding the operation's causes and factors and the problems IDPs faced during displacement.

The Sikh community of Swat has been living in the area since their migration from Hazara in the 19th century. They lived peacefully though dealt with as clients of the Pukhtuns of Swat till 1969 when it was merged with Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution, they are equal citizens of Pakistan, however, the practice may not be as prescribed by the State. There are citizens and social forces too, that work alongside state institutions. The post-9/11 militancy has affected the entire region and Swat remained a hotbed of militancy for more than a decade. The paper looks into the status of the Sikhs living in Swat, their economic and social opportunities, the threats that they have faced as well as their perception of their status. The Sikh community of Swat was approached, and a few questions were put before them which were frankly responded. Despite serious threats to the state and society at large, the Sikhs of Swat were not tortured by the militants which indicate that militancy was not an indigenous move. Though a few families migrated from the area but returned to Swat after a couple of years because they were not happy in the ‘other’ social structure.

The implications of the 9/11 incident affected the whole region, but unfortunately, Pakistan was at the most. Due to the NATO forces attacks, most militants migrated to Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) for the sake of refuge, which caused the growth of militancy and extremism in Pakistan. To cope with terrorism and stop the advancement of this evil, the government decided to launch operation Zarb-e-Azb as a last vengeance in North Waziristan Agency to evacuate citizens and then extinguish militants. Resultantly, around about 1 million IDP’s displaced to the adjacent areas, i.e., Bannu, Lakki Marwat, Karak etc., in the mid of June 2014. This research article focuses on IDPs hosted in Lakki Marwat and their socio-economic impact on the host community. The research is descriptive-exploratory based on a mixed study approach; data used in this research were collected from both primary & secondary sources. The people of the host community argue that IDPs create a number of socio-economic problems like a rise in prices, compromised quality of goods, shortage of houses, occupation of schools, increase in crime rate, security problems etc.

Deradicalization refers to a situation in which a person not only gets radicalized but also follows a route of rhetoric that leads to violent extremism. Deradicalization is the only disease emerging from the turmoil of terrorism. Pakistan is at a crossroads, where religious extremism is thriving every day and the scourge of terrorism is engulfing Pakistan. Deradicalization in the course of counter-terrorism is used as a soft approach without violating the basic ethics of human liberties. Radicalization, intolerance, sectarianism, Islamic militancy, and terrorism are not only spreading quickly over the globe, but they are also negatively impacting Pakistan's social security, religious peace, economics, good governance, democratic reform, and system of education. The study aimed to highlight the gaps and challenges faced by Pakistan during deradicalization.to identify its nature and extent methodological investigation at the local level is accomplished This is a quantitative study to investigate the challenges and strategies for deradicalization. To gather data primary and secondary sources were used. Pakistan needs to formulate its own, home-based strategies and paths to counter radicalization. Radicalization, administration, extremism, governance, Islamic insurgency, intolerance, violence, and identification are all addressed in this study. The key underlying causes of insurgency and radicalization have been identified, which will aid in the fight against Islamic militancy, radicalism, extremism, and intolerance in Pakistan. The study's findings and recommendations will be used to combat extremism and Islamic insurgency in Pakistan. This work will assist Think Tank experts, scholars, educators, and legislators, who will use the results and suggestions for broader objectives.

After 9/11 incident, the US and NATO forces entered Afghanistan to defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliated militant group–Taliban. The NATO forces invasion pushed militants from Afghanistan to take refuge in nearby places. Due to close proximity and vulnerable borders, many of these militants entered Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), which resulted in the growth of militancy and extremism in the region. Pakistan launched a series of operations to counter terrorism and its facilitators. Operation Zarb-e-Azb was the continuation of those operations, started as a last vengeance in North Waziristan Agency with the aim to evacuate common people and then to extinguish militants. Resultantly, operation started in the mid of June, 2014 and the people of North Waziristan Agency started migration to the adjacent areas i.e., Bannu, Lakki Marwat and Karak etc. with worries and miseries in their hearts. Operation Zarb-e-Azb has been discussed in the literature. However, the perspective of IDPs has been overlooked. The study is descriptive-exploratory which is accomplished on a mixed study approach. This research article aimed to assess the perception of IDPs camped in Lakki Marwat from 2014-17 regarding the operation's causes and factors and the problems IDPs faced during displacement.

The Sikh community of Swat has been living in the area since their migration from Hazara in the 19th century. They lived peacefully though dealt with as clients of the Pukhtuns of Swat till 1969 when it was merged with Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution, they are equal citizens of Pakistan, however, the practice may not be as prescribed by the State. There are citizens and social forces too, that work alongside state institutions. The post-9/11 militancy has affected the entire region and Swat remained a hotbed of militancy for more than a decade. The paper looks into the status of the Sikhs living in Swat, their economic and social opportunities, the threats that they have faced as well as their perception of their status. The Sikh community of Swat was approached, and a few questions were put before them which were frankly responded. Despite serious threats to the state and society at large, the Sikhs of Swat were not tortured by the militants which indicate that militancy was not an indigenous move. Though a few families migrated from the area but returned to Swat after a couple of years because they were not happy in the ‘other’ social structure.

After 9/11 incident, when the NATO forces attacked Afghanistan, most of militants migrated to FATA, Pakistan for the sake of refuge, which resulted in the growth of militancy and extremism in Pakistan. To counter terrorism and to stop the advancement of this evil, Pakistani government launched operation Zarb-e-Azb as a last vengeance in North Waziristan Agency with the aim to evacuate common people and then to extinguish militants. Consequently, about 1 million IDP’s displaced to the adjacent areas i.e., Bannu, Lakki Marwat, Karak etc. in the mid of June, 2014. Usually, displacement brought a number of socio-economic problems in the fate of IDP’s. That is why this research article focuses on the socio-economic problems of the North Waziristan Agency IDP’s hosted in Lakki Marwat from 2014-2017. This research is descriptive-exploratory nature based on mixed study approach; data used in the research collected from both primary & secondary sources. IDPs argues that they left their homes with empty hands and migrated to adjacent arears in the miserable situation. Government and Non-governmental organizations tried their level best to facilitate IDPs with honour and dignity. But the IDPs showed dissatisfaction because of unmatchable ratio between problems and facilitation.

The Sikh community of Swat has been living in the area since their migration from Hazara in the 19th century. They lived peacefully though dealt with as clients of the Pukhtuns of Swat till 1969 when it was merged with Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution, they are equal citizens of Pakistan, however, the practice may not be as prescribed by the State. There are citizens and social forces too, that work alongside state institutions. The post-9/11 militancy has affected the entire region and Swat remained a hotbed of militancy for more than a decade. The paper looks into the status of the Sikhs living in Swat, their economic and social opportunities, the threats that they have faced as well as their perception of their status. The Sikh community of Swat was approached, and a few questions were put before them which were frankly responded. Despite serious threats to the state and society at large, the Sikhs of Swat were not tortured by the militants which indicate that militancy was not an indigenous move. Though a few families migrated from the area but returned to Swat after a couple of years because they were not happy in the ‘other’ social structure.

After 9/11 incident, the US and NATO forces entered Afghanistan to defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliated militant group–Taliban. The NATO forces invasion pushed militants from Afghanistan to take refuge in nearby places. Due to close proximity and vulnerable borders, many of these militants entered Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), which resulted in the growth of militancy and extremism in the region. Pakistan launched a series of operations to counter terrorism and its facilitators. Operation Zarb-e-Azb was the continuation of those operations, started as a last vengeance in North Waziristan Agency with the aim to evacuate common people and then to extinguish militants. Resultantly, operation started in the mid of June, 2014 and the people of North Waziristan Agency started migration to the adjacent areas i.e., Bannu, Lakki Marwat and Karak etc. with worries and miseries in their hearts. Operation Zarb-e-Azb has been discussed in the literature. However, the perspective of IDPs has been overlooked. The study is descriptive-exploratory which is accomplished on a mixed study approach. This research article aimed to assess the perception of IDPs camped in Lakki Marwat from 2014-17 regarding the operation's causes and factors and the problems IDPs faced during displacement.

Autobiographical memoirs incorporate personal experiences of an individual and the cultural structures for recognizing lives and identities. They mediate between actions and point of view of an author to display the identity of self and others. The language of autobiographical narratives situates characters in relation to one another to distinguish between self and other. This study examines the approach adopted by Malala for her identity construction in her autobiography, explicating the ways she maintains or challenges the social customs through these ideologies. It analyses linguistic features employed by Malala for identity construction and ideological distinctions between the victims and the perpetrators, stigmatized and non-stigmatized in her story. Malala appears in her tales as an author with authority, as well as a victim of intolerance and abuse, according to the findings; however, her identity is often fluid and changing through acquiring the roles of victim, figure, and author, and depicting her characters in parallel roles. She positioned characters in her story by making overt and covert contrasts within reported events. Her narrative shows a contentious case of discrimination in which both the victim and the perpetrator are Pashtun Muslims from Pakistan of the same race, religion, and ethnicity.

Purpose: The main objective of this study is to investigate the determinants of militancy and its effect on education in terms of students’ dropout in District Mohmand of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, in 2018-19. Methodology: The review depends on essential information and a sum of 358 families has been acquired through the Yamane Formula. The information has been investigated through the Chi-Square test just as the Multiple Linear Regression Model by means of SPSS programming. Findings: The chi-square experimental outcome observed a critical relationship between understudies exiting and diverse financial variables, to be specific militancy, pay, early marriage, family size, schooling, and family framework. The impact of militancy was additionally seen after disaggregation of information into male and female and revealed a high impact in females contrasted with their male partners. Assessed relapse examination shows that understudy dropout is emphatically connected with the distance of respondents' homes to the nearest school, family size, militancy and family system. Implications: The review prescribes that the public authority needs to control the Pak-Afghan line and spotlight on the decrease of destitution, work on the monetary turn of events, and increment the instructive spending plan.

Purpose: The main objective of this study is to investigate the determinants of militancy and its effect on education in terms of students’ dropout in District Mohmand of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, in 2018-19. Methodology: The review depends on essential information and a sum of 358 families has been acquired through the Yamane Formula. The information has been investigated through the Chi-Square test just as the Multiple Linear Regression Model by means of SPSS programming. Findings: The chi-square experimental outcome observed a critical relationship between understudies exiting and diverse financial variables, to be specific militancy, pay, early marriage, family size, schooling, and family framework. The impact of militancy was additionally seen after disaggregation of information into male and female and revealed a high impact in females contrasted with their male partners. Assessed relapse examination shows that understudy dropout is emphatically connected with the distance of respondents' homes to the nearest school, family size, militancy and family system. Implications: The review prescribes that the public authority needs to control the Pak-Afghan line and spotlight on the decrease of destitution, work on the monetary turn of events, and increment the instructive spending plan.

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to fill current information cavities in the present material on the determinants of radicalization. The radicalization has badly affected good governance. Education, health, socio-economic and political system are major components of good governance. This research paper examines the emerging trends of Jihad, Extremism and Radicalization in Pakistan. Design/Methodology/Approach: A survey was conducted a total of 4200 respondents across the country. There was no response from 200 persons and received the response of 4000 respondents, with 2800 people (70 percent) urban and 1200 respondents (30 percent) from rural area. The figure of respondents from each of the four provinces of Pakistan (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab, Balochistan, and Sindh, ), Gilgit Baltistan, and Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK),entities reveals the percentage of population of each area vis-à-vis the total population of the country. Findings: The results revealed that the causes of radicalization and extremism are as varied as they are abundant. The study of radicalization, Jihad and extremism in both contexts has sought to find out the causes of radicalization. It is concluded that the root causes of the Islamic militancy and religious radicalization in Pakistan are generally religious, political, ideological, economic, and social in nature. Implications/Originality/Value: This research paper gives a comprehensive viewpoint and analysis amongst religion, radicalization, governance, extremism, politics, Islamic militancy, sectarianism, conflict and identity. The major root causes of militancy and radicalization were traced out which will be helpful to overcome Islamic militancy, extremism, radicalization and sectarianism in Pakistan.

Autobiographical memoirs incorporate personal experiences of an individual and the cultural structures for recognizing lives and identities. They mediate between actions and point of view of an author to display the identity of self and others. The language of autobiographical narratives situates characters in relation to one another to distinguish between self and other. This study examines the approach adopted by Malala for her identity construction in her autobiography, explicating the ways she maintains or challenges the social customs through these ideologies. It analyses linguistic features employed by Malala for identity construction and ideological distinctions between the victims and the perpetrators, stigmatized and non-stigmatized in her story. Malala appears in her tales as an author with authority, as well as a victim of intolerance and abuse, according to the findings; however, her identity is often fluid and changing through acquiring the roles of victim, figure, and author, and depicting her characters in parallel roles. She positioned characters in her story by making overt and covert contrasts within reported events. Her narrative shows a contentious case of discrimination in which both the victim and the perpetrator are Pashtun Muslims from Pakistan of the same race, religion, and ethnicity.

With the return of Peronism to government after the March 1973 elections, the two most influential political-military organizations, the Workers' Revolutionary Party-People’s Revolutionary Army (PRT-ERP) and Montoneros, created mass fronts to work politically with women: the Women’s Front and the Evita Group (AE) respectively. However, these fronts were not directed towards the compañeras, but were the way to link with the others, those whom they considered politically sympathetic and tried to add to the revolutionary project. Thus, beyond ideological differences, both organizations shared certain diagnoses regarding their political and social role and reproduced similar discourses to address them., Con el retorno del peronismo al gobierno después de las elecciones de marzo de 1973, las dos organizaciones político-militares de mayor influencia, el Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores-Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (PRT-ERP) y Montoneros, crearon frentes de masas para trabajar políticamente con las mujeres: el Frente de Mujeres y la Agrupación Evita (AE) respectivamente. Sin embargo, estos frentes no estaban dirigidos hacia las compañeras, sino que era el modo de vincularse con lasotras, aquellas a quienes consideraban afines políticamente y a las cuales intentaban sumar al proyecto revolucionario. Así, más allá de las diferencias ideológicas, ambas organizaciones compartían ciertos diagnósticos respecto a su rol político y social y reprodujeron discursos análogos para dirigirse a ellas.

En esta propuesta me interesa indagar, en primer lugar y de un modo general, aquellas militancias femeninas en las que la escritura, la performance, la producción teórica, las fotografías, las producciones visuales y la música interviene en las prácticas militantes de las últimas décadas, acortando la distancia entre las esferas del arte y de la política, bajo un contexto de producción al que podemos considerar postautónomo (Ludmer). En segundo término, voy a detenerme en el “relato testimonial” y “narración autoficcional” como dispositivo escriturario que interviene en las prácticas militantes de las “Hijas desobedientes” en Argentina. Se trata de una nueva voz que emerge en 2017, la de aquellas hijas de padres represores que sin embargo se distancian de ellos y los acusan. Articulan, en el horizonte de las luchas por la memoria, verdad y justicia, demandas en términos de género. Escritos desobedientes, publicado en 2018, expone este vínculo por medio del cual “lo personal es político” a través de la separación del volumen en dos partes. En la primera bajo el título “Historias de vida”, las hijas desobedientes (y también de los hijos) recorren, desde la disidencia de un yo individual, las experiencias de su infancia en el interior de la familia militar bajo la guía de un padre represor. En la segunda parte “Relatos desobedientes”, desde un yo comunitario, representativo del colectivo (Historias desobedientes. Familiares de genocidas por la Memoria, la Verdad y la Justicia), se publican los manifiestos, las decisiones políticas y las prácticas militantes del organismo., In this article,will examine a specific moment in the trajectories of both women's testimony and militancy, which have traced very powerful and certainly varied paths in recent decades in Argentina and Latin America, beginning at the beginning of democracy, after the Argentine dictatorship (1976-1983), with women's testimonies on the sexual crimes suffered in clandestine detention centers (CCD). They are part of a second wave within the literary and cultural tradition of Latin American testimony. In a first movement, the testimony of revolutionary matrix, which includes ethnographic, guerrilla and journalistic testimony, was institutionalized in 1970 by Casa de las Américas under the revolutionary model that spread throughout the continent from Cuba. In order to approach the corpus of women's testimonies on sexual terrorism, we consider it appropriate to point out the articulation of three matrixes that have permeated both testimonial texts and political practices: the revolutionary narrative, the humanitarian narrative and the feminist discourse.

Wie lernen soziale Bewegungen? Im Unterschied zu anderen Organisationen wie Parteien oder Gewerkschaften gibt es bei ihnen in der Regel keine feste Mitgliedschaft, keine klare Aufgabenteilung und keine verlässlichen Regeln der Entscheidungsfindung. Wie kann es ihnen dennoch gelingen, ein gemeinsames Wissen auszubilden, aus vergangenen Erfahrungen zu lernen und nachfolgende (Protest-)Generationen von diesen Erkenntnissen profitieren zu lassen?

India’s peaceful abrogation of Article 370 was a major geopolitical setback and an intelligence failure for Pakistan. In one stroke, India severely dented Pakistan’s complex and layered infrastructure of militancy. Contrary to expectations when there was no widespread backlash against it, the ISI-masterminds pressurised the local terrorist organisations and Islamist groups to execute a large-scale terror attack or orchestrate a massive civil uprising. However, when they failed, clueless and perplexed Pakistan made drastic strategic and tactical changes in running Kashmir’s militancy to gain its lost ground. The most significant change was to minimise the role of local terrorist groups like Hizbul Mujahidin (HM) and strengthen the foreign terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), and Al Badr as the leading groups. While to elude the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) scrutiny, many front organisations were created such as the LeT-led The Resistance Front (TRF) that emerged as the most active offshoot, claiming most terror attacks after 370. Another significant development is the emergence of Turkey as a critical stakeholder in Kashmir’s conflict theatre- working on multiple fronts ranging from militancy, diplomacy to inciting civil unrest. Given this context, the paper discusses and critically analyses the strategic and tactical changes ushered in by Pakistan in Kashmir’s proxy war after the abrogation of Article 370.

With the return of Peronism to government after the March 1973 elections, the two most influential political-military organizations, the Workers' Revolutionary Party-People’s Revolutionary Army (PRT-ERP) and Montoneros, created mass fronts to work politically with women: the Women’s Front and the Evita Group (AE) respectively. However, these fronts were not directed towards the compañeras, but were the way to link with the others, those whom they considered politically sympathetic and tried to add to the revolutionary project. Thus, beyond ideological differences, both organizations shared certain diagnoses regarding their political and social role and reproduced similar discourses to address them., Con el retorno del peronismo al gobierno después de las elecciones de marzo de 1973, las dos organizaciones político-militares de mayor influencia, el Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores-Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (PRT-ERP) y Montoneros, crearon frentes de masas para trabajar políticamente con las mujeres: el Frente de Mujeres y la Agrupación Evita (AE) respectivamente. Sin embargo, estos frentes no estaban dirigidos hacia las compañeras, sino que era el modo de vincularse con lasotras, aquellas a quienes consideraban afines políticamente y a las cuales intentaban sumar al proyecto revolucionario. Así, más allá de las diferencias ideológicas, ambas organizaciones compartían ciertos diagnósticos respecto a su rol político y social y reprodujeron discursos análogos para dirigirse a ellas.

India’s peaceful abrogation of Article 370 was a major geopolitical setback and an intelligence failure for Pakistan. In one stroke, India severely dented Pakistan’s complex and layered infrastructure of militancy. Contrary to expectations when there was no widespread backlash against it, the ISI-masterminds pressurised the local terrorist organisations and Islamist groups to execute a large-scale terror attack or orchestrate a massive civil uprising. However, when they failed, clueless and perplexed Pakistan made drastic strategic and tactical changes in running Kashmir’s militancy to gain its lost ground. The most significant change was to minimise the role of local terrorist groups like Hizbul Mujahidin (HM) and strengthen the foreign terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), and Al Badr as the leading groups. While to elude the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) scrutiny, many front organisations were created such as the LeT-led The Resistance Front (TRF) that emerged as the most active offshoot, claiming most terror attacks after 370. Another significant development is the emergence of Turkey as a critical stakeholder in Kashmir’s conflict theatre- working on multiple fronts ranging from militancy, diplomacy to inciting civil unrest. Given this context, the paper discusses and critically analyses the strategic and tactical changes ushered in by Pakistan in Kashmir’s proxy war after the abrogation of Article 370.

The Niger Delta Region remains the greatest wetland and resource region in Africa; it is rich in renewable, non-renewable, natural, terrestrial, and aquatic lives and human resources located within the Gulf of Guinea in the Atlantic Ocean. The environment and ecology support major economic activities which accounts for over 60% of the oil production and export since 1958. However, the export revenue and foreign exchange received in return have not translated equitably to the development of the region thus the ugly scenario engendering anger, distrust particularly against the federal government of Niger and culminating in the struggle, destruction, economic strangulation, and degradation that play out in the region. Efforts to douse the ensuing tensions and brewing crises from the region resulted in the amnesty programme. This paper evaluates the region; its resources, amnesty programme, and laws aimed at setting the region on the path of sustainable development. The objective is to find a relationship between the existing resources and the acclaimed development of the region to see how the extant laws have promoted and sustained empowerment in the region. A serious disconnect between the people, their resources, and sustainable development is discovered. The conclusion is that the existing legal frameworks have not yielded the much-required impact and recommend the enactment of some laws that will promote sustainable peace and enduring development.

The Niger Delta Region remains the greatest wetland and resource region in Africa; it is rich in renewable, non-renewable, natural, terrestrial, and aquatic lives and human resources located within the Gulf of Guinea in the Atlantic Ocean. The environment and ecology support major economic activities which accounts for over 60% of the oil production and export since 1958. However, the export revenue and foreign exchange received in return have not translated equitably to the development of the region thus the ugly scenario engendering anger, distrust particularly against the federal government of Niger and culminating in the struggle, destruction, economic strangulation, and degradation that play out in the region. Efforts to douse the ensuing tensions and brewing crises from the region resulted in the amnesty programme. This paper evaluates the region; its resources, amnesty programme, and laws aimed at setting the region on the path of sustainable development. The objective is to find a relationship between the existing resources and the acclaimed development of the region to see how the extant laws have promoted and sustained empowerment in the region. A serious disconnect between the people, their resources, and sustainable development is discovered. The conclusion is that the existing legal frameworks have not yielded the much-required impact and recommend the enactment of some laws that will promote sustainable peace and enduring development.

India’s peaceful abrogation of Article 370 was a major geopolitical setback and an intelligence failure for Pakistan. In one stroke, India severely dented Pakistan’s complex and layered infrastructure of militancy. Contrary to expectations when there was no widespread backlash against it, the ISI-masterminds pressurised the local terrorist organisations and Islamist groups to execute a large-scale terror attack or orchestrate a massive civil uprising. However, when they failed, clueless and perplexed Pakistan made drastic strategic and tactical changes in running Kashmir’s militancy to gain its lost ground. The most significant change was to minimise the role of local terrorist groups like Hizbul Mujahidin (HM) and strengthen the foreign terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), and Al Badr as the leading groups. While to elude the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) scrutiny, many front organisations were created such as the LeT-led The Resistance Front (TRF) that emerged as the most active offshoot, claiming most terror attacks after 370. Another significant development is the emergence of Turkey as a critical stakeholder in Kashmir’s conflict theatre- working on multiple fronts ranging from militancy, diplomacy to inciting civil unrest. Given this context, the paper discusses and critically analyses the strategic and tactical changes ushered in by Pakistan in Kashmir’s proxy war after the abrogation of Article 370.

India’s peaceful abrogation of Article 370 was a major geopolitical setback and an intelligence failure for Pakistan. In one stroke, India severely dented Pakistan’s complex and layered infrastructure of militancy. Contrary to expectations when there was no widespread backlash against it, the ISI-masterminds pressurised the local terrorist organisations and Islamist groups to execute a large-scale terror attack or orchestrate a massive civil uprising. However, when they failed, clueless and perplexed Pakistan made drastic strategic and tactical changes in running Kashmir’s militancy to gain its lost ground. The most significant change was to minimise the role of local terrorist groups like Hizbul Mujahidin (HM) and strengthen the foreign terrorist groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM), and Al Badr as the leading groups. While to elude the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) scrutiny, many front organisations were created such as the LeT-led The Resistance Front (TRF) that emerged as the most active offshoot, claiming most terror attacks after 370. Another significant development is the emergence of Turkey as a critical stakeholder in Kashmir’s conflict theatre- working on multiple fronts ranging from militancy, diplomacy to inciting civil unrest. Given this context, the paper discusses and critically analyses the strategic and tactical changes ushered in by Pakistan in Kashmir’s proxy war after the abrogation of Article 370.

Journalism and politics would seem to be - at first glance - two antagonistic and irreconcil­able worlds, at least if we look at them from the perspective of university classrooms, where we learn the journalism as a tool to denounces the arbitrariness and indolence of the government power, while politics tries hide their decisions and misrepresent their actions. This article try to evidencing the hypothesis that in Ecuador, the borders between the two are quite permeable. The point is that journalism has become a scene of political conflict where partisan militancy and the “settling of accounts” are evident, which weakens the public sphere strengthening the political power, which he claims to question., Periodismo y política parecerían ser —a primera vista— dos mundos antagónicos e irre­conciliables, al menos si se los mira desde la óptica de las aulas universitarias, donde se apren­de que el primero denuncia las arbitrariedades y la indolencia del segundo, mientras que la política intenta ocultar sus decisiones y tergiversar sus actuaciones. Este trabajo busca desmi­tificar esta idea, evidenciando —a manera de hipótesis— que en Ecuador las fronteras entre ambos son bastante permeables, al punto que el periodismo se ha convertido en un escenario de contienda política en que la militancia partidista y el “ajuste de cuentas” son evidentes, lo que debilita la esfera pública y fortalece al poder político, al que dice cuestionar.

Autobiographical memoirs incorporate personal experiences of an individual and the cultural structures for recognizing lives and identities. They mediate between actions and point of view of an author to display the identity of self and others. The language of autobiographical narratives situates characters in relation to one another to distinguish between self and other. This study examines the approach adopted by Malala for her identity construction in her autobiography, explicating the ways she maintains or challenges the social customs through these ideologies. It analyses linguistic features employed by Malala for identity construction and ideological distinctions between the victims and the perpetrators, stigmatized and non-stigmatized in her story. Malala appears in her tales as an author with authority, as well as a victim of intolerance and abuse, according to the findings; however, her identity is often fluid and changing through acquiring the roles of victim, figure, and author, and depicting her characters in parallel roles. She positioned characters in her story by making overt and covert contrasts within reported events. Her narrative shows a contentious case of discrimination in which both the victim and the perpetrator are Pashtun Muslims from Pakistan of the same race, religion, and ethnicity.