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This article aims to explain the differential use of litigation by social movements pursuing social change. While previous studies have sought to compare non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that turn to litigation with those that do not, we study organizations that have all resorted at least once to legal action. Taking Belgium and the field of antidiscrimination as a case study, our research confirms the findings of previous literature that the characteristics of the legal environment do impact on the choice of organizations whether or not to go to court. But we also find that legal action is used differentially by NGOs depending on two factors in particular: their position as an insider or outsider in the political realm and their possession of legal resources. Based on a quantitative measure of legal actions initiated by NGOs and interviews with activists, we propose a typology of civil society organizations—which we label “experienced litigants,” “occasional litigants,” and “litigants by necessity”—that could be transposed to other contexts and other types of interest groups

As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas, Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles

As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas, Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles

Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles., As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas.

L’investissement de l’arène judiciaire par les associations et les mouvements sociaux fait l’objet d’un intérêt croissant de la part des sciences sociales. Contrairement aux études antérieures, qui ont cherché à déterminer pourquoi certaines associations vont en justice alors que d’autres n’y vont pas, notre approche vise à comparer entre elles des associations qui sont allées en justice afin de mettre en lumière leurs rapports différenciés au droit et au recours judiciaire. Pour ce faire, nous avons centré notre enquête sur les actions portées en justice par des associations belges en matière de discrimination liée à quatre critères : le genre, les convictions religieuses, l’origine raciale ou ethnique et le handicap.

Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles., As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas.

As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas, Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles

As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas, Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles

As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas, Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles

Feminist Jurisprudence have challenged the Law in a very relevant way, viewing it as a way of reproducing sexual and gender inequalities. In this paper, starting from the reflection on a specific case and the respective decisions of the portuguese courts and the European Court of Human Rights, I seek to analyse - in a space and time in which the national and international normative legal frameworks claim to be promoters of gender equality - the achievements that Law has effectively made possible and with what intensity. The perspective that moves me is based on a policy of recognition, i.e., it intends to recognise an emancipatory potential in Law, exploring the possibility of its use in feminist struggles., As teorias feministas do direito têm colocado vários desafios ao Direito, perspetivando-o como uma forma de reprodução de desigualdades sexuais e de género. Neste artigo, partindo da reflexão sobre um caso concreto e das respetivas decisões dos tribunais portugueses e do Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, procuro analisar, num espaço e tempo em que os quadros jurídicos normativos nacionais e internacionais reivindicam ser promotores da igualdade de género, as conquistas que o Direito tem efetivamente possibilitado e com que intensidade. A perspetiva que me move funda-se numa política de reconhecimentos, ou seja, procura reconhecer eixos emancipatórios no Direito, para explorar a possibilidade do seu uso em lutas feministas.

In this paper I examine essential differences in the legal opportunity structures in Mexico and Brazil, and in particular how they affect the legal mobilization strategy of environmental public interest NGOs. I find that the Mexican legal opportunity structure creates a “self-help” system, leading to “social alliance” strategies, where NGOs build alliances, create value-added legal knowledge, and select among state institutions to bring litigation. The Brazilian legal opportunity structure is an “activist” system. This means that the State acts on behalf of environmental ngos, leading to a “statist dependent” strategy by NGOs, who rely on activist institutions to take forward litigation on their behalf. Differences in the legal opportunity structure therefore have significant implications in terms of mobilization strategies. I illustrate these differences with a brief review of important environmental cases in both countries., En este artículo examino diferencias importantes en las estructuras de oportunidad legal entre México y Brasil, y en particular cómo ellas afectan las estrategias de movilización legal de las ONG ambientalistas. En México dicha estructura crea un sistema de autoayuda que conduce a estrategias de alianza social, en las que las ONG se unen, crean conocimiento legal de valor agregado y escogen instituciones públicas para litigar. En contraste, dicha estructura en Brasil es un sistema activista. Esto es, que el Estado actúa en representación de las ONG, lo que conduce a una estrategia dependiente del Estado, en la que ellas confían en instituciones activistas para avanzar litigios en su representación. Estas diferencias tienen fuertes implicaciones en las estrategias de movilización. Todo ello lo ejemplifico con una breve revisión de casos ambientales destacados en ambos países.

This paper seeks to discuss the use of legal mobilizations by organized groups to achieve their objectives, for which resources are seen as a fundamental factor to carry them out, sustain them and succeed. At the same time, this work addresses one of the most important problems in Latin America: the conflicts generated by mega-projects, specifically by the mega-mine industry. The central question was: How did the Frente Amplio Opositor a Minera San Xavier (FAO) maintain the use of legal mobilizations? To account for this, the mobilization process of this social movement is contextualized and analyzed throughout the text, with special emphasis on legal mobilizations. Based on the analysis of primary and secondary information, the present paper argues that the FAO entered into legal mobilizations without the help of a solid support structure and that, instead, the movement was building its own support structure in which the role of lawyers was essential in a way that allowed for a process of embedded legal activity., Este trabajo busca abonar a la creciente discusión sobre el uso de la movilización por parte de grupos organizados para lograr sus objetivos, entendiendo los recursos como un factor fundamental para llevarla a cabo, sostenerla y lograr el éxito. Al mismo tiempo, se aproxima a uno de los problemas más importantes en América Latina: los conflictos generados por megaproyectos, específicamente por la megaminería. La pregunta central que lo orienta es ¿cómo el Frente Amplio Opositor a Minera San Xavier (FAO) mantuvo el uso de la movilización legal? Para dar cuenta de ello, a lo largo del texto se contextualiza y explica el proceso de movilización de este movimiento social poniendo especial énfasis en la movilización legal. A partir del análisis de información primaria y secundaria, se sostiene que el FAO incursionó en la movilización legal sin la ayuda de una estructura de apoyo sólida y que, en cambio, el movimiento fue construyendo su propia estructura de apoyo en la que el papel de los abogados fue piedra angular, de manera tal que se dio un proceso de embedded legal activity.

This article aims to contribute with empirical evidence to the growing literature focused on legal mobilization. First, it analyzes the use of rights language to frame collective claims; second, it discusses the outcomes of social movements specifically concerning legal frameworks. It studies the case of the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD), which achieved the enactment of the General Law of Victims (LGV) in a context in which the official narrative focused on criminalizing victims of violence. Through process-tracing, I analyze the reasons for which the MPJD focused its efforts on getting the LGV passed and what factors influenced the achievement of that goal. The results indicate that the LGV was conceived as an instrument capable of promoting social change by expanding legal opportunities. Similarly, its enactment can be explained through the framing of discourse around the figure of the victims, the strategic capacity of the movement’s leadership and the structure of political opportunities., Este trabajo aporta evidencia empírica a la creciente literatura enfocada en la movilización legal, primero, mediante el análisis del uso del lenguaje de derechos para enmarcar demandas colectivas y, segundo, con una discusión sobre los resultados de los movimientos sociales relacionados específicamente con los marcos legales. Para hacerlo, estudio el caso del Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad (MPJD), actor colectivo que consiguió la promulgación de la Ley General de Víctimas (LGV) en un contexto en el que la narrativa oficial se enfocaba en la criminalización de las víctimas de la violencia. Mediante un rastreo de proceso, analizo las razones por las cuales el MPJD enfocó sus esfuerzos en conseguir la LGV y qué factores influyeron para alcanzar tal objetivo. Los resultados indican que la LGV se concibió como un instrumento capaz de fomentar el cambio social mediante la ampliación de oportunidades legales. Al mismo tiempo, sostengo que la promulgación puede explicarse mediante la enmarcación del discurso en torno a la figura de las víctimas, la capacidad estratégica de quienes lideraron el movimiento y la estructura de oportunidades políticas.

This paper aims to contribute to our understanding of legal mobilization through the analysis of a Mexican social conflict in which various legal resources have been used together with other tactics of political mobilization and direct action. The methodology consisted of applying semi-structured interviews to key actors and the qualitative analysis of information guided by two central questions: Why did the movement turn to legal mobilization? What explains its success? Some conclusions suggest that although the use and success of legal mobilization were preceded by an important internal and external support structure, other essential elements such as the sense of injustice unleashed by the project, the strategic alliances established by the opponents, the political context and the mobilization of several tactics played as well an important role., El objetivo central de este trabajo es aportar evidencia empírica y teórica en el estudio de la movilización legal a través del análisis de un conflicto social acaecido en México, en el que una de las partes ha recurrido a diversos recursos jurídicos en conjunto con otras tácticas de movilización política y de acción directa. La metodología consistió en la aplicación de entrevistas semiestructuradas a actores clave y el análisis cualitativo de la información recabada. Este artículo estuvo guiado por dos preguntas centrales: 1) ¿por qué se recurrió a la movilización legal? y 2) ¿qué explica que hayan logrado tener éxito al obtener una resolución jurídica favorable en torno a sus demandas? Algunas conclusiones apuntan a que, si bien el uso y éxito de la movilización legal estuvo precedido por una importante estructura de apoyo interna y externa, también se encontraron otros elementos igualmente relevantes como el sentimiento de injusticia, el cual desató el proyecto, las alianzas estratégicas establecidas por los opositores, el contexto político, la conjunción de diferentes tácticas de movilización, entre otros.

This article analyzes the case of Mexico United Against Crime [México Unido Contra la Delincuencia], a civil society group that undertook a legal mobilization to question the prohibitionist drug model, deeming it to be one of the main causes of insecurity in Mexico. Given the refusal of the Executive and Legislative branches to establish reforms, mucd went to the Judiciary branch, where it indirectly questioned the prohibitionist policy of the Mexican state. Through the analysis of interviews and official documents, as well as the Supreme Court project and judgment, the article maintains that the success of the mobilization was based on the construction of a support structure, as well as on the use of strategic litigation; the establishment of alliances between lawyers with high-profile social, professional and kinship ties played a central role in obtaining a favorable ruling from the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation., El presente artículo analiza el caso de México Unido Contra la Delincuencia (mucd), grupo de la sociedad civil que emprendió una movilización legal para cuestionar el modelo prohibicionista en materia de drogas, en tanto consideran que éste es una de las causas primordiales de la inseguridad en México. Ante la negativa de los poderes Ejecutivo y Legislativo para establecer reformas, mucd acudió al poder Judicial, en donde cuestionó de manera indirecta la política prohibicionista del Estado mexicano. Mediante el análisis de entrevistas, documentos oficiales, así como del proyecto y sentencia de la Suprema Corte, este artículo sostiene que el éxito de la movilización radicó en la construcción de una estructura de apoyo, así como en la utilización del litigio estratégico, cuyo establecimiento de alianzas entre abogados, con vínculos sociales, profesionales y de parentesco de alto perfil jugó un papel central en la obtención de un fallo favorable de la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación.

It has become commonplace within disability socio-legal scholarship to argue that, in the last thirty years, a new legal and policy approach to disability has emerged, leading to a paradigm shift from a social protection framework to an antidiscrimination model. Some authors have stressed, however, that the new model has not fully replaced the older social protection approach. Yet little is still known about how the coexistence of these different models impacts on the everyday experience of disability in the workplace and on potential legal mobilization. Based on interviews with workers with disabilities who mobilized the law to obtain reasonable accommodation in Belgium combined with an analysis of evolving Belgian legal schemes relating to disability, this article explores how interactions between social, labor and antidiscrimination rights shape legal mobilization of persons with disabilities in the workplace. We find that individual’s initial self-identification as workers or persons with disabilities influences how they frame their claim and the kind of legal norms they refer to in a first stage but that both their identification and their rights consciousness evolve and change through the course of legal mobilization as they interact with various professionals and navigate between the different concepts and rights available in current law.

The purpose of this text is to delineate the state of the art of the judicialization of politics in Mexico. First, the particularities of the legal action will be explained. Secondly we will expose the development of the judicialization of politics in Mexico. After a brief contextualization of what the judicialization of the policy implies for the logic of the Federal State, the essential points of the relationship between one and the other will be identified. The text ends with a reflection on the role of judicialization of politics for the purposes of the good development of the federal pact, El propósito del presente texto es delinear un estado de la cuestión relativo a la judicialización de la política en México. En un primer momento se exponen las particularidades de la acción legal y posteriormente se presenta el desarrollo de la judicialización de la política en México. Tras una breve contextualización de lo que implica la judicialización de la política para la lógica del Estado federal, se identifican los puntos esenciales de la relación entre uno y otro. El texto termina con una reflexión sobre el papel de la judicialización de la política para efectos del buen desarrollo del pacto federal

This paper explores the case “Erica Borda” resolved by the National Chamber of Labour Appeals on discrimination against women in access to the labour market of public transport in the metropolitan area. Our main thesis argues that the distinction in the rulings of first and second instance is based on a framework issue: while the first decision was based on an individualist paradigm of equality as non-discrimination, the second sentence re-framed the case in a robust notion of equality as non-subjection or non-domination. We will demonstrate that this reframing impacted in three main approaches: in the determination of the normative dispute, in the evaluation of the evidence for the construction of the legal argumentation of the sentences and in the remedial responses., Este trabajo explora el caso “Erica Borda” resuelto por la Cámara Nacional de Apelaciones del Trabajo, sobre discriminación hacia las mujeres en el acceso al mercado laboral del transporte público en el área metropolitana. Nuestro argumento central sostiene que la distinción entre las resoluciones de primera y segunda instancia se funda en una cuestión de marco: mientras el primer decisorio partió de un paradigma individualista de igualdad como no discriminación, la sentencia de segunda reencuadró el caso en una noción robusta de igualdad como no sometimiento o no dominación. Demostraremos que este reencuadre impactó en tres sentidos principales: en la determinación de la disputa normativa, en la valoración de la prueba para la construcción de la argumentación jurídica y en las respuestas remediales.

The purpose of this text is to delineate the state of the art of the judicialization of politics in Mexico. First, the particularities of the legal action will be explained. Secondly we will expose the development of the judicialization of politics in Mexico. After a brief contextualization of what the judicialization of the policy implies for the logic of the Federal State, the essential points of the relationship between one and the other will be identified. The text ends with a reflection on the role of judicialization of politics for the purposes of the good development of the federal pact, El propósito del presente texto es delinear un estado de la cuestión relativo a la judicialización de la política en México. En un primer momento se exponen las particularidades de la acción legal y posteriormente se presenta el desarrollo de la judicialización de la política en México. Tras una breve contextualización de lo que implica la judicialización de la política para la lógica del Estado federal, se identifican los puntos esenciales de la relación entre uno y otro. El texto termina con una reflexión sobre el papel de la judicialización de la política para efectos del buen desarrollo del pacto federal

This paper explores the case “Erica Borda” resolved by the National Chamber of Labour Appeals on discrimination against women in access to the labour market of public transport in the metropolitan area. Our main thesis argues that the distinction in the rulings of first and second instance is based on a framework issue: while the first decision was based on an individualist paradigm of equality as non-discrimination, the second sentence re-framed the case in a robust notion of equality as non-subjection or non-domination. We will demonstrate that this reframing impacted in three main approaches: in the determination of the normative dispute, in the evaluation of the evidence for the construction of the legal argumentation of the sentences and in the remedial responses., Este trabajo explora el caso “Erica Borda” resuelto por la Cámara Nacional de Apelaciones del Trabajo, sobre discriminación hacia las mujeres en el acceso al mercado laboral del transporte público en el área metropolitana. Nuestro argumento central sostiene que la distinción entre las resoluciones de primera y segunda instancia se funda en una cuestión de marco: mientras el primer decisorio partió de un paradigma individualista de igualdad como no discriminación, la sentencia de segunda reencuadró el caso en una noción robusta de igualdad como no sometimiento o no dominación. Demostraremos que este reencuadre impactó en tres sentidos principales: en la determinación de la disputa normativa, en la valoración de la prueba para la construcción de la argumentación jurídica y en las respuestas remediales.

Workers with temporary immigration status have become the economic reality in several countries, as these workers provide a temporally mobile, cheap workforce that is responsive to economic vicissitudes and anti-immigration sentiment. Temporary foreign workers (TFWs) in low-wage sectors such as agriculture are tied to a single employer, have no access to their family and to permanent residence, and face overwhelming barriers in accessing justice. TFWs spend years residing and working outside of their country of nationality and are unable to be self-sovereign agents either in their countries of origin (because of lack of residence) or in their countries of sojourn (because of lack of nationality). While there have been instances where TFWs were able to make individual legal claims for labor violations in the country of sojourn, collective mobilization against the TFW program itself is exceptional. Collective mobilization represents acting as (partial) citizens, as the claims resemble self-determination claims on behalf of the entire TFW collectivity. How do TFWs and their allies, against all odds, mobilize the law to make collective claims and produce citizenship from below?In this research, I critically examine Israel and Canada, countries that have very similar TFW programs in agriculture but represent two contrasting types of legal mobilization against these programs. Israel is a case of “top-down” constitutional litigation where the results were court-ordered changes to the TFW program. Canada represents a case of legal mobilization “from below” where law is used subversively as a tool for larger political action. What explains the different pathways to legal mobilization in Israel and Canada?In addition to contributing new empirical data and theoretical conceptualizations of the different ways in which the law can be mobilized, my dissertation combines legal mobilization and social movement theories to offer an analytical framework to understand what affects the

Workers with temporary immigration status have become the economic reality in several countries, as these workers provide a temporally mobile, cheap workforce that is responsive to economic vicissitudes and anti-immigration sentiment. Temporary foreign workers (TFWs) in low-wage sectors such as agriculture are tied to a single employer, have no access to their family and to permanent residence, and face overwhelming barriers in accessing justice. TFWs spend years residing and working outside of their country of nationality and are unable to be self-sovereign agents either in their countries of origin (because of lack of residence) or in their countries of sojourn (because of lack of nationality). While there have been instances where TFWs were able to make individual legal claims for labor violations in the country of sojourn, collective mobilization against the TFW program itself is exceptional. Collective mobilization represents acting as (partial) citizens, as the claims resemble self-determination claims on behalf of the entire TFW collectivity. How do TFWs and their allies, against all odds, mobilize the law to make collective claims and produce citizenship from below?In this research, I critically examine Israel and Canada, countries that have very similar TFW programs in agriculture but represent two contrasting types of legal mobilization against these programs. Israel is a case of “top-down” constitutional litigation where the results were court-ordered changes to the TFW program. Canada represents a case of legal mobilization “from below” where law is used subversively as a tool for larger political action. What explains the different pathways to legal mobilization in Israel and Canada?In addition to contributing new empirical data and theoretical conceptualizations of the different ways in which the law can be mobilized, my dissertation combines legal mobilization and social movement theories to offer an analytical framework to understand what affects the

Since the recovery of democracy in 1990, legal mobilization has become a key strategy for the Chilean union movement. Trade unions increasingly turn to the Labor Department or the courts for challenging the employers' power and putting pressure over the State to make changes on the labor order. Based on interviews with different labor actors, this article evaluates the effects of this phenomenon for workers. It argues that legal mobilization has allowed unions to gain certain rights and expand their margin of action in companies. However, this strategy has not produced substantial changes in the inherited labor order. The article identifies two causes of this: 1) the undesirable effects of the use of this strategy on the strength of the trade union organization; 2) changes in the orientation of the Labor Department and the courts., Desde la recuperación de la democracia en 1990, la movilización legal se ha vuelto una estrategia clave en el repertorio de acción del movimiento sindical chileno. Los sindicatos recurren cada vez más a la Dirección del Trabajo o los tribunales para contestar el poder de los empresarios y presionar al Estado para lograr cambios en el orden laboral heredado de la dictadura. En base a entrevistas a distintos actores, este artículo evalúa los efectos de este fenómeno para los trabajadores. Defiende que la movilización legal ha permitido a los sindicatos ganar ciertos derechos y ampliar su margen de maniobra en las empresas. Sin embargo, no ha generado cambios sustanciales en el orden laboral chileno. El artículo identifica dos causas de esto: 1) los efectos no deseados del uso de esta estrategia en la fuerza de la organización sindical; 2) los cambios en la orientación de la DT y los tribunales.

Since the recovery of democracy in 1990, legal mobilization has become a key strategy for the Chilean union movement. Trade unions increasingly turn to the Labor Department or the courts for challenging the employers' power and putting pressure over the State to make changes on the labor order. Based on interviews with different labor actors, this article evaluates the effects of this phenomenon for workers. It argues that legal mobilization has allowed unions to gain certain rights and expand their margin of action in companies. However, this strategy has not produced substantial changes in the inherited labor order. The article identifies two causes of this: 1) the undesirable effects of the use of this strategy on the strength of the trade union organization; 2) changes in the orientation of the Labor Department and the courts., Desde la recuperación de la democracia en 1990, la movilización legal se ha vuelto una estrategia clave en el repertorio de acción del movimiento sindical chileno. Los sindicatos recurren cada vez más a la Dirección del Trabajo o los tribunales para contestar el poder de los empresarios y presionar al Estado para lograr cambios en el orden laboral heredado de la dictadura. En base a entrevistas a distintos actores, este artículo evalúa los efectos de este fenómeno para los trabajadores. Defiende que la movilización legal ha permitido a los sindicatos ganar ciertos derechos y ampliar su margen de maniobra en las empresas. Sin embargo, no ha generado cambios sustanciales en el orden laboral chileno. El artículo identifica dos causas de esto: 1) los efectos no deseados del uso de esta estrategia en la fuerza de la organización sindical; 2) los cambios en la orientación de la DT y los tribunales.

Este artículo se enmarca en la literatura sobre movilización legal. La pregunta que lo guía es cuál es el rol del derecho en la movilización social del movimiento de mujeres en torno a la Ley de Cuotas y se acude a la teoría de movimientos sociales para responderla. Se llevó a cabo un estudio de caso, analizando cualitativamente prensa, proyectos de ley, Gacetas del Congreso, un expediente judicial y tres entrevistas. Se concluye que una respuesta adecuada a la pregunta por el rol del derecho en la movilización social implica que la literatura sobre movilización legal debe dejar de lado el énfasis en la adjudicación y en la utilidad del derecho para los movimientos y el cambio social., Since 1991, the Colombian feminist movement started to mobilize to promote a Quota Act that was finally established in 2001. By drawing on a case study of such campaign, this article intervenes in socio-legal scholarship on legal mobilization suggesting that the relationship between law and social movements can be theorized in many ways. Particularly, it suggests political and legal opportunities, mobilizing structures, and collective action frames as useful concepts for such task. By doing so, this article suggests that the Law and Society literature on legal mobilization, and particularly the Colombian literature on the relationship between post-1991 constitutional law and social movements, should set aside the emphasis on the usefulness of the law to bring about social change.

This paper examines how the LGBT Veteran organization, Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Veterans of America, has framed their advocacy for LGBT veterans’ rights, including their unique deployment of joint LGBT and military/veteran identities to strengthen their cause. Specifically, this research explores the way that the positive veteran/military identity that intersects with the less positively viewed LGBT identity facilitates both the cause and potential outcomes of their advocacy. While many social movements mobilize around a primary identity, LGBT veterans use their status as “protected veterans” to pursue rights for the LGBT community, both in the military and out. I argue that recognition of the elevated status enjoyed by military veterans is seen in the framing techniques of the LGBT veteran social movement and what I am calling “positive intersectionality”. Theories of intersectionality typically regard intersecting identities as limiting in an individual’s ability to fight discrimination, but this addendum to intersectional theory that I am proposing encompasses the full spectrum of identity, examining positive outcomes of intersectional identities rather than only negative outcomes.

Despite vast expenditures on prison construction in the late 20th century, infrastructure has not kept pace with the dramatic growth of incarceration in the U.S. As a result, extreme prison overcrowding has led to humanitarian, legal and fiscal emergencies nationwide. These emergencies are especially pronounced at the state level, where the Great Recession most directly affected and severely curtailed public spending; today, more than a third of state prison populations exceed institutional capacity. In the present policy environment, rather than investing scarce capital on building more prisons, state-level legal reforms aimed at downsizing the prison population are widely seen as the more prudent solutions. Little is known, however, about the diffusion and implementation of prison reform laws among local criminal justice actors and their effects at the county level of practice, where the incarceration process begins for most inmates. This project examines the 2011 “Realignment” of California’s unconstitutionally overcrowded prison system as an empirical window into how legal interventions and policy innovations filter to lower levels of government and diffuse into local organizational and professional practices. Using multiple methods, the study investigates how differences in local organizational culture shape the meaning of law on the ground in ways that bolster or undermine the reform goal of decarceration. The research focuses on two questions: (1) how do local criminal justice actors respond to, comply with, shape, and resist prison downsizing laws, and (2) what effect do these responses have on decarceration as a key metric of institutional change? A combination of group-based trajectory modeling and institutional ethnographic methods are used to assess the proposition that local organizational culture mediates the implementation of prison downsizing laws and that variation in county organizational culture explains differences in the outcome of decarceration

Despite vast expenditures on prison construction in the late 20th century, infrastructure has not kept pace with the dramatic growth of incarceration in the U.S. As a result, extreme prison overcrowding has led to humanitarian, legal and fiscal emergencies nationwide. These emergencies are especially pronounced at the state level, where the Great Recession most directly affected and severely curtailed public spending; today, more than a third of state prison populations exceed institutional capacity. In the present policy environment, rather than investing scarce capital on building more prisons, state-level legal reforms aimed at downsizing the prison population are widely seen as the more prudent solutions. Little is known, however, about the diffusion and implementation of prison reform laws among local criminal justice actors and their effects at the county level of practice, where the incarceration process begins for most inmates. This project examines the 2011 “Realignment” of California’s unconstitutionally overcrowded prison system as an empirical window into how legal interventions and policy innovations filter to lower levels of government and diffuse into local organizational and professional practices. Using multiple methods, the study investigates how differences in local organizational culture shape the meaning of law on the ground in ways that bolster or undermine the reform goal of decarceration. The research focuses on two questions: (1) how do local criminal justice actors respond to, comply with, shape, and resist prison downsizing laws, and (2) what effect do these responses have on decarceration as a key metric of institutional change? A combination of group-based trajectory modeling and institutional ethnographic methods are used to assess the proposition that local organizational culture mediates the implementation of prison downsizing laws and that variation in county organizational culture explains differences in the outcome of decarceration

This paper examines how the LGBT Veteran organization, Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Veterans of America, has framed their advocacy for LGBT veterans’ rights, including their unique deployment of joint LGBT and military/veteran identities to strengthen their cause. Specifically, this research explores the way that the positive veteran/military identity that intersects with the less positively viewed LGBT identity facilitates both the cause and potential outcomes of their advocacy. While many social movements mobilize around a primary identity, LGBT veterans use their status as “protected veterans” to pursue rights for the LGBT community, both in the military and out. I argue that recognition of the elevated status enjoyed by military veterans is seen in the framing techniques of the LGBT veteran social movement and what I am calling “positive intersectionality”. Theories of intersectionality typically regard intersecting identities as limiting in an individual’s ability to fight discrimination, but this addendum to intersectional theory that I am proposing encompasses the full spectrum of identity, examining positive outcomes of intersectional identities rather than only negative outcomes.

This article analyzes the process of legal mobilization regarding the policy of housing subsidies by the Buenos Aires City Government. Far from representing cases of structural dispute seeking to modify the public policy -cases that usually catch the attention of the academic environment-, this paper sheds light on a number of individual, recurrent, massive and routine cases that demand a large amount of time and resources from the judicial bureaucracies and from the executive branch. Over more than a decade of dispute, there were established institutional political circuits and adaptative practices between the judicial and executive power. On the one hand, local justice is accessible for individual demands by offering a clear opening on the access to courts for the citizens with low income. On the other hand, by interacting with the executive branch, local justice consolidates itself as a "new-stop window" by providing easy access to the continuity of housing subsidies for that social groups without revising the policy that might enhance substantially the demanding population's quality life., El artículo analiza el proceso de movilización legal respecto de la política de subsidios habitacionales del Gobierno de la Cuidad de Buenos Aires. Lejos de representar casos de litigio estructural orientados a modificar la política pública, que son aquellos que captan la atención del mundo académico, este trabajo ilumina sobre un conjunto de casos de carácter individual, recurrente, rutinario y masivo que ocupan una gran parte del tiempo y de los recursos de las burocracias judiciales y del poder ejecutivo. Durante más de una década de litigio se establecieron circuitos políticos institucionales y prácticas adaptativas entre ambos poderes. Por un lado, la justicia local es accesible a las demandas individuales ofreciendo evidencia del acceso a los tribunales por parte de la población de bajos recursos; por otro lado, en sus interacciones con el poder ejecutivo, la justicia se consolida como "la otra ventanilla" al facilitar la continuidad de los subsidios habitacionales para esos sectores sin efectuar revisiones de la política que mejoren la calidad de vida de la población demandante de manera sustancial.

This article analyzes the process of legal mobilization regarding the policy of housing subsidies by the Buenos Aires City Government. Far from representing cases of structural dispute seeking to modify the public policy -cases that usually catch the attention of the academic environment-, this paper sheds light on a number of individual, recurrent, massive and routine cases that demand a large amount of time and resources from the judicial bureaucracies and from the executive branch. Over more than a decade of dispute, there were established institutional political circuits and adaptative practices between the judicial and executive power. On the one hand, local justice is accessible for individual demands by offering a clear opening on the access to courts for the citizens with low income. On the other hand, by interacting with the executive branch, local justice consolidates itself as a "new-stop window" by providing easy access to the continuity of housing subsidies for that social groups without revising the policy that might enhance substantially the demanding population's quality life., El artículo analiza el proceso de movilización legal respecto de la política de subsidios habitacionales del Gobierno de la Cuidad de Buenos Aires. Lejos de representar casos de litigio estructural orientados a modificar la política pública, que son aquellos que captan la atención del mundo académico, este trabajo ilumina sobre un conjunto de casos de carácter individual, recurrente, rutinario y masivo que ocupan una gran parte del tiempo y de los recursos de las burocracias judiciales y del poder ejecutivo. Durante más de una década de litigio se establecieron circuitos políticos institucionales y prácticas adaptativas entre ambos poderes. Por un lado, la justicia local es accesible a las demandas individuales ofreciendo evidencia del acceso a los tribunales por parte de la población de bajos recursos; por otro lado, en sus interacciones con el poder ejecutivo, la justicia se consolida como "la otra ventanilla" al facilitar la continuidad de los subsidios habitacionales para esos sectores sin efectuar revisiones de la política que mejoren la calidad de vida de la población demandante de manera sustancial.

/Results. The paper discusses the results of three different studies. A study of 717 ninth grade students in eight schools located in different socio-economic environments show that students have a low degree of trust in dispute settlement forms available at school. When involved in conflicts or degrading treatment at school they avoid turning to the school for help. Students give themselves a high score for following rules at school but give a much lower score to their classmates’ everyday behavior at school. Interviews with teachers and headmasters show a critical suspicion towards School Inspectorate’s ability to solve conflicts at school. An analysis of 350 cases decided by School Inspectorate/BEO show that many parents solve a worrisome situation at school by changing schools for their child. School administrators often solve a conflict by demanding a psychiatric evaluation of the child involved or by pointing to a need for more resources. School administrators in schools with many problems experience school inspections as annoying. The project has shown that there is a strong and consequent picture of an on-going process within Swedish schools of loss of legitimacy and authority within the school system. Even though the concept of rights of the student has forced itself into the everyday life of school, the increase in recourse to legal processes beyond those available at school has produced unintended consequences.

This paper studies three mobilization episodes in which indigenous, feminists and state crimes victims litigated before the Constitutional Court. After showing which effects can be founded using a perspective focused on the study of judicial decisions, we propose a broader approach to their study that conceives the constitutional legal mobilizations as truly collective actions. The paper states that, from that standpoint, it is possible to identify how the interaction between the State and these three movements has change, as well as their internal transformations., Este artículo estudia tres episodios de movilización en los que indígenas, feministas y víctimas de crímenes de Estado presentaron litigios ante la Corte Constitucional. Luego de mostrar cuáles son los efectos de estas movilizaciones, empleando una perspectiva que se centra en el estudio de las decisiones judiciales, proponemos un enfoque más amplio que concibe las movilizaciones legales constitucionales como verdaderas acciones colectivas. El artículo sostiene que partiendo de este enfoque es posible identificar cambios generados en las condiciones de interacción entre el Estado y estos tres grupos/actores sociales, así como sus transformaciones internas, para constatar el lugar que ocupa la movilización ante la Corte dentro de la lucha social.

This paper studies three mobilization episodes in which indigenous, feminists and state crimes victims litigated before the Constitutional Court. After showing which effects can be founded using a perspective focused on the study of judicial decisions, we propose a broader approach to their study that conceives the constitutional legal mobilizations as truly collective actions. The paper states that, from that standpoint, it is possible to identify how the interaction between the State and these three movements has change, as well as their internal transformations., Este artículo estudia tres episodios de movilización en los que indígenas, feministas y víctimas de crímenes de Estado presentaron litigios ante la Corte Constitucional. Luego de mostrar cuáles son los efectos de estas movilizaciones, empleando una perspectiva que se centra en el estudio de las decisiones judiciales, proponemos un enfoque más amplio que concibe las movilizaciones legales constitucionales como verdaderas acciones colectivas. El artículo sostiene que partiendo de este enfoque es posible identificar cambios generados en las condiciones de interacción entre el Estado y estos tres grupos/actores sociales, así como sus transformaciones internas, para constatar el lugar que ocupa la movilización ante la Corte dentro de la lucha social.

This dissertation uses the campaign of Colombia's Uwa indigenous people against oil extraction in their land as a case study to understand the impact of the state, the law and the market over the tactics and scale of social movements. It studies how the campaign shifted away from litigation, expanded its scale transnationally and started using the tools available in the global market economy to prevent oil exploration in the Uwa land. The dissertation suggests the need to understand social movement tactics as a complex, multidimensional phenomenon in order to capture the relation between activism and multiple institutions. Finally, it also provides a framework to understand the relation between different tactics and institutions that helps to explain the roles of economic, political, and legal factors in providing the resources and opportunities for tactical innovation and transnational activism.

This dissertation uses the campaign of Colombia's Uwa indigenous people against oil extraction in their land as a case study to understand the impact of the state, the law and the market over the tactics and scale of social movements. It studies how the campaign shifted away from litigation, expanded its scale transnationally and started using the tools available in the global market economy to prevent oil exploration in the Uwa land. The dissertation suggests the need to understand social movement tactics as a complex, multidimensional phenomenon in order to capture the relation between activism and multiple institutions. Finally, it also provides a framework to understand the relation between different tactics and institutions that helps to explain the roles of economic, political, and legal factors in providing the resources and opportunities for tactical innovation and transnational activism.

This article comes in the middle of the turbulent situation that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender population (LGBT) in Colombia is going through, which has been historically marginalized and invisibilized. Despite recent legal recognitions obtained by the LGBT people, expressions of violence and hatred against them persist at levels of concern. It is therefore appropriate to reflect about the extent of legal recognition for the LGBT social movement in order to gain visibility, equality, and respect for their diversity. To address this issue is taken as the base the work of Julieta Lemaitre Ripoll, Colombian jurist specialized in legal theory, social movements and feminisms, as she has been probably the only Colombian author who has reflected from the legal field about agreements and disagreements between social movements and the legal system. After going through the statements of Lemaitre, is concluded that despite the attacks and discrimination which LGBT population is still a victim, legal mobilization should not be abandoned as a strategy for recognition and affirmation., Este artículo parte de la agitada coyuntura que atraviesa la población de lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y transgeneristas (LGBT) en Colombia, la cual ha sido históricamente marginada e invisibilizada. Pese a los recientes reconocimientos jurídicos obtenidos por los sectores LGBT, las manifestaciones de violencia y odio en su contra persisten en niveles preocupantes. Es por ello pertinente reflexionar sobre el potencial de los reconocimientos legales para el movimiento social LGBT con el fin de obtener visibilidad, igualdad, y respeto a su diversidad. Para abordar esta cuestión se toma como base el trabajo de Julieta Lemaitre Ripoll, jurista colombiana especializada en teoría jurídica, movimientos sociales y feminismos, dado que ha sido probablemente la única autora colombiana que ha reflexionado desde el campo jurídico sobre los encuentros y desencuentros de los movimientos sociales con el sistema legal. Tras recorrer los planteamientos de Lemaitre se concluye que pese a los ataques y a la discriminación de la cual aún es víctima la población LGBT, no se debe abandonar la movilización legal como estrategia de reconocimiento y afirmación.

Cet article explore la diversité des ressources normatives et juridiques que les Soudanaises, au sein du régime islamiste comme à l’extérieur, ainsi que leurs opposants religieux conservateurs, ont mobilisées dans leur campagne en faveur d’une réforme juridique visant à protéger les femmes contre le viol. Les militantes des droits des femmes et les femmes islamistes au sein des institutions gouvernementales se sont largement mobilisées, de façon parallèle et sans beaucoup d’interaction ni de collaboration, pour trouver une solution aux problèmes liés à la définition par la loi du viol comme adultère et fornication sans consentement. En 2015, l’Assemblée nationale soudanaise a adopté un amendement au Code pénal de 1991 et une nouvelle définition du viol, le dissociant de l’adultère et de la fornication, au terme d’un processus d’élaboration qui a exclu toute consultation de la société civile. La réforme a été mal appliquée et a fait l’objet de critiques sévères, en particulier pour ne pas avoir explicitement pénalisé le viol conjugal., The article explores the variety of normative and legal resources that Sudanese women inside and outside of Sudan’s Islamist regime, as well as their conservative religious opponents, have mobilized to campaign for legal reform to protect women against rape. Women’s rights activists and Islamist women within government institutions have largely mobilized in parallel, without much interaction and collaboration, to address the problems associated with the law’s definition of rape as adultery and fornication without consent. In 2015, Sudan’s National Assembly enacted an amendment to the 1991 Criminal Code with a new definition of rape, de-linking it from adultery and fornication; a process which completely excluded consultation with civil society. The reform has been poorly enforced and has come under harsh critique especially for not explicitly criminalizing marital rape.

Le référentiel islamique s’est imposé comme cadre incontournable du débat sur l’avortement au Sénégal. Dans ce contexte, les militantes de la cause des femmes issues des élites intellectuelles et laïques ont recentré le plaidoyer autour de la norme islamique. Par ailleurs, elles ont élargi leurs usages du droit dans l’optique d’en faire un outil utile pour les femmes. En agissant sur ces deux registres, les militantes tentent de négocier une réforme qui reste acceptable au regard des normes sociales en vigueur. Ces nouvelles orientations contribuent à mieux connecter le droit aux préoccupations sociales et, ce faisant, à légitimer l’action des militantes auprès des femmes et de l’ensemble de la société. Le maintien du statu quo au niveau législatif traduit cependant les limites de cette stratégie : d’une part, la tentative de « genrification de l’islam » se heurte aux interprétations conservatrices majoritaires et, d’autre part, le recours à l’« arme du droit » reste encore trop marginal au sein du mouvement des femmes pour peser dans la décision politique., In Senegal, the Islamic lens has become unavoidable in debates on the legalization of abortion. In this context, women activists stemming from the intellectual and secular elites have focused their advocacy on Islamic law. In addition, they have broadened their uses of law in order to make law useful for women. By working on these two levels, women activists try to negotiate a reform, which could remain acceptable regarding current social norms. These new orientations help to better connect law and social issues and, by doing so, to legitimate the action of the activists in the eyes of women and of the whole society. But keeping the status quo at the legislative level underlines the limits of this strategy. First, the attempt to make Islam compliant with gender has to face its main conservative interpretations. Moreover, the use of the “law weapon” still remains too marginal within the women’s movement to be able to bear some weight in political decisions.

En combinant les apports de la sociologie politique du droit et de la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, cet article s’intéresse à la place du droit dans la défense des causes, à partir d’une analyse des modalités variables d’engagement des défenseurs de la cause des femmes dans les débats ayant trait au règlement juridique des conséquences financières du divorce en France et au Québec. L’analyse comparative montre que les dispositions concernées (prestation compensatoire, pensions alimentaires, définition des régimes matrimoniaux) occupent une place beaucoup plus centrale dans les luttes en faveur de la cause des femmes au Québec qu’en France. De façon corollaire, le sens attribué à ces dispositions juridiques diffère : perçues en France comme des instruments de protection et de maintien des femmes dans la dépendance, elles sont utilisées au Québec comme l’outil d’une justice de genre. Deux pistes explicatives de ces différences sont explorées, l’une centrée sur le profil social des militantes, et l’autre sur les significations culturelles véhiculées par le droit., Can family law be a tool for gender justice ? Women’s advocacy and divorce legislation in France and Quebec (1975-2000)Drawing on the political sociology of law and social movement’s theory, this article explores the legal dimension of movements’ advocacy, by means of an analysis of the various ways women rights advocates have participated in family law debates regarding the economic consequences of divorce in France and in Quebec. The comparative analysis shows that issues such as compensatory allowances, pay alimony and the definition of matrimonial regimes play a more prominent role in women’s advocacy in Quebec than in France. Moreover, these provisions are endowed with a different meaning in each context : while in France, they are perceived as a way to protect women and keep them dependent, in Quebec they are used as a tool for gender justice. Two types of explanations are offered for these differences : one focusing on the social profile of activists, and the other on the cultural meanings crystallized in law.