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Denna kvalitativa studie ämnar undersöka vilka diskurser, perspektiv och aktörer som speglas i media kring ämnet klimataktivism. Detta har undersökts genom en kritisk diskursanalys i vilken tematisk analys har använts för att analysera 193 stycken medieartiklar från de fyra mest lästa svenska tidningarna. Studien har utförts i en svensk kontext och begränsats till ett tidsspann mellan 2018-2023. Ytterligare presenteras tidigare forskning inom ämnet för ny klimataktivism samt klimataktivism och media. För analysen av resultatet har Foucaults (2003, 2009) teorier kring disciplin, makt och kunskap, ideologi, diskurser, den reglerande apparaten samt olydnad använts som ett övergripande ramverk, vilka kompletteras med begrepp från Mathiesen (1982). Utöver detta har Becks (2009, 2012) teorier om risksamhälle och hot använts, vilka kompletteras med begrepp från Altheide (2013), för att kunna analysera resultatet på omfattande och djupgående sätt, anpassat till det moderna samhället. Medelst detta visar undersökningen en djupgående och omfattande bild genom att rama in mediers speglande av ämnet klimataktivismen i samtiden. Det visades olika, delvis motstridiga, diskurser: ”kampen för klimatet”, ”klimataktivismen som hot” samt ”politiken som hot”, vilka också innefattar olika mindre diskurser om exempelvis ”domedagen” och ”civil olydnad”. Vidare framkom att alla diskurser innefattar positiva och negativa diskursiva aspekter, där dock alla diskurser och aspekter ramas in av en allomfattande ”riskdiskurs” som uttrycks genom de olika perspektiven inom ämnet klimataktivism. Sist förs en avslutande diskussion om konsekvenserna och utkomsterna av denna diskursiva framställning av klimataktivism; en reflektion kring vad som sker och kan ske genom mediers porträttering och vilken vikt media har för produktionen av upplevelser i samhället., This qualitative study aims to analyse discourses, perspectives and actors which are represented in media within the topic: climate activism. The study was implemented through critical discourse analysis (CDA) in which thematic analysis was used to analyse the material of 193 news articles from the four most read Swedish newspapers. Furthermore, the study was delimited to Sweden and in a timeframe from 2018-2023. Also, previous research about today’s climate activism and climate activism and media is represented. For the analysis of the results, Foucault’s (2009, 2003) theories about discipline, power and knowledge, ideology, discourse, the ruling apparatus, and disobedience have been used. These theories have been completed by concepts from Mathiesen (1982). Moreover Beck’s (2009, 2012) theories of risk society and threat have been used and completed by concepts from Altheide (2013), to be able to analyse the results in an extensive and profound way which fits today’s modern society. Through that, the study shows a deep and including picture that frames how media portraits the topic: climate activism. The study has shown discourses, that in some ways are contradictory: “fight for the climate”, “climate activists as threat” and “politics as threat”. These discourses include several smaller discourses, for instance “doomsday” and “civil disobedience”. Also, it has been shown that all discourses include positive and negative aspects, yet all discourses and aspects of them set in an all-encompassing “risk-discourse”, which takes form through the different perspectives that are included in the subject of climate activism. Lastly, a final discussion is held about the consequences and outcomes of the discursive representation of climate activism; a reflection about what is and what can be happening because of the representation through media and what significance media has in the production of experience in society., 2024-05-30

Denna kvalitativa studie ämnar undersöka vilka diskurser, perspektiv och aktörer som speglas i media kring ämnet klimataktivism. Detta har undersökts genom en kritisk diskursanalys i vilken tematisk analys har använts för att analysera 193 stycken medieartiklar från de fyra mest lästa svenska tidningarna. Studien har utförts i en svensk kontext och begränsats till ett tidsspann mellan 2018-2023. Ytterligare presenteras tidigare forskning inom ämnet för ny klimataktivism samt klimataktivism och media. För analysen av resultatet har Foucaults (2003, 2009) teorier kring disciplin, makt och kunskap, ideologi, diskurser, den reglerande apparaten samt olydnad använts som ett övergripande ramverk, vilka kompletteras med begrepp från Mathiesen (1982). Utöver detta har Becks (2009, 2012) teorier om risksamhälle och hot använts, vilka kompletteras med begrepp från Altheide (2013), för att kunna analysera resultatet på omfattande och djupgående sätt, anpassat till det moderna samhället. Medelst detta visar undersökningen en djupgående och omfattande bild genom att rama in mediers speglande av ämnet klimataktivismen i samtiden. Det visades olika, delvis motstridiga, diskurser: ”kampen för klimatet”, ”klimataktivismen som hot” samt ”politiken som hot”, vilka också innefattar olika mindre diskurser om exempelvis ”domedagen” och ”civil olydnad”. Vidare framkom att alla diskurser innefattar positiva och negativa diskursiva aspekter, där dock alla diskurser och aspekter ramas in av en allomfattande ”riskdiskurs” som uttrycks genom de olika perspektiven inom ämnet klimataktivism. Sist förs en avslutande diskussion om konsekvenserna och utkomsterna av denna diskursiva framställning av klimataktivism; en reflektion kring vad som sker och kan ske genom mediers porträttering och vilken vikt media har för produktionen av upplevelser i samhället., This qualitative study aims to analyse discourses, perspectives and actors which are represented in media within the topic: climate activism. The study was implemented through critical discourse analysis (CDA) in which thematic analysis was used to analyse the material of 193 news articles from the four most read Swedish newspapers. Furthermore, the study was delimited to Sweden and in a timeframe from 2018-2023. Also, previous research about today’s climate activism and climate activism and media is represented. For the analysis of the results, Foucault’s (2009, 2003) theories about discipline, power and knowledge, ideology, discourse, the ruling apparatus, and disobedience have been used. These theories have been completed by concepts from Mathiesen (1982). Moreover Beck’s (2009, 2012) theories of risk society and threat have been used and completed by concepts from Altheide (2013), to be able to analyse the results in an extensive and profound way which fits today’s modern society. Through that, the study shows a deep and including picture that frames how media portraits the topic: climate activism. The study has shown discourses, that in some ways are contradictory: “fight for the climate”, “climate activists as threat” and “politics as threat”. These discourses include several smaller discourses, for instance “doomsday” and “civil disobedience”. Also, it has been shown that all discourses include positive and negative aspects, yet all discourses and aspects of them set in an all-encompassing “risk-discourse”, which takes form through the different perspectives that are included in the subject of climate activism. Lastly, a final discussion is held about the consequences and outcomes of the discursive representation of climate activism; a reflection about what is and what can be happening because of the representation through media and what significance media has in the production of experience in society., 2024-05-30

Research has shown a great distrust among youths toward political representatives, who they demand should “listen to the science.” However, less research has been done on youths’ own trust in science. This study explores and explains how youths who are environmentally active in two different environmental youth organizations relate to science in social media, whether they trust science, and how youths’ relation to science creates a discursive context in which they may develop their identity. The study uses the approach of discourse analysis to examine social media content published on Facebook by Fridays for Future Sweden and Fältbiologerna (the Swedish Field Biologists). The study shows (i) how subject positions for scientists and youth are created in relation to one another based on different expressions of youths’ trust in science and(ii) how environmental youth organizations, by identifying with science, make youths important actors in the discourse on climate change.

2023 Descuento MDPI, This article analyzed the Fridays for Future (FFF) movement and its online mobilization around the Global Day of Climate Action on 25 September 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, this event is a unique opportunity to study digital activism as marchers were considered not appropriate. Using Twitter’s API with keywords “#climateStrike”, and “#FridaysForFuture”, we collected 111,844 unique tweets and retweets from 47,892 unique users. We used two typologies based on social media activism and framing literature to understand the main function of tweets (information, opinion, mobilization, and blame) and their framing (diagnosis, prognosis, and motivational). We also analyzed its relationship and tested its automated classification potential. To do so we manually coded a randomly selected sample of 950 tweets that were used as input for the automated classification process (SVM algorithm with balancing classification techniques). We found that the automated classification of the COVID-19 pandemic appeared to not increase the mobilization function of tweets, as the frequencies of mobilization tweets were low. We also found a balanced diversity of framing tasks, with an important number of tweets that envisaged solutions to legislation and policy changes. COVID-related tweets were less frequently prognostically framed. We found that both typologies were not independent. Tweets with a blaming function tended to be framed in a prognostic way and therefore were related to possible solutions. The automated data classification model performed well, especially across social function typology and the “other” category. This indicated that these tools could help researchers working with social media data to process the information across categories that are currently mainly processed manually, Depto. de Sociología Aplicada, Depto. de Estadística y Ciencia de los Datos, Depto. de Sistemas Informáticos y Computación, Fac. de Ciencias Políticas y Sociología, TRUE, pub, Descuento UCM

This chapter explores how contemporary children and youth climate activists utilize or challenge dominant childhood figurations in climate change discourses. Through digital participant observation, I study the global online participatory culture of Fridays for Future communities on Instagram. What forms of visual rhetoric do grassroots activists use to gain visibility and what forms of childhood political subjectivities are represented? The analysis shows that the activists use various strategies to create visually dramatic images, ranging from humor to competence, from anger to joy, and from mass-demonstrations to artistically creative small-scale strikes. The chapter argues that such visual rhetoric is embedded with certain figurations for the children and youth activists such as (1) the child speaking truth to power, (2) the global mass of children and youth, (3) the competent and responsible children and youth, and (4) the humor and creativity of activism. I suggest that these figurations both make use of adultist perceptions of children and youth for strategic purposes and that they also challenge passive and futurist figurations of children in climate discourse by emphasizing the present power of children and youth.

This chapter explores how contemporary children and youth climate activists utilize or challenge dominant childhood figurations in climate change discourses. Through digital participant observation, I study the global online participatory culture of Fridays for Future communities on Instagram. What forms of visual rhetoric do grassroots activists use to gain visibility and what forms of childhood political subjectivities are represented? The analysis shows that the activists use various strategies to create visually dramatic images, ranging from humor to competence, from anger to joy, and from mass-demonstrations to artistically creative small-scale strikes. The chapter argues that such visual rhetoric is embedded with certain figurations for the children and youth activists such as (1) the child speaking truth to power, (2) the global mass of children and youth, (3) the competent and responsible children and youth, and (4) the humor and creativity of activism. I suggest that these figurations both make use of adultist perceptions of children and youth for strategic purposes and that they also challenge passive and futurist figurations of children in climate discourse by emphasizing the present power of children and youth.

This chapter explores how contemporary children and youth climate activists utilize or challenge dominant childhood figurations in climate change discourses. Through digital participant observation, I study the global online participatory culture of Fridays for Future communities on Instagram. What forms of visual rhetoric do grassroots activists use to gain visibility and what forms of childhood political subjectivities are represented? The analysis shows that the activists use various strategies to create visually dramatic images, ranging from humor to competence, from anger to joy, and from mass-demonstrations to artistically creative small-scale strikes. The chapter argues that such visual rhetoric is embedded with certain figurations for the children and youth activists such as (1) the child speaking truth to power, (2) the global mass of children and youth, (3) the competent and responsible children and youth, and (4) the humor and creativity of activism. I suggest that these figurations both make use of adultist perceptions of children and youth for strategic purposes and that they also challenge passive and futurist figurations of children in climate discourse by emphasizing the present power of children and youth.

Questa tesi è sul movimento per la giustizia climatica Fridays for Future Italia (FFF Italia) e la sua battaglia essenziale per il futuro dei diritti umani, della democrazia e della vita sulla Terra, tutti minacciati dall'aggravarsi della crisi climatica. FFF Italia è il più importante movimento sociale italiano degli ultimi anni e ha contribuito a politicizzare e ri-socializzare una nuova generazione di attivismo giovanile frustrata dalla mancanza di rappresentazione e di politiche climatiche ambiziose. Attraverso un approccio partecipativo e rilevante per il movimento stesso, questo studio esplora la storia, la struttura, l’identità e la strategia di FFF Italia sotto la potente influenza della pandemia di COVID-19. La combinazione di fattori favorevoli alla mobilitazione viene ugualmente analizzata cosi come il limitato impatto politico di FFF Italia ad oggi, il quale sta aprendo la porta alla radicalizzazione di parte del movimento per la giustizia climatica. Sebbene il futuro di FFF Italia non sia noto, è evidente che l’attivismo climatico è diventato un componente essenziale delle nostre società., This dissertation is on the climate justice movement Fridays for Future Italy (FFF Italy) and its essential battle for the future of human rights, democracy and life on Earth, all threatened by the worsening climate crisis. FFF Italy is the most important Italian social movement of the last years, and it has contributed to politicising and re-socialising a new generation of young activists frustrated by the lack of representation and ambitious climate policies. Through a participatory and movement-relevant approach, this study explores the history, structure, identity and strategy of FFF Italy under the powerful influence played by the COVID-19 pandemic on them. The combination of favourable factors of mobilisation is analysed as well as the limited political impact of FFF Italy so far, which is opening the door for the radicalization of part of the climate justice movement. Even though the future of FFF is unknown, it is quite clear that climate activism has become an essential component of our societies.

Dopo una breve introduzione sulle trasformazioni della sfera pubblica e dei processi partecipativi nella società globale in rete, il contributo si focalizza sull’analisi delle pratiche partecipative agite dai giovani in favore dell’ambiente e in contrasto al cambiamento climatico. Si osserva, in particolare, il rapporto tra le forme di impegno più legate alla sfera individuale e alle scelte di consumo (“lifestyle politics”) e quelle più marcatamente partecipative, siano esse agite online o offline. Particolare rilievo è dato al ruolo del movimento dei Fridays For Future e al modo in cui ha modificato la "scena" dell'ambientalismo soprattutto presso le giovani generazioni. Il contributo, mediante la restituzione dei risultati di una indagine qualitativa svolta con i membri dei suoi "nodi", offre un ritratto di Fridays For Future Italia. Tramite i dati raccolti attraverso una survey su un campione di 2000 persone di età compresa tra 18 e 34 anni, si è invece indagato il rapporto in generale dei giovani italiani nei confronti di questo movimento e della più ampia questione del contrasto al cambiamento climatico, After a brief introduction on the transformations of the public sphere and participatory processes in the global networked society, the contribution focuses on the participatory practices implemented by young people in favor of environmental sustainability and in contrast to climate change. Attention is put on the relationship between the forms of commitment more related to the individual sphere and consumption choices (the so-called “lifestyle politics”)and those which can be considered as more markedly participatory, both online and offline. Particular emphasis is given to the role of the Fridays For Future movement and the way in which it has changed the "scene" of environmentalism especially among the younger generations. The contribution, through the reporting of the results of a qualitative search carried out with the members of its "nodes", offers a portrait of Fridays For Future Italy. Finally, through the data collected by means of a dedicated survey on a sample of 2000 Italian people aged 18-34, the contribution explores the relationship among Italian youths, climate change and Fridays For Future

This chapter explores how contemporary children and youth climate activists utilize or challenge dominant childhood figurations in climate change discourses. Through digital participant observation, I study the global online participatory culture of Fridays for Future communities on Instagram. What forms of visual rhetoric do grassroots activists use to gain visibility and what forms of childhood political subjectivities are represented? The analysis shows that the activists use various strategies to create visually dramatic images, ranging from humor to competence, from anger to joy, and from mass-demonstrations to artistically creative small-scale strikes. The chapter argues that such visual rhetoric is embedded with certain figurations for the children and youth activists such as (1) the child speaking truth to power, (2) the global mass of children and youth, (3) the competent and responsible children and youth, and (4) the humor and creativity of activism. I suggest that these figurations both make use of adultist perceptions of children and youth for strategic purposes and that they also challenge passive and futurist figurations of children in climate discourse by emphasizing the present power of children and youth.

This chapter explores how contemporary children and youth climate activists utilize or challenge dominant childhood figurations in climate change discourses. Through digital participant observation, I study the global online participatory culture of Fridays for Future communities on Instagram. What forms of visual rhetoric do grassroots activists use to gain visibility and what forms of childhood political subjectivities are represented? The analysis shows that the activists use various strategies to create visually dramatic images, ranging from humor to competence, from anger to joy, and from mass-demonstrations to artistically creative small-scale strikes. The chapter argues that such visual rhetoric is embedded with certain figurations for the children and youth activists such as (1) the child speaking truth to power, (2) the global mass of children and youth, (3) the competent and responsible children and youth, and (4) the humor and creativity of activism. I suggest that these figurations both make use of adultist perceptions of children and youth for strategic purposes and that they also challenge passive and futurist figurations of children in climate discourse by emphasizing the present power of children and youth.

The study aims to evaluate climate movements in four different democracies in order to determine what impacts their choice of strategy for political influence. Movements can choose to either be disruptive or conventional. An internal set of variables through resource mobilisation, and an external set of variables through a theory of state relationship with social movements are examined through the global climate movement Fridays for Future in Germany, the United States, the United Kingdom and Norway. The factors that impacted the movements differed in the different countries where Norway was more influenced by the state openness and the other three countries by resource mobilisation and the importance of member participation.

This study explores a little researched question by the scholars of social movements - why activists disengage before the movement’s goals have been attained. Based on interviews with former and current activists of the Fridays For Future movement in Västerås, this study argues that disengagement occurs due to four reasons, either combined or separately. These are biographical unavailability as a result of other commitments in life, perceived collective inefficacy, emotions of hopelessness either in relation to the movement or climate change, and psychological pressure as a consequence of participation. The results are important as the reasons for disengagement also could illustrate the obstacles for the movement to reach its goals. Without activists who can or want to mobilize, the future of the FFF movement runs the risk of losing the ability to put pressure. On a general notion, the result is also of importance as it manifests the difficulties for all citizens to participate in constitutionally protected political actions as only certain citizens have the opportunity to exercise their freedom of expression.

In the recent wave of climate change activism, affects and time are everywhere. Most recent works have focused either on time and temporality or on affects and emotions, leaving the intersection between time and affectivity underexplored. This author argues that focusing on affects and emotions is crucial to understand the political implications of the temporal landscapes drawn by climate activists in a way that complements existing debates on politicization versus depoliticization. To document the political labor performed by affects and emotions, the article discusses three aspects of the affective temporalities mobilized by Fridays for Future and Youth for Climate activists: the political potential of affective tipping points which trigger moments that “draw a line” and bring together the temporalities of mobilization and geological change; the politicizing effect of painful emotions, such as anticipatory nostalgia and grief, which challenge the “modern arrow of time”; and the constitutive power of these emotions in the construction of a terrestrial affective identity.

In this thesis, the discursive framing process of the transnational social movement Fridays for Future is analyzed. The analysis builds on cases regarding mining on indigenous peoples' territory. The material used for analysis is social media content from Fridays for Future in three different countries: Sweden, Australia, and Brazil. Creating and using a toolkit for analysis, including a table with indicators deriving from the three core framing tasks of social movements, as well as three hypotheses to guide the concluding discussion, this thesis manages to unveil various results contributing to the academic accumulation of knowledge. The findings enhance the notion that Fridays for Future is not coherent in its problem attribution or social media approach. They furthermore prove that Fridays for Future formulate more solutions to the problem of climate change during the pandemic than before. They additionally demonstrate that these solutions are mostly aimed towards individual online action and question the efficiency of such actions. Lastly, the findings of this thesis show that the rationale for action for Fridays for Future’s adherents is created through negative and emotional language. The thesis is concluded with suggestions for future research on social movements in an ever-changing world.

In this thesis, the discursive framing process of the transnational social movement Fridays for Future is analyzed. The analysis builds on cases regarding mining on indigenous peoples' territory. The material used for analysis is social media content from Fridays for Future in three different countries: Sweden, Australia, and Brazil. Creating and using a toolkit for analysis, including a table with indicators deriving from the three core framing tasks of social movements, as well as three hypotheses to guide the concluding discussion, this thesis manages to unveil various results contributing to the academic accumulation of knowledge. The findings enhance the notion that Fridays for Future is not coherent in its problem attribution or social media approach. They furthermore prove that Fridays for Future formulate more solutions to the problem of climate change during the pandemic than before. They additionally demonstrate that these solutions are mostly aimed towards individual online action and question the efficiency of such actions. Lastly, the findings of this thesis show that the rationale for action for Fridays for Future’s adherents is created through negative and emotional language. The thesis is concluded with suggestions for future research on social movements in an ever-changing world.

Young people are marching around the globe to ask for measures against climate change and to protect the environment. Using novel survey data, we ask who participates in such powerful movements and what can be learned from our findings. The survey was conducted in German and is based on answers from more than 600 participants. We find that survey respondents are less likely to participate in climate marches like “Fridays for Future” in case they trust more in (large) corporations suggesting a link between trust and climate activism. We also ask whether worries about climate change or attitudes towards more environmentally friendly behavior match their participation frequency in climate marches. Results reveal that respondents being more worried about climate change or the environment tend to participate more often in marches addressing these concerns. Similarly, participation in climate marches correlates positively with acting environmentally sustainable. Hence, our findings might be relevant for corporations in case they want to keep the support of young customers participating in climate marches.

This article analyzes the media representation of youth movements that fight against climate change, taking as a reference their main organizations: Fridays for Future and Extinction Rebellion. Methodology is based on a content analysis of 262 news pieces published during the peak period of the 2019 mobilizations in four Spanish online newspapers of reference: El País, Eldiario.es, ABC and La Vanguardia. The results show that the self-described progressive media offer a more favorable attitude towards the mobilizations, especially when addressing Fridays for Future, while the conservative ones move between a position of neutrality and opposition, less benevolent in the case of Extinction Rebellion. Although the newspapers offer a contextualized view, supported by the activists' accounts, the representation of the protests tends to be somewhat sensationalist and more focused on the conflict than on its political agenda: in the case of Fridays for Future, they tend to an exotic personalization it in the figure of Greta Thunberg, whose proposals are rarely announced, while in the case of Extinction Rebellion some of their non-violent actions and performances are portrayed in an anecdotal way., Este artículo analiza la representación mediática de los movimientos juveniles frente al cambio climático tomando como referencia sus principales organizaciones: Fridays for Future y Extinction Rebellion. Se parte de un análisis de contenido de 262 piezas informativas publicadas en el período álgido de las movilizaciones de 2019 en cuatro periódicos españoles online de referencia: El País, Eldiario.es, ABC y La Vanguardia. Los resultados demuestran que los medios autodenominados progresistas ofrecen una actitud más favorable hacia las movilizaciones, en especial, al abordar Fridays for Future, mientras que los conservadores se mueven entre una posición de neutralidad y oposición, menos benevolente en el caso de Extinction Rebellion. Si bien los periódicos ofrecen una visión contextualizada y apoyada en el relato de los activistas, la representación de las protestas tiende a un tratamiento algo sensacionalista y más centrado en el conflicto que en su agenda política: en el caso de Fridays for Future, se tiende a una personalización exótica en la figura de Greta Thunberg, de la que raramente se anuncian sus propuestas, mientras que en el de Extinction Rebellion se retratan de forma anecdótica algunas de sus performances no violentas.

The study aims to evaluate climate movements in four different democracies in order to determine what impacts their choice of strategy for political influence. Movements can choose to either be disruptive or conventional. An internal set of variables through resource mobilisation, and an external set of variables through a theory of state relationship with social movements are examined through the global climate movement Fridays for Future in Germany, the United States, the United Kingdom and Norway. The factors that impacted the movements differed in the different countries where Norway was more influenced by the state openness and the other three countries by resource mobilisation and the importance of member participation.

This study explores a little researched question by the scholars of social movements - why activists disengage before the movement’s goals have been attained. Based on interviews with former and current activists of the Fridays For Future movement in Västerås, this study argues that disengagement occurs due to four reasons, either combined or separately. These are biographical unavailability as a result of other commitments in life, perceived collective inefficacy, emotions of hopelessness either in relation to the movement or climate change, and psychological pressure as a consequence of participation. The results are important as the reasons for disengagement also could illustrate the obstacles for the movement to reach its goals. Without activists who can or want to mobilize, the future of the FFF movement runs the risk of losing the ability to put pressure. On a general notion, the result is also of importance as it manifests the difficulties for all citizens to participate in constitutionally protected political actions as only certain citizens have the opportunity to exercise their freedom of expression.

For about two years, the climate youth activism initiative Fridays for Future has addressed climate emergency, receiving considerable attention because of their consistent protests every week in many different locations worldwide. Based on empirical studies in Austria and Portugal, this paper investigates the motivations of students to participate in the movement and the solutions proposed by young activists to fight against climate emergency. Moreover, we discuss the integration of climate change activism into ESD (education for sustainable development) and transformative learning processes, and how this enables environmental citizenship. The results of the studies reveal that emotions and feelings of solidarity and collective aims are motives to participate in the strikes. The young activists sometimes propose innovative and sometimes radical solutions to climate emergency. Both demonstrations and exhibitions as forms of bottom-up climate activism initiatives contribute to engagement in political dialogue and scientific knowledge transfer. They can be seen as "triggers of change " for transformative learning.

For about two years, the climate youth activism initiative Fridays for Future has addressed climate emergency, receiving considerable attention because of their consistent protests every week in many different locations worldwide. Based on empirical studies in Austria and Portugal, this paper investigates the motivations of students to participate in the movement and the solutions proposed by young activists to fight against climate emergency. Moreover, we discuss the integration of climate change activism into ESD (education for sustainable development) and transformative learning processes, and how this enables environmental citizenship. The results of the studies reveal that emotions and feelings of solidarity and collective aims are motives to participate in the strikes. The young activists sometimes propose innovative and sometimes radical solutions to climate emergency. Both demonstrations and exhibitions as forms of bottom-up climate activism initiatives contribute to engagement in political dialogue and scientific knowledge transfer. They can be seen as "triggers of change " for transformative learning.

Research on both grand challenges (GC) and social movements (SM) is advanced. Furthermore, environmental movements (EM) which are concerned with one of the most threatening GCs of our time, namely climate change, has constituted a relevant concern of much scholarship in the past. With the Covid-19 pandemic which has occurred in 2020, a novel GC has arisen. Due to the novelty of the situation, research on the interconnectedness of GCs in light of the coronavirus pandemic is at its infancy. The aim of this thesis is to tap into this novel and interesting research field. The objective of this research is to investigate how the Covid-19 pandemic as a novel GC has affected grievances and tactics of a SM which is concerned with the GC of climate change. To empirically investigate this, a qualitative research method was chosen. More specifically, primary data was collected through expert interviews and analysed following a structured qualitative content analysis. The case under investigation is Fridays for Future Germany (FFFG). The findings reflect the interconnectedness of multiple crises in both an adaptation of movement grievances and protest tactics. This research contributes to theory on SMs, EMs, digital activism, and GCs. This thesis also has implications for practice: any SM activist can get an understanding of how to adapt movement grievances and tactics when the external circumstances significantly change. Most importantly, one must consider the relevance of mass media and digital media in movement activism., Bianca Brodbeck, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2021

Diese Arbeit verfolgt das Ziel, Handlungsstrategien im Umgang mit Herausforderungen im politischen Handeln junger Aktivistinnen bei Fridays for Future herauszuarbeiten. Deshalb lauten die Forschungsfragen: „Welche Herausforderungen stellen sich im aktivistischen Handeln junger Frauen bei Fridays for Future? Welche Handlungsstrategien entwickeln sie, um diese Herausforderungen zu bewältigen?“. Um diese Fragen zu beantworten, werden acht problemzentrierte Interviews mit neun Fridays-for-Future-Aktivistinnen zwischen fünfzehn und siebzehn Jahren mit der eklektischen Methode nach Georg Zepke, welche um Elemente der intersektionalen Mehrebenenanalyse von Gabriele Winker und Nina Degele erweitert wird, ausgewertet. Dabei zeigt sich, dass sich den interviewten Aktivistinnen zwei unterschiedliche Arten von Herausforderungen stellen. Zu einen gibt es Herausforderungen, die sich aus ihrem politischen Handeln ableiten: Überlastung, Distanz zu Mitschüler*innen und Zweifel an der Wirksamkeit. Diese Herausforderungen bewältigen sie, indem sie sich Unterstützung und Rückhalt in ihren Ortsgruppen suchen und gleichzeitig auf individuelle Selbstoptimierung setzen. Zum anderen stellen sich den Aktivistinnen altersspezifische und geschlechtsspezifische Herausforderungen. Sie sind mit vielfältigen adultistischen Narrativen konfrontiert und als junge Menschen aus konventionellen Formen der politischen Beteiligung ausgeschlossen. Diese Herausforderungen meistern sie, indem sie sich innerhalb ihrer Möglichkeiten Freiräume schaffen und sich adultistische Narrative zu Nutzen machen, um Aufmerksamkeit für ihre Anliegen zu erzeugen. Außerdem sind die Aktivistinnen mit postfeministischen Erwartungen konfrontiert, was es ihnen erschwert, Sexismuserfahrungen zu benennen. Dennoch verstehen sich viele Aktivistinnen als Feministinnen und bauen ihr feministisches Wissen im Rahmen ihres Engagements bei Fridays for Future aus. Deshalb kommt diese Arbeit zu dem Schluss, dass Aktivistinnen sich an einer, Hanna Sophie Glaeser, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2021

Since late 2018, a global wave of mobilization under the banners of Fridays For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) has injected new energy into global climate politics. FFF and XR took the world by storm, but have now been forced into (partial) latency as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. We believe this moment presents an opportunity for reflection. In particular, FFF and XR have been depicted as 'new' forms of climate activism. However, we argue that the extent to which these campaigns represent 'new' forms of climate activism is really a matter for closer investigation. In this Profile, we therefore reflect on the distinctiveness of the 'new climate activism' as compared to previous climate campaigns. Reviewing previous studies and our own research, we find that there are both elements of change and continuity in who participates and how, and that the main change appears to be the use of a more politically 'neutral' framing of climate change that is directed more strongly at state than non-state actors.

Since late 2018, a global wave of mobilization under the banners of Fridays For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) has injected new energy into global climate politics. FFF and XR took the world by storm, but have now been forced into (partial) latency as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. We believe this moment presents an opportunity for reflection. In particular, FFF and XR have been depicted as 'new' forms of climate activism. However, we argue that the extent to which these campaigns represent 'new' forms of climate activism is really a matter for closer investigation. In this Profile, we therefore reflect on the distinctiveness of the 'new climate activism' as compared to previous climate campaigns. Reviewing previous studies and our own research, we find that there are both elements of change and continuity in who participates and how, and that the main change appears to be the use of a more politically 'neutral' framing of climate change that is directed more strongly at state than non-state actors.

Since late 2018, a global wave of mobilization under the banners of Fridays For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) has injected new energy into global climate politics. FFF and XR took the world by storm, but have now been forced into (partial) latency as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. We believe this moment presents an opportunity for reflection. In particular, FFF and XR have been depicted as 'new' forms of climate activism. However, we argue that the extent to which these campaigns represent 'new' forms of climate activism is really a matter for closer investigation. In this Profile, we therefore reflect on the distinctiveness of the 'new climate activism' as compared to previous climate campaigns. Reviewing previous studies and our own research, we find that there are both elements of change and continuity in who participates and how, and that the main change appears to be the use of a more politically 'neutral' framing of climate change that is directed more strongly at state than non-state actors.

This paper investigates how one could envision a discursive mobilization process to transform protest movements into agents that help reconstruct the universities as agentssupporting material mobilizations leading to ecological reconstruction. After reviewing universities' ecological footprints, the author shows how theories of mobilization and conjunctures could contribute to understanding how this transformation could occur. Discursive mobilizations advance values or ideas but stop short of innovation and produc-tion system changes. Material mobilizations affect deployment of human, technological, industrial and financial resources. Conjunctures involve linkages of political activity tospaces implicated in both kinds of mobilizations in a given historical time frame. The study shows many nations having both extensive climate activism and concentrations of university students creating a possibility for greening education centers based onvarious models for doing so. Yet, two key problems emerge. First, some nations lag inclimate activism. Second, interest in a Green Deal or Green New Deal does not always match the level of attention to leading activist Greta Thunberg. The paper illustrates how such problems can be addressed by university-based campaigns linking activist cohorts, mobilization supporting green conversion of higher education and solidaristic,mutual aid exchanges among regions.

In diesem Open-Access-Buch geht Steve Kenner der Frage nach, inwiefern sich politische Bildungsprozesse aus den Partizipationserfahrungen junger Menschen rekonstruieren lassen. Er begleitete politische Jugendinitiativen und führte Interviews mit politisch aktiven Jugendlichen (u.a. Fridays for Future und Antirassismus-Arbeitsgemeinschaften). Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung offenbaren, dass die selbstbestimmte politische Aktion zu vielfältigen Bildungsgelegenheiten führt. Quellenkritik, Recherche, Auseinandersetzung mit vielfältigen Perspektiven sowie das sachliche und wertgebundene Beurteilen zeichnen die Erfahrungen der Jugendlichen aus. Sie erleben Selbstwirksamkeit, lernen mit Misserfolgen umzugehen, Konflikte zivil zu lösen, sich im Kollektiv politisch zu organisieren und damit verbundene Herausforderungen zu bewältigen. Die begleiteten Gruppen erweisen sich nicht als homogene politische Gemeinschaft. Und dennoch besteht die Gefahr der Verinselung in ihrem Protest. Hier kann und sollte die formale politische Bildung und die demokratische Schulentwicklung ansetzen und die Partizipationserfahrungen in der politischen Aktion als Bildungsgelegenheit verstehen.

Since late 2018, a global wave of mobilization under the banners of Fridays For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) has injected new energy into global climate politics. FFF and XR took the world by storm, but have now been forced into (partial) latency as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. We believe this moment presents an opportunity for reflection. In particular, FFF and XR have been depicted as 'new' forms of climate activism. However, we argue that the extent to which these campaigns represent 'new' forms of climate activism is really a matter for closer investigation. In this Profile, we therefore reflect on the distinctiveness of the 'new climate activism' as compared to previous climate campaigns. Reviewing previous studies and our own research, we find that there are both elements of change and continuity in who participates and how, and that the main change appears to be the use of a more politically 'neutral' framing of climate change that is directed more strongly at state than non-state actors.

Research on both grand challenges (GC) and social movements (SM) is advanced. Furthermore, environmental movements (EM) which are concerned with one of the most threatening GCs of our time, namely climate change, has constituted a relevant concern of much scholarship in the past. With the Covid-19 pandemic which has occurred in 2020, a novel GC has arisen. Due to the novelty of the situation, research on the interconnectedness of GCs in light of the coronavirus pandemic is at its infancy. The aim of this thesis is to tap into this novel and interesting research field. The objective of this research is to investigate how the Covid-19 pandemic as a novel GC has affected grievances and tactics of a SM which is concerned with the GC of climate change. To empirically investigate this, a qualitative research method was chosen. More specifically, primary data was collected through expert interviews and analysed following a structured qualitative content analysis. The case under investigation is Fridays for Future Germany (FFFG). The findings reflect the interconnectedness of multiple crises in both an adaptation of movement grievances and protest tactics. This research contributes to theory on SMs, EMs, digital activism, and GCs. This thesis also has implications for practice: any SM activist can get an understanding of how to adapt movement grievances and tactics when the external circumstances significantly change. Most importantly, one must consider the relevance of mass media and digital media in movement activism., Bianca Brodbeck, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2021

Diese Arbeit verfolgt das Ziel, Handlungsstrategien im Umgang mit Herausforderungen im politischen Handeln junger Aktivistinnen bei Fridays for Future herauszuarbeiten. Deshalb lauten die Forschungsfragen: „Welche Herausforderungen stellen sich im aktivistischen Handeln junger Frauen bei Fridays for Future? Welche Handlungsstrategien entwickeln sie, um diese Herausforderungen zu bewältigen?“. Um diese Fragen zu beantworten, werden acht problemzentrierte Interviews mit neun Fridays-for-Future-Aktivistinnen zwischen fünfzehn und siebzehn Jahren mit der eklektischen Methode nach Georg Zepke, welche um Elemente der intersektionalen Mehrebenenanalyse von Gabriele Winker und Nina Degele erweitert wird, ausgewertet. Dabei zeigt sich, dass sich den interviewten Aktivistinnen zwei unterschiedliche Arten von Herausforderungen stellen. Zu einen gibt es Herausforderungen, die sich aus ihrem politischen Handeln ableiten: Überlastung, Distanz zu Mitschüler*innen und Zweifel an der Wirksamkeit. Diese Herausforderungen bewältigen sie, indem sie sich Unterstützung und Rückhalt in ihren Ortsgruppen suchen und gleichzeitig auf individuelle Selbstoptimierung setzen. Zum anderen stellen sich den Aktivistinnen altersspezifische und geschlechtsspezifische Herausforderungen. Sie sind mit vielfältigen adultistischen Narrativen konfrontiert und als junge Menschen aus konventionellen Formen der politischen Beteiligung ausgeschlossen. Diese Herausforderungen meistern sie, indem sie sich innerhalb ihrer Möglichkeiten Freiräume schaffen und sich adultistische Narrative zu Nutzen machen, um Aufmerksamkeit für ihre Anliegen zu erzeugen. Außerdem sind die Aktivistinnen mit postfeministischen Erwartungen konfrontiert, was es ihnen erschwert, Sexismuserfahrungen zu benennen. Dennoch verstehen sich viele Aktivistinnen als Feministinnen und bauen ihr feministisches Wissen im Rahmen ihres Engagements bei Fridays for Future aus. Deshalb kommt diese Arbeit zu dem Schluss, dass Aktivistinnen sich an einer, Hanna Sophie Glaeser, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2021

The article aims to show the role of emotions in the new wave of the climate movement in Mexico. Based on the sociocultural approach to emotions and the literature on emotions and protests, first of all, we will analyze the role of emotions generated by climate change and those that allow us to cope with them; and second of all, we will show which emotions are related to the pandemic’s effects on climate activism. The discussion of the data will highlight how climate activists manage to channel fear, pain, sadness, and even impotence, through emotions of resistance such as the hope of being able to reverse reality and the pride of being the generation that can achieve this. Using the methodological pluralism, the data have been collected through surveys and interviews. The data were collected between March 2019 and October 2020., Este artículo muestra el papel de las emociones en la nueva ola del movimiento climático en México. Basándose en el enfoque sociocultural de las emociones y en la literatura sobre emociones y protestas, en primer término, se analiza el papel de las emociones generadas por el cambio climático y aquellas que permiten sobrellevarlas; en segundo lugar, se centra en aquellas emociones vinculadas con los efectos de la pandemia en el activismo climático. La discusión de los datos destacará cómo los activistas climáticos logran canalizar el miedo, el dolor, la tristeza y hasta la impotencia, a través de emociones de resistencia como la esperanza de poder revertir la realidad y el orgullo de ser la generación que lo pueda lograr. Los datos analizados han sido recolectados siguiendo el pluralismo metodológico con encuestas y entrevistas, los cuales se recopilaron entre marzo de 2019 y octubre de 2020.

This article highlights the existence of a transversal element in the relationship of youth with the public sphere, which contributes to a better understanding of the nature of their political expressions: the internalization of a certain imposed peripheral position within the social space. The idea of social space, and in particular the idea of periphery, contributes to give coherence to some phenomena and trends on the sociopolitical mobilization of youth as a whole. To do this, three youth movements emerged in Barcelona during 2019 are analyzed, in which the youth played a special role. The differences and similarities between the three movements show the versatility of the notion of periphery, which serves to visualize the vital precariousness that identifies an entire generation, beyond their internal differences., Este artigo tem como objetivo destacar a existência de um elemento transversal na relação dos jovens com a esfera pública, o que contribui para a melhor compreensão da natureza de suas expressões políticas: a assimilação de uma determinada posição periférica imposta dentro do espaço social. A ideia de espaço social e, em particular, de periferia, contribui para dar coerência a certos fenômenos e tendências na mobilização sócio-política da juventude como um todo. Para isso, são analisados três movimentos juvenis surgidos em Barcelona em 2019, nos quais os jovens tiveram protagonismo especial. As diferenças e semelhanças entre os três movimentos mostram a versatilidade da noção de periferia, que serve para visualizar a precariedade vital que identifica uma geração inteira, além de suas diferenças internas., Este artículo pone de manifiesto la existencia de un elemento transversal en la relación de la juventud con la esfera pública, que contribuye a comprender mejor la naturaleza de sus expresiones políticas: la asimilación de una cierta posición periférica impuesta dentro del espacio social. La idea de espacio social, y en particular la de periferia, contribuyen a dar coherencia a determinados fenómenos y tendencias de la movilización sociopolítica de la juventud en su conjunto. Para ello, se analizan tres movimientos juveniles surgidos en Barcelona durante el año 2019, en los que la juventud tuvo especial protagonismo. Las diferencias y similitudes entre los tres movimientos muestran la versatilidad de la noción de periferia, que sirve para visualizar la precariedad vital que identifica a toda una generación, más allá de sus diferencias.

For about two years, the climate youth activism initiative Fridays for Future has addressed climate emergency, receiving considerable attention because of their consistent protests every week in many different locations worldwide. Based on empirical studies in Austria and Portugal, this paper investigates the motivations of students to participate in the movement and the solutions proposed by young activists to fight against climate emergency. Moreover, we discuss the integration of climate change activism into ESD (education for sustainable development) and transformative learning processes, and how this enables environmental citizenship. The results of the studies reveal that emotions and feelings of solidarity and collective aims are motives to participate in the strikes. The young activists sometimes propose innovative and sometimes radical solutions to climate emergency. Both demonstrations and exhibitions as forms of bottom-up climate activism initiatives contribute to engagement in political dialogue and scientific knowledge transfer. They can be seen as "triggers of change " for transformative learning.

For about two years, the climate youth activism initiative Fridays for Future has addressed climate emergency, receiving considerable attention because of their consistent protests every week in many different locations worldwide. Based on empirical studies in Austria and Portugal, this paper investigates the motivations of students to participate in the movement and the solutions proposed by young activists to fight against climate emergency. Moreover, we discuss the integration of climate change activism into ESD (education for sustainable development) and transformative learning processes, and how this enables environmental citizenship. The results of the studies reveal that emotions and feelings of solidarity and collective aims are motives to participate in the strikes. The young activists sometimes propose innovative and sometimes radical solutions to climate emergency. Both demonstrations and exhibitions as forms of bottom-up climate activism initiatives contribute to engagement in political dialogue and scientific knowledge transfer. They can be seen as “triggers of change” for transformative learning.

For about two years, the climate youth activism initiative Fridays for Future has addressed climate emergency, receiving considerable attention because of their consistent protests every week in many different locations worldwide. Based on empirical studies in Austria and Portugal, this paper investigates the motivations of students to participate in the movement and the solutions proposed by young activists to fight against climate emergency. Moreover, we discuss the integration of climate change activism into ESD (education for sustainable development) and transformative learning processes, and how this enables environmental citizenship. The results of the studies reveal that emotions and feelings of solidarity and collective aims are motives to participate in the strikes. The young activists sometimes propose innovative and sometimes radical solutions to climate emergency. Both demonstrations and exhibitions as forms of bottom-up climate activism initiatives contribute to engagement in political dialogue and scientific knowledge transfer. They can be seen as "triggers of change " for transformative learning.

For about two years, the climate youth activism initiative Fridays for Future has addressed climate emergency, receiving considerable attention because of their consistent protests every week in many different locations worldwide. Based on empirical studies in Austria and Portugal, this paper investigates the motivations of students to participate in the movement and the solutions proposed by young activists to fight against climate emergency. Moreover, we discuss the integration of climate change activism into ESD (education for sustainable development) and transformative learning processes, and how this enables environmental citizenship. The results of the studies reveal that emotions and feelings of solidarity and collective aims are motives to participate in the strikes. The young activists sometimes propose innovative and sometimes radical solutions to climate emergency. Both demonstrations and exhibitions as forms of bottom-up climate activism initiatives contribute to engagement in political dialogue and scientific knowledge transfer. They can be seen as "triggers of change " for transformative learning.

Since late 2018, a global wave of mobilization under the banners of Fridays For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) has injected new energy into global climate politics. FFF and XR took the world by storm, but have now been forced into (partial) latency as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. We believe this moment presents an opportunity for reflection. In particular, FFF and XR have been depicted as 'new' forms of climate activism. However, we argue that the extent to which these campaigns represent 'new' forms of climate activism is really a matter for closer investigation. In this Profile, we therefore reflect on the distinctiveness of the 'new climate activism' as compared to previous climate campaigns. Reviewing previous studies and our own research, we find that there are both elements of change and continuity in who participates and how, and that the main change appears to be the use of a more politically 'neutral' framing of climate change that is directed more strongly at state than non-state actors.

This is a commentary to the article "The framing of environmental citizenship and youth participation in the Fridays for Future Movement in Finland" by Janette Huttunen and Eerika Albrecht. In the piece I reflect on the analysis and results of this interesting research, focusing in particular on adult's depoliticization of children's protest and the potential collective social and political impact of the Fridays for Future movement for youth.

Diese Masterarbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung eines fiktiven Fridays For Future (FFF) Gütesiegels sowie einem Greta-Gütesiegel. Der Fokus liegt auf dem Ein-fluss, welchen die beiden Siegelvarianten auf das Vertrauen in das Nachhaltigkeits-versprechen eines Duschgels nimmt. Weiters wird der Einfluss auf die Kauf- sowie Preisbereitschaft für den Untersuchungsgegenstand mit dem FFF- / oder Greta-Güte-siegel im Vergleich zum gleichen nicht zertifizierten Duschgel analysiert.Die Untersuchung wird mit dem Ziel durchgeführt, um herauszufinden, ob ein personi-fiziertes Nachhaltigkeitssiegel (Greta-Gütesiegel) oder jenes einer sozialen Bewegung (FFF-Gütesiegel) das Vertrauen und die Kauf- sowie Preisbereitschaft steigern kann.Die folgenden Forschungsfragen und -annahmen wurden im Zuge der Untersuchung beantwortet.FF1: Welchen Einfluss nimmt ein FFF-Gütesiegel oder Greta-Gütesiegel auf das Vertrauen in ein nachhaltiges Duschgel im Hinblick auf das Nachhaltigkeitsver-sprechen?Subforschungsfrage 1: Welche Unterschiede lassen sich bezüglich des entgegenge-brachten Vertrauens in ein Produkt mit FFF-Gütesiegel im Vergleich zu einem Greta-Gütesiegel feststellen?FF2: Welche Unterschiede lassen sich im Hinblick auf die Kauf- sowie auch die Preisbereitschaft eines nachhaltigen Duschgels ohne bzw. mit FFF-Gütesiegel o-der Greta-Gütesiegel erkennen?FA: Die Preisbereitschaft ist bei Produkten mit FFF-Gütesiegel oder Greta-Gütesiegel höher als bei Produkten ohne Gütesiegel.Als Methodik wurde der vorangestellte qualitative Forschungsansatz der Fokusgruppe gewählt, während im Zuge eines experimentellen Designs untersucht wurde, ob Grup-penunterschiede in der Wahrnehmung der Nachhaltigkeit des Stimulus, wie auch in der Kauf- und Preisbereitschaft bestehen.Die Ergebnisse der statistischen Hypothesentests zeigen keine signifikanten Gruppen-unterschiede zwischen der Kontrollgruppe (Duschgel ohne Gütesiegel), der Experi-mentalgruppe 1 (Duschgel mit FFF-Gütesiegel) und Experimentalgrup

Många forskare menar att klimatförändringarna är vår tids största ödesfråga. För att möta de stundande klimatproblemen läggs ett stort ansvar på skolan och den undervisningen eleverna får ta del av. Klimatundervisningen ska dels leda till att eleverna lär sig om miljöfrågor, hur klimatförändringar uppstår, både de naturligt förekommande såväl som de vi människor påverkar, dels inge tilltro till sin egen förmåga att kunna leva hållbart och ta välgrundade beslut som rör klimatet. För att lärarna ska kunna utforma en undervisning som möter elevers uppfattningar behövs det kunskap om vilka uppfattningar svenska grundskolelever kan ha. Den här studien syftar till att svara på vilka uppfattningar svenska elever har om orsaker till-, konsekvenser av- och åtgärder för att bromsa klimatförändringarna, samt vilka informationskällor de har. Metoden som har använts för datainsamling är semistrukturerade fokusgruppsintervjuer med 15 svenska elever i årskurs 6. Materialet har sedan analyserats genom tematisk analys. Resultatet visar att även om eleverna har fått samma undervisning i ämnet, av samma lärare, skiljde sig deras uppfattningar om klimatförändringarna. Resultatet visar också att eleverna sätter sina egenintressen före klimatet även om de anser att handlingarna skulle vara effektiva åtgärder att bromsa klimatförändringarna. Många elever ställde sig också skeptiska till skolstrejk för klimatet, både att själva delta och nyttan med att andra skolstrejkar., Many climate scientists believe that the climate change is the most critical issue of our time. In order to meet the future climate problems, a great responsibility is placed on school and the education the students receive. Climate education should partly lead to students learning about environmental issues, how climate change occurs, both the natural ones as well as the ones humans are responsible for, and to give confidence in their own ability to live sustainably and make well-grounded decisions regarding the climate. In order for teachers to make lessons that meet the students’ perceptions about the climate, we need to know what perceptions Swedish primary school students may have. The purpose of this study is to answer what perceptions the Swedish students have of the causes, consequences and actions to decrease the climate change, as well as to find out what sources of information they have. The method used for data collection is semi-structured focus group interviews with 15 Swedish students from 6th grade. The material has been analyzed using thematic analysis. The result from this study shows that despite the fact that the students have offered the same education, by the same teacher, their views on climate change differed. The results also show that students put their own interests ahead of the climate, even though they believe that some actions would be effective in terms of decreasing the climate change. Many students were also skeptical toward school strikes for the climate, both when it comes to participation and the efficiency themselves and the efficiency when other participate in school strikes.

Contributing to the discussion of different groups’ attitudes towards protest movements, this essay aims to examine and describe Swedish teachers’ attitudes towards students’ participation in protest movements during the school day. The topic is relevant since teachers can play a significant role in the political socialisation of the citizens, decision makers and legislators of tomorrow. It is nevertheless a neglected topic; little research has been done on teachers’ attitudes towards protest movements, and even less so on teachers’ attitudes towards students leaving the classroom in order to participate in them. Attitudes towards student participation in the protest movement Fridays for Future are examined and the selection of respondents is based on the least-likely logic; the respondents are teachers that are certified to teach the subject civics in the non-compulsory Swedish school form gymnasium (upper secondary school). The method used to collect data is semi-structured interviews and the framework of analysis is built on models developed in the research fields of didactics and political science. The results show a variety of attitudes among teachers, defined as how teachers value student participation in protest movements during the school day and to what extent teachers accept student participation in protest movements during the school day. No firm conclusions can be drawn from this study, but the results show that all of the respondents value and accept student participation in the protests organised by Fridays for Future during the school day to some extent, but that none of the respondents has an attitude towards the phenomenon that is undividedly positive.

During the twenty-first century attention towards climate change and its consequences has increased significantly and somehow it reached its peak when young activist Greta Thunberg started what has become one of the largest movements for the climate in 2018. Her school strike has created debate and given rise to demonstrations and collective actions around the globe. The purpose of this study is therefore to bring clarity to the framing processes which has contributed to this development. Consequently, this analysis has been conducted through a descriptive framing analysis with a focus on what frames Greta Thunberg has used to describe climate change, including a description of her goal with the strikes and a discussion of features associated with mass mobilisation. Building on the theoretical framework from social movement researchers Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow the results have revealed three main frames; a crisis frame, a parental frame and a hierarchical frame as well as features within Thunberg’s message has been discovered which ad insights to Benford and Snow’s discussion of what can create resonant frames. By describing how Thunberg has framed her cause this study concludes that the coherence between her actions, behaviour as well as who she is in relation to her frames has contributed to a message that emphasises collective and/or self-efficacy which encourages people to follow her lead.

Present debates suppose a close linkage between economic, social, and environmental sustainability and suggest that individual wellbeing and living standards need to be understood as directly linked to environmental concerns. Because social movements are often seen as an avant-garde in pushing for change, this article analyzes climate protesters’ support for three key frames in current periods of social transformation, i.e., an "environmental", an "economic growth", and a "welfare" frame. The analyzed data material consists of survey responses from over 900 participants in six Global Climate Strikes held in Sweden during 2019. The article investigates the explanatory relevance of three factors: (a) political and ideological orientation, (b) movement involvement, and (c) social characteristics. The results indicate that climate protesters to a large degree support an environmental frame before an economic growth-oriented frame, whereas the situation is more complex regarding support for a welfare frame vis-á-vis an environmental frame. The strongest factors explaining frame support include social characteristics (gender) and protestors’ political and ideological orientation. Movement involvement has limited significance. The article shows how these frames form a fragment of the complexity of these issues, and instances of frame distinctions, hierarchies, and disputes emerge within the most current forms of climate change demonstrations., The new urban challenge: Models of Sustainable Welfare in Swedish metropolitan cities, The necessary and the possible: How social movements articulate, convey and negotiate visions of a fossil‐free and just future

Efter att Greta Thunberg i augusti 2018 satte sig utanför riksdagen med ett plakat med texten: “Skolstrejk för klimatet”, har en snabbt växande rörelse av unga klimataktivister startat, med budskapet att äldre generationer och politiker har svikit dem när de ignorerat klimathotet. Studien vill undersöka vad som fick ungdomar som tidigare inte deltagit i protester att agera och vilken roll Greta Thunberg haft i mobiliseringen av unga till det som senare kallas “Fridays for future”. Metoden för studien är kvalitativa intervjuer med fem ungdomar som är aktiva i rörelsen i tre svenska städer. Teorin utgår från identitetsparadigmet i rörelseforskningen som handlar om att dagens sociala rörelser hålls samman av delade emotioner och kunskap som skapar en gemensam identitet, där intellektuella spelar en viktig roll i att kommunicera och formulera rörelsens idéer. Studien visar att en persons handlingar kan mobilisera grupper som inte tidigare protesterat genom att kommunicera kunskap och emotioner som de identifierar sig med och omvandla dessa till hopp och vilja att påverka. Greta Thunberg har haft en stor betydelse som intellektuell aktivist och är en inspirationskälla och fortfarande den främsta i rörelsen att kommunicera de gemensamma idéerna. Att en proteströrelse av unga växt så snabbt och fått ett stort stöd hos allmänheten är unikt och värt att studera för att förstå klimatstrejken och dagens sociala rörelser.