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The purpose of this study is to understand which challenges women politicians on Gotland face and how they perceive themselves in their political work. We aim to highlight existing gender norms and how these translate into challenges within an island setting. This research further highlights the identity work women politicians at a local level engage in. The theoretical frameworks used include feminist political theory, feminist institutionalism, identity, and political identity. The empirical data was gathered through 13 semi-structured interviews with local women politicians on Gotland. Taking on a feminist approach, our study underscores and engages with the complexity of the stories, emotions, and experiences of our participants. Our findings underline several challenges women politicians face, including Part of a quota?, Motherhood and Double standards. Our findings also stress that the notion of femininity, such as motherhood and emotionality, need to be the base for restructuring and reframing current political systems to allow for true gender equality. Additionally, our findings reveal three identity facets, (1) The Holistic Caretaker, (2) The Freedom Fighter, and (3) The Game Player, which women politicians take on depending on the political context and while aiming to navigate through the political landscape. Lastly, we have identified the paradox Women vs Women. Our study sheds light on the intertwined and complex nature of gender related challenges in local politics and reveals the paradoxical nature of women’s attempt to move up the political staircase, while simultaneously trying to challenge pre-existing systemic structures.

The concept of sustainability in economic development emerged in the Brundtland Report in 1987. In 2015, the UN's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development became a major global milestone. Local governments, due to their proximity to citizens, play a crucial role in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, in Spain, the disclosure of sustainability information is voluntary and influenced by socioeconomic and political factors. This study analyses data from 102 municipalities between 2016 and 2021. The results show a growing commitment to the SDGs, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic, with larger municipalities, female mayors and left-wing governments showing higher SDG disclosure. This research advances our understanding of local government sustainability eefforts and their determinants.

The purpose of this study is to understand which challenges women politicians on Gotland face and how they perceive themselves in their political work. We aim to highlight existing gender norms and how these translate into challenges within an island setting. This research further highlights the identity work women politicians at a local level engage in. The theoretical frameworks used include feminist political theory, feminist institutionalism, identity, and political identity. The empirical data was gathered through 13 semi-structured interviews with local women politicians on Gotland. Taking on a feminist approach, our study underscores and engages with the complexity of the stories, emotions, and experiences of our participants. Our findings underline several challenges women politicians face, including Part of a quota?, Motherhood and Double standards. Our findings also stress that the notion of femininity, such as motherhood and emotionality, need to be the base for restructuring and reframing current political systems to allow for true gender equality. Additionally, our findings reveal three identity facets, (1) The Holistic Caretaker, (2) The Freedom Fighter, and (3) The Game Player, which women politicians take on depending on the political context and while aiming to navigate through the political landscape. Lastly, we have identified the paradox Women vs Women. Our study sheds light on the intertwined and complex nature of gender related challenges in local politics and reveals the paradoxical nature of women’s attempt to move up the political staircase, while simultaneously trying to challenge pre-existing systemic structures.

In this year's elections in Zimbabwe, the number of women nominated and elected to national office decreased. This decline can be attributed to increased online harassment of women in politics, as well as financial obstacles and patriarchal attitudes. To reverse this trend, it is crucial for the government, political parties and civil society to address gender-based electoral violence effectively. Additionally, the government should genuinely implement gender quotas, focusing on empowering women in politics rather than using quota as a means to improve their international image, attract international donor funds and secure more women voters.

"In Utah" is about boosting Utah's economy. It’s everyone who stands with Utah business. This In Utah Inspirational Spotlight highlights Lt. Governor Deidre Henderson.

In this year's elections in Zimbabwe, the number of women nominated and elected to national office decreased. This decline can be attributed to increased online harassment of women in politics, as well as financial obstacles and patriarchal attitudes. To reverse this trend, it is crucial for the government, political parties and civil society to address gender-based electoral violence effectively. Additionally, the government should genuinely implement gender quotas, focusing on empowering women in politics rather than using quota as a means to improve their international image, attract international donor funds and secure more women voters.

In this year's elections in Zimbabwe, the number of women nominated and elected to national office decreased. This decline can be attributed to increased online harassment of women in politics, as well as financial obstacles and patriarchal attitudes. To reverse this trend, it is crucial for the government, political parties and civil society to address gender-based electoral violence effectively. Additionally, the government should genuinely implement gender quotas, focusing on empowering women in politics rather than using quota as a means to improve their international image, attract international donor funds and secure more women voters.

This study analyses the influence of the gender of elected officials on the level of disclosure of information about the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by Spanish local governments, using a binary gender classification (man/woman). The results obtained from the websites of 102 municipalities from 2016 to 2021 reveal that the fact that the mayor is a woman has a positive and significant effect on the disclosure of SDG information, while the effect of the gender diversity of the councillors is positive, but not significant. Furthermore, the tendency to disclose SDG information is higher in those municipalities led by a woman with a higher percentage of women councillors

In this year's elections in Zimbabwe, the number of women nominated and elected to national office decreased. This decline can be attributed to increased online harassment of women in politics, as well as financial obstacles and patriarchal attitudes. To reverse this trend, it is crucial for the government, political parties and civil society to address gender-based electoral violence effectively. Additionally, the government should genuinely implement gender quotas, focusing on empowering women in politics rather than using quota as a means to improve their international image, attract international donor funds and secure more women voters.

From a gender perspective, three main lessons can be learnt from the general election. First, gender issues are on the rise, a fact shown not least by the appointment of the first-ever women running mate for one of the two main presidential candidates. Second, although the ratios of women representatives at all levels are slowly but steadily increasing, the gender quota is just window dressing, which the parties blatantly ignore or work around by nominating women candidates to top-up lists. Third, violence against women in politics poses a serious threat to women’s political inclusion and citizenship.

From a gender perspective, three main lessons can be learnt from the general election. First, gender issues are on the rise, a fact shown not least by the appointment of the first-ever women running mate for one of the two main presidential candidates. Second, although the ratios of women representatives at all levels are slowly but steadily increasing, the gender quota is just window dressing, which the parties blatantly ignore or work around by nominating women candidates to top-up lists. Third, violence against women in politics poses a serious threat to women’s political inclusion and citizenship.

This study explores the representation, participation, image and prominence in the elite English press of Pakistan i.e. The Nation and DAWN in two different regimes i.e. dictatorship and democracy in the time period of Gen. Pervez Musharf from Jan. to Mar.2005 and President Asif Zardari during Jan. to Mar. 2010 about Women politicians. The triangulation research technique is carried out in this regard by formulating the categories of representation given to women politicians, image depiction, prominence i.e. placement and space given to issues, coverage of participation i.e. statements, suggestions and other categories in coding format and also covered all types of news bout women politician. The agenda setting and framing are grounded theories in order to determine the direction of the content. The findinds revealed that The Nation gave significant coverage to the issue of women politicians as compare to DAWN. However, in the dictatorship regime, women politicians reported significantly in news items as compare to the democratic regime. The placement remain moderate in both dailies which indicates that the representation of women politicians and issues related to their politics is not on the priority of media agenda.

This study explores the representation, participation, image and prominence in the elite English press of Pakistan i.e. The Nation and DAWN in two different regimes i.e. dictatorship and democracy in the time period of Gen. Pervez Musharf from Jan. to Mar.2005 and President Asif Zardari during Jan. to Mar. 2010 about Women politicians. The triangulation research technique is carried out in this regard by formulating the categories of representation given to women politicians, image depiction, prominence i.e. placement and space given to issues, coverage of participation i.e. statements, suggestions and other categories in coding format and also covered all types of news bout women politician. The agenda setting and framing are grounded theories in order to determine the direction of the content. The findinds revealed that The Nation gave significant coverage to the issue of women politicians as compare to DAWN. However, in the dictatorship regime, women politicians reported significantly in news items as compare to the democratic regime. The placement remain moderate in both dailies which indicates that the representation of women politicians and issues related to their politics is not on the priority of media agenda.

From a gender perspective, three main lessons can be learnt from the general election. First, gender issues are on the rise, a fact shown not least by the appointment of the first-ever women running mate for one of the two main presidential candidates. Second, although the ratios of women representatives at all levels are slowly but steadily increasing, the gender quota is just window dressing, which the parties blatantly ignore or work around by nominating women candidates to top-up lists. Third, violence against women in politics poses a serious threat to women’s political inclusion and citizenship.

From a gender perspective, three main lessons can be learnt from the general election. First, gender issues are on the rise, a fact shown not least by the appointment of the first-ever women running mate for one of the two main presidential candidates. Second, although the ratios of women representatives at all levels are slowly but steadily increasing, the gender quota is just window dressing, which the parties blatantly ignore or work around by nominating women candidates to top-up lists. Third, violence against women in politics poses a serious threat to women’s political inclusion and citizenship.

The article proposes an analysis of the treatment given by the digital media to women political leaders with the aim of identifying the polarity (positive, neutral or negative) of the information published about them. The research focuses on the cases of Ada Colau and Inés Arrimadas. Therefore, the article develops a computerised sentiment analysis of the information published in the newspapers El País and ABC, during the month of November 2019. The analysis of the 229 journalistic pieces that mentioned the two political leaders shows that the polarity is predominantly neutral. However, the journalistic genre of opinion determines the media tone which is used in the representation of the female politicians. Likewise, it can be observed a significant relationship of affinity or antipathy of the media with the ideology of the women politicians analysed., El artículo propone un análisis del tratamiento que los medios de comunicación digitales dan a mujeres líderes políticas con el objetivo de identificar la polaridad (positiva, neutra o negativa) de la información que se publica sobre ellas. La investigación se centra en los casos de Ada Colau e Inés Arrimadas. De esta forma, el estudio desarrolla un análisis de sentimiento computarizado de la información publicada en los periódicos El País y ABC, durante el mes de noviembre de 2019. A partir del análisis de las 229 piezas periodísticas que mencionaban a las dos líderes políticas, se demuestra que la polaridad es predominantemente neutra, pero que el género periodístico de opinión determina el tono de la representación mediática de los casos analizados. Asimismo, se observa una significativa relación de afinidad o antipatía de los medios analizados con la ideología de las mujeres políticas estudiadas.

From a gender perspective, three main lessons can be learnt from the general election. First, gender issues are on the rise, a fact shown not least by the appointment of the first-ever women running mate for one of the two main presidential candidates. Second, although the ratios of women representatives at all levels are slowly but steadily increasing, the gender quota is just window dressing, which the parties blatantly ignore or work around by nominating women candidates to top-up lists. Third, violence against women in politics poses a serious threat to women’s political inclusion and citizenship.

Although some opportunities abound for women in Utah, there are still many challenges that keep women from contributing and thriving within various settings, including workplaces, educational institutions, politics, government, religious, and in the community at large. This in-person solutions-based workshop focused on three complex issues in Utah: decreasing sexism, increasing women in Utah politics, and stopping sexual assault and domestic violence. Below are notes from the workshop.

Women politicians have been discriminated against or negatively valued under stereotypes in media coverage and have been given a secondary role compared to male politicians. The article proposes an analysis of the treatment given by digital media to women political leaders. They are from different parties in three countries and the aim is to identify the polarity (positive, neutral or negative) of the information published about them in the media. The text focuses on the cases of Anne Hidalgo and Marine Le Pen, from France, Nicola Sturgeon and Theresa May, from the United Kingdom and Ada Colau and Inés Arrimadas, from Spain. The study develops a computerised sentiment analysis of the information published in two leading digital newspapers in each country, during the month of November 2019. The research, with the analysis of 1100 journalistic pieces, shows that the polarity or valence of the women analysed is predominantly neutral and positive and that the journalistic genres do not determine the media representation of the women studied. On the contrary, the country of study does have a predominant incidence on the way in which women politicians are represented, while the relationship of affinity or antipathy of the Spanish media with the women politicians studied is significant.

A new book, Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa calls for a focus on institutional barriers to women in politics – formal and informal – as an introduction of isolated formal gender equality reforms have provided mixed results. Despite this, African countries without quotas are still looking towards these reforms as the main model for promoting political empowerment. This policy note argues that these need to be combined with a regendering of institutions working against more women in politics and suggests steps towards an African feminist institutionalism for women in politics.

Media play an important role in reinforcing dominant ideologies and in shaping people’s opinions. Previous studies of media representations of women politicians, many conducted in the US, have illustrated how biased coverage may convey a negative image of these women politicians to an audience. This project contributes to the literature by examining discriminatory media discourses, with a special focus on the representations of minority women politicians outside of the North American context. It investigates the role media discourses play in reproducing and perpetuating hegemonic ideologies that sustain the oppression of and discrimination against some groups in the specific contexts of Aotearoa New Zealand and France. To this effect, this project analyses media representation of five high-profile women politicians: Jacinda Ardern, Rachida Dati, Najat Vallaud-Belkacem, Metiria Turei, and Paula Bennett. Grounded in social constructionism, this project draws on concepts of neoliberal-feminism, Othering, anti-Māori themes, and intersectionality. Methods used include reflexive thematic analysis, feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA), and intersectionality to analyse data from mainstream news media in Aotearoa New Zealand and France. This project includes three empirical studies. The first one explores the reproduction of, and to some extent the challenging of, dominant ideologies about gender roles in pregnancy, parenthood, and work/family balance through coverage of Ardern’s pregnancy in both New Zealand and international media. The following two articles extend Article I by integrating the concept of intersectionality into the analysis to consider how the combination of various social identities contribute to the construction of varying discriminatory discourses in culturally diverse environments. Article II examines the Othering of Dati and Vallaud-Belkacem in French newspapers Le Monde and Le Figaro, arguing that the immigrant background of both ministers is f

Lt. Governor Deidre M. Henderson speaks about women in Utah.

A new book, Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa calls for a focus on institutional barriers to women in politics – formal and informal – as an introduction of isolated formal gender equality reforms have provided mixed results. Despite this, African countries without quotas are still looking towards these reforms as the main model for promoting political empowerment. This policy note argues that these need to be combined with a regendering of institutions working against more women in politics and suggests steps towards an African feminist institutionalism for women in politics.

Lt. Governor Deidre M. Henderson speaks about women in Utah.

A new book, Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa calls for a focus on institutional barriers to women in politics – formal and informal – as an introduction of isolated formal gender equality reforms have provided mixed results. Despite this, African countries without quotas are still looking towards these reforms as the main model for promoting political empowerment. This policy note argues that these need to be combined with a regendering of institutions working against more women in politics and suggests steps towards an African feminist institutionalism for women in politics.

A new book, Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa calls for a focus on institutional barriers to women in politics – formal and informal – as an introduction of isolated formal gender equality reforms have provided mixed results. Despite this, African countries without quotas are still looking towards these reforms as the main model for promoting political empowerment. This policy note argues that these need to be combined with a regendering of institutions working against more women in politics and suggests steps towards an African feminist institutionalism for women in politics.

A new book, Gendered Institutions and Women’s Political Representation in Africa calls for a focus on institutional barriers to women in politics – formal and informal – as an introduction of isolated formal gender equality reforms have provided mixed results. Despite this, African countries without quotas are still looking towards these reforms as the main model for promoting political empowerment. This policy note argues that these need to be combined with a regendering of institutions working against more women in politics and suggests steps towards an African feminist institutionalism for women in politics.

The chapter "The mediaworld versus the real world of women and political representation: Questioning differences and struggling for answers", by Karen Ross, Marloes Jansen and Tobias Bürger, addresses the long-standing question of women’s voice in political news. The authors test the relationship of women, politics, and news with the incidence of women politicians as elected representatives, in two ways: first, by considering the extent to which women politicians are visible across the broad news landscape and second, by considering their visibility in news stories which are explicitly political in orientation. What the authors find is a global and systematic pattern of underrepresentation of women politicians in the news compared with their actual numbers in legislatures across the world. Their analysis suggests that the “real” world of politics seems to be more gender-equal than the media world of mainstream news. The chapter goes on to consider possible reasons to explain this difference, including the role played by socio-cultural factors such as a nation’s broad equality commitment and the extent to which the gender balance in newsrooms, including in senior editorial positions, has an impact on the visibility of women politicians in news content., The project Comparing Gender and Media Equality across the Globe has been fundedby the Swedish Research Council (2016–2020) and is based at the Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMG) at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden.The GEM dataset and its codebook are free to use and can be downloaded in variousformats. For access, contact JMG. Please ensure that proper attribution is given when citing the dataset.

In the forthcoming Ghanaian elections, for the first time ever a woman has emerged as a vice-presidential candidate for one of the two major parties. Her candidacy has given rise to hopes of progress on gender equality issues, but it has also led to anti-feminist and misogynistic comments. This policy note addresses certain challenges and opportunities to break the male dominance of Ghanaian politics.

During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'., CONTENTS: Introduction -- 1. Feminist institutionalism, women's representation and state capture: The case of South Africa / Amanda Gouws -- 2. Confronting the double-bind dilemma in the representations of Joice Mujuru in Zimbabwean newspapers between 2000 and 2008 / Mandiedza Parichi -- 3. Candidate training programmes in Africa – A waste of resources or pedagogies of the oppressed? Experiences from Letsema training workshops in Botswana (2013–19) / Sethunya Tshepho Mosime and Maude Dikobe -- 4. Party primary candidate nomination institutions, informality and women’s candidature in Malawi's parliamentary elections / Asiyati Lorraine Chiweza -- 5. 'Inspiring a revolution': Women's central role in Tanzanian institutions, independence and beyond / Catherine Cymone Fourshey and Marla L. Jaksch -- 6. Experiences of gender equality legislation in Kenya: The role of institutions and actors / Shillah Sintoyia Memusi -- 7. Women's political representation and institutionalism in Nigeria – historical perspectives / Monica Adele Orisadare -- 8. Affirmative action in Ghana? Patriarchal arguments and institutional inertia / Diana Højlund Madsen -- Concluding remarks -- Index

In the forthcoming Ghanaian elections, for the first time ever a woman has emerged as a vice-presidential candidate for one of the two major parties. Her candidacy has given rise to hopes of progress on gender equality issues, but it has also led to anti-feminist and misogynistic comments. This policy note addresses certain challenges and opportunities to break the male dominance of Ghanaian politics.

During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'., CONTENTS: Introduction -- 1. Feminist institutionalism, women's representation and state capture: The case of South Africa / Amanda Gouws -- 2. Confronting the double-bind dilemma in the representations of Joice Mujuru in Zimbabwean newspapers between 2000 and 2008 / Mandiedza Parichi -- 3. Candidate training programmes in Africa – A waste of resources or pedagogies of the oppressed? Experiences from Letsema training workshops in Botswana (2013–19) / Sethunya Tshepho Mosime and Maude Dikobe -- 4. Party primary candidate nomination institutions, informality and women’s candidature in Malawi's parliamentary elections / Asiyati Lorraine Chiweza -- 5. 'Inspiring a revolution': Women's central role in Tanzanian institutions, independence and beyond / Catherine Cymone Fourshey and Marla L. Jaksch -- 6. Experiences of gender equality legislation in Kenya: The role of institutions and actors / Shillah Sintoyia Memusi -- 7. Women's political representation and institutionalism in Nigeria – historical perspectives / Monica Adele Orisadare -- 8. Affirmative action in Ghana? Patriarchal arguments and institutional inertia / Diana Højlund Madsen -- Concluding remarks -- Index

In the forthcoming Ghanaian elections, for the first time ever a woman has emerged as a vice-presidential candidate for one of the two major parties. Her candidacy has given rise to hopes of progress on gender equality issues, but it has also led to anti-feminist and misogynistic comments. This policy note addresses certain challenges and opportunities to break the male dominance of Ghanaian politics.

During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'., CONTENTS: Introduction -- 1. Feminist institutionalism, women's representation and state capture: The case of South Africa / Amanda Gouws -- 2. Confronting the double-bind dilemma in the representations of Joice Mujuru in Zimbabwean newspapers between 2000 and 2008 / Mandiedza Parichi -- 3. Candidate training programmes in Africa – A waste of resources or pedagogies of the oppressed? Experiences from Letsema training workshops in Botswana (2013–19) / Sethunya Tshepho Mosime and Maude Dikobe -- 4. Party primary candidate nomination institutions, informality and women’s candidature in Malawi's parliamentary elections / Asiyati Lorraine Chiweza -- 5. 'Inspiring a revolution': Women's central role in Tanzanian institutions, independence and beyond / Catherine Cymone Fourshey and Marla L. Jaksch -- 6. Experiences of gender equality legislation in Kenya: The role of institutions and actors / Shillah Sintoyia Memusi -- 7. Women's political representation and institutionalism in Nigeria – historical perspectives / Monica Adele Orisadare -- 8. Affirmative action in Ghana? Patriarchal arguments and institutional inertia / Diana Højlund Madsen -- Concluding remarks -- Index

In the forthcoming Ghanaian elections, for the first time ever a woman has emerged as a vice-presidential candidate for one of the two major parties. Her candidacy has given rise to hopes of progress on gender equality issues, but it has also led to anti-feminist and misogynistic comments. This policy note addresses certain challenges and opportunities to break the male dominance of Ghanaian politics.

The chapter "The mediaworld versus the real world of women and political representation: Questioning differences and struggling for answers", by Karen Ross, Marloes Jansen and Tobias Bürger, addresses the long-standing question of women’s voice in political news. The authors test the relationship of women, politics, and news with the incidence of women politicians as elected representatives, in two ways: first, by considering the extent to which women politicians are visible across the broad news landscape and second, by considering their visibility in news stories which are explicitly political in orientation. What the authors find is a global and systematic pattern of underrepresentation of women politicians in the news compared with their actual numbers in legislatures across the world. Their analysis suggests that the “real” world of politics seems to be more gender-equal than the media world of mainstream news. The chapter goes on to consider possible reasons to explain this difference, including the role played by socio-cultural factors such as a nation’s broad equality commitment and the extent to which the gender balance in newsrooms, including in senior editorial positions, has an impact on the visibility of women politicians in news content., The project Comparing Gender and Media Equality across the Globe has been fundedby the Swedish Research Council (2016–2020) and is based at the Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMG) at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden.The GEM dataset and its codebook are free to use and can be downloaded in variousformats. For access, contact JMG. Please ensure that proper attribution is given when citing the dataset.

During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'., CONTENTS: Introduction -- 1. Feminist institutionalism, women's representation and state capture: The case of South Africa / Amanda Gouws -- 2. Confronting the double-bind dilemma in the representations of Joice Mujuru in Zimbabwean newspapers between 2000 and 2008 / Mandiedza Parichi -- 3. Candidate training programmes in Africa – A waste of resources or pedagogies of the oppressed? Experiences from Letsema training workshops in Botswana (2013–19) / Sethunya Tshepho Mosime and Maude Dikobe -- 4. Party primary candidate nomination institutions, informality and women’s candidature in Malawi's parliamentary elections / Asiyati Lorraine Chiweza -- 5. 'Inspiring a revolution': Women's central role in Tanzanian institutions, independence and beyond / Catherine Cymone Fourshey and Marla L. Jaksch -- 6. Experiences of gender equality legislation in Kenya: The role of institutions and actors / Shillah Sintoyia Memusi -- 7. Women's political representation and institutionalism in Nigeria – historical perspectives / Monica Adele Orisadare -- 8. Affirmative action in Ghana? Patriarchal arguments and institutional inertia / Diana Højlund Madsen -- Concluding remarks -- Index

During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'., CONTENTS: Introduction -- 1. Feminist institutionalism, women's representation and state capture: The case of South Africa / Amanda Gouws -- 2. Confronting the double-bind dilemma in the representations of Joice Mujuru in Zimbabwean newspapers between 2000 and 2008 / Mandiedza Parichi -- 3. Candidate training programmes in Africa – A waste of resources or pedagogies of the oppressed? Experiences from Letsema training workshops in Botswana (2013–19) / Sethunya Tshepho Mosime and Maude Dikobe -- 4. Party primary candidate nomination institutions, informality and women’s candidature in Malawi's parliamentary elections / Asiyati Lorraine Chiweza -- 5. 'Inspiring a revolution': Women's central role in Tanzanian institutions, independence and beyond / Catherine Cymone Fourshey and Marla L. Jaksch -- 6. Experiences of gender equality legislation in Kenya: The role of institutions and actors / Shillah Sintoyia Memusi -- 7. Women's political representation and institutionalism in Nigeria – historical perspectives / Monica Adele Orisadare -- 8. Affirmative action in Ghana? Patriarchal arguments and institutional inertia / Diana Højlund Madsen -- Concluding remarks -- Index

During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'., CONTENTS: Introduction -- 1. Feminist institutionalism, women's representation and state capture: The case of South Africa / Amanda Gouws -- 2. Confronting the double-bind dilemma in the representations of Joice Mujuru in Zimbabwean newspapers between 2000 and 2008 / Mandiedza Parichi -- 3. Candidate training programmes in Africa – A waste of resources or pedagogies of the oppressed? Experiences from Letsema training workshops in Botswana (2013–19) / Sethunya Tshepho Mosime and Maude Dikobe -- 4. Party primary candidate nomination institutions, informality and women’s candidature in Malawi's parliamentary elections / Asiyati Lorraine Chiweza -- 5. 'Inspiring a revolution': Women's central role in Tanzanian institutions, independence and beyond / Catherine Cymone Fourshey and Marla L. Jaksch -- 6. Experiences of gender equality legislation in Kenya: The role of institutions and actors / Shillah Sintoyia Memusi -- 7. Women's political representation and institutionalism in Nigeria – historical perspectives / Monica Adele Orisadare -- 8. Affirmative action in Ghana? Patriarchal arguments and institutional inertia / Diana Højlund Madsen -- Concluding remarks -- Index

In the forthcoming Ghanaian elections, for the first time ever a woman has emerged as a vice-presidential candidate for one of the two major parties. Her candidacy has given rise to hopes of progress on gender equality issues, but it has also led to anti-feminist and misogynistic comments. This policy note addresses certain challenges and opportunities to break the male dominance of Ghanaian politics.

The paper describes common peculiarities of the use of precedent names in discourses of Condoleezza Rice and Irina Khakamada., В статье представлен анализ прецедентных имен из дискурсов женщин-политиков К. Райс и И. Хакамады.

The article focuses on gender specificity of professional discourse of politicians from the point of view of linguopersonology. The question of interrelation between gender and specificity of euphemization of professional discourse of political leaders is considered on the material of public speeches of V. V. Putin and A. Merkel. It has been found that in their speeches addressed to mass audience V. V. Putin and A. Merkel demonstrate a differentiated usage of euphemisms to complete professional communicative tasks., В статье на материале выступлений В. В. Путина и А. Меркель рассматривается вопрос о взаимосвязи гендера и специфики эвфемизации профессионального дискурса политических деятелей.

Utah Senate Daily Download from the Utah State Legislature 2019 General Session that was streamed live on 2/14/2019 with Senate President J. Stuart Adams (R), Senator Deidre M. Henderson (R), Kathleen Riebe (D), Majority Whip Daniel Hemmert (R), and Executive Appropriations Chair Jerry W. Stevenson (R). Media questions from the 2019 legislative session. Questions covered include (with approximate times question is covered in video): 0:20 – Martha Hughes Cannon, 2:40 – Tax reform, 3:55 – More tax reform.

Utah Senate Daily Download from the Utah State Legislature 2019 General Session that was streamed live on 2/14/2019 with Senate President J. Stuart Adams (R), Senator Deidre M. Henderson (R), Kathleen Riebe (D), Majority Whip Daniel Hemmert (R), and Executive Appropriations Chair Jerry W. Stevenson (R). Media questions from the 2019 legislative session. Questions covered include (with approximate times question is covered in video): 0:20 – Martha Hughes Cannon, 2:40 – Tax reform, 3:55 – More tax reform.

This paper explores how female politicians discursively construct their intersectional identity as “women politicians.” We interviewed 10 female politicians in charge of local political offices and examined how they talked about the boundaries and contents of their “women politicians” identity. When talking about identity boundaries, the interviewees first presented “women politicians” as an exclusive minority within their gender group. Second, they constructed intergroup categorizations by comparing women who meet the requirements to enter politics versus women who do not. When talking about identity contents, the interviewees constructed intergroup categorizations along the ideological axis only. Thus, they overlooked the differences between men and women who share the same ideology while they enhanced the differences among women of different ideologies. Overall, the interviewees constructed their “women politicians” identity as a subordinate identity within their overarching ideological identity rather than as a real intersectional identity. These results are discussed also in terms of discursive de-politicization of the “women politicians” intersectional identity.

Media briefing and public access Q&A from the Utah State Legislature 2018 General Session that was streamed live on 1/29/2018 with Senate President Wayne L. Niederhauser (R), Senator Todd Weiler (R), Senate Rules Chair Deidre M. Henderson (R), Minority Whip Karen Mayne (D), Executive Appropriations Chair Jerry W. Stevenson (R), and Majority Whip J. Stuart Adams (R). This briefing discussed SCR1 (Concurrent Resolution Recommending Replacement of Statue of Philo Farnsworth in United States Capitol) with Dr. Martha Hughes Cannon, first woman in the country to serve as a state senator; and S.B. 119 (Special Group License Plate Amendments) creates a special license plate recognizing the anniversary of women's suffrage.

Media briefing and public access Q&A from the Utah State Legislature 2018 General Session that was streamed live on 1/29/2018 with Senate President Wayne L. Niederhauser (R), Senator Todd Weiler (R), Senate Rules Chair Deidre M. Henderson (R), Minority Whip Karen Mayne (D), Executive Appropriations Chair Jerry W. Stevenson (R), and Majority Whip J. Stuart Adams (R). This briefing discussed SCR1 (Concurrent Resolution Recommending Replacement of Statue of Philo Farnsworth in United States Capitol) with Dr. Martha Hughes Cannon, first woman in the country to serve as a state senator; and S.B. 119 (Special Group License Plate Amendments) creates a special license plate recognizing the anniversary of women's suffrage.

Olene Walker was the first female Governor of the State of Utah.