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This article analyzes absolute and relative social mobility patterns in Southern European Countries (Spain, Greece, Italy and Portugal) through three cohorts of men and women who reached occupational maturity from 1969 to 2004, a period of profound economic, political and cultural transformations. Previous research literature on these countries has been scarce. The main objective of this study is to test the two most common hypotheses applied in research on social mobility by using constrained and unconstrained log-linear models: First, the Invariance hypothesis (H1), which postulates that relative social mobility rates undergo no or only insignificant change; secondly, the Industrialism hypothesis (H2), which posits that relative social mobility rates have experienced a profound or moderate but significant change towards a more open society. The results show a small but significant intergenerational improvement in social fluidity, confirming what we have called the Weak Improvement hypothesis (H3). This improvement has been more acute in women than in men, and differences can be found among selected countries, with Italy being the country where social mobility rates have improved the most.

[Abstract]: The COVID-19 crisis has been characterised by an increased fragility of the labour market, especially in the Southern European countries. Nevertheless, official data do not accurately capture the real upheavals of their labour markets. In this context, this paper compares the labour market performance of vulnerable populations (youth, women and migrants) in three Southern European countries with a cross-analysis of data over time. To this end, we have developed an alternative hidden unemployment indicator that recovers and includes unemployed persons from the categories of involuntary underemployment and inactivity. Our analyses include data from Spain, Portugal, and Italy, and take the European Union-Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS) as their basis. Our results show that the impact of unemployment in the South of Europe is best measured when using an extended indicator, particularly when analysing the cases of vulnerable collectives. This tool shows great analytical potential for unveiling hidden unemployment in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic., [Resumen]: La crisis de la COVID-19 se ha caracterizado por una mayor fragilidad del mercado laboral, especialmente en los países del sur de Europa. Sin embargo, los datos oficiales no reflejan con exactitud las transformaciones reales de sus mercados de trabajo. En este contexto, este trabajo compara el comportamiento del mercado laboral de los colectivos vulnerables de población (jóvenes, mujeres e inmigrantes) en tres países del sur de Europa con un análisis cruzado de datos a lo largo del tiempo. Para ello, hemos desarrollado un indicador alternativo de paro oculto que recupera e incluye a los desempleados de las categorías de subempleo involuntario e inactividad. Nuestros análisis incluyen datos de España, Portugal e Italia, y toman como base la encuesta European Union-Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS). Nuestros resultados muestran que el impacto del desempleo en el sur de Europa se mide mejor cuando se utiliza un indicador ampliado, especialmente cuando se analizan los casos de colectivos vulnerables. Esta herramienta muestra un gran potencial analítico para desvelar el desempleo oculto en el contexto de la pandemia COVID-19.

The COVID-19 crisis has been characterised by an increased fragility of the labour market, especially in the Southern European countries. Nevertheless, official data do not accurately capture the real upheavals of their labour markets. In this context, this paper compares the labour market performance of vulnerable populations (youth, women and migrants) in three Southern European countries with a cross-analysis of data over time. To this end, we have developed an alternative hidden unemployment indicator that recovers and includes unemployed persons from the categories of involuntary underemployment and inactivity. Our analyses include data from Spain, Portugal, and Italy, and take the European Union-Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS) as their basis. Our results show that the impact of unemployment in the South of Europe is best measured when using an extended indicator, particularly when analysing the cases of vulnerable collectives. This tool shows great analytical potential for unveiling hidden unemployment in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic., La crisis de la COVID-19 se ha caracterizado por una mayor fragilidad del mercado laboral, especialmente en los países del sur de Europa. Sin embargo, los datos oficiales no reflejan con exactitud las transformaciones reales de sus mercados de trabajo. En este contexto, este trabajo compara el comportamiento del mercado laboral de los colectivos vulnerables de población (jóvenes, mujeres e inmigrantes) en tres países del sur de Europa con un análisis cruzado de datos a lo largo del tiempo. Para ello, hemos desarrollado un indicador alternativo de paro oculto que recupera e incluye a los desempleados de las categorías de subempleo involuntario e inactividad. Nuestros análisis incluyen datos de España, Portugal e Italia, y toman como base la encuesta European Union-Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS). Nuestros resultados muestran que el impacto del desempleo en el sur de Europa se mide mejor cuando se utiliza un indicador ampliado, especialmente cuando se analizan los casos de colectivos vulnerables. Esta herramienta muestra un gran potencial analítico para desvelar el desempleo oculto en el contexto de la pandemia COVID-19.

During the last decade, the European Union has been facing one of the largest mass movements of migrant inflows in its history. It is expected that this situation will not change over the next years as a result not only of the development of armed conflicts, but also due to the demographic explosion and the extreme poverty in many African countries. Among the European countries (i.e EU members and EFTA countries), Greece, Italy and Spain, due to their geographical position and the length of their coastline, play a major role as main entry points into Europe.

During the last decade, the European Union has been facing one of the largest mass movements of migrant inflows in its history. It is expected that this situation will not change over the next years as a result not only of the development of armed conflicts, but also due to the demographic explosion and the extreme poverty in many African countries. Among the European countries (i.e EU members and EFTA countries), Greece, Italy and Spain, due to their geographical position and the length of their coastline, play a major role as main entry points into Europe.

Despite the general increase in the standards of living during the twentieth century and the introduction of universal healthcare systems, many studies have pointed out the persistence of inequalities in all industrialized countries. All research carried out highlighted that the health indicators were not randomly distributed among the population, but there were signifi cant differences between social classes, education levels and types of employment, between ethnic groups, men and women and among different geographical areas as well. In the Southern European health systems, despite the reforms of the 1970s and 1980s have introduced national universal health care and although the concern to reduce the geographical and social imbalances between different regions, the equity issue has become a priority only since the late 1990s. In this paper, after a brief contextualization of health systems in Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal, the main health inequalities that affect population and the role of the health system in the production of these inequalities are described through the identifi cation of the potential of inequity induced by national and regional reforms., A pesar del aumento general del nivel de vida durante el siglo XX y de la introducción de sistemas de salud universales, muchos estudios tienen evidenciado la persistencia de desigualdades en todos los países industrializados. Todas las investigaciones realizadas demostraban que los indicadores de salud no estaban distribuidos casualmente entre la población, existiendo signifi cativas diferencias entre clases sociales, niveles de educación y tipos de empleo, entre grupos étnicos, entre hombres y mujeres y también entre diferentes áreas geográfi cas. En los países del Sur de Europa, a pesar de las reformas de las décadas de 1970 y 1980 hayan introducido servicios nacionales de salud universales y a pesar de la preocupación en reducir los desequilibrios geográfi cos y sociales entre las diferentes regiones del país, el tema de la equidad se hizo una prioridad sólo desde el fi nal de la década de 1990. En este artículo, después de una breve contextualización de los sistemas de salud de Grecia, España, Italia y Portugal, serán descritas las principales desigualdades de salud que afectan estos sistemas y el papel desempeñado por el sistema de salud en la producción de esas desigualdades, identifi cando los potenciales de iniquidad inducidos por las reformas en curso.

Despite the general increase in the standards of living during the twentieth century and the introduction of universal healthcare systems, many studies have pointed out the persistence of inequalities in all industrialized countries. All research carried out highlighted that the health indicators were not randomly distributed among the population, but there were signifi cant differences between social classes, education levels and types of employment, between ethnic groups, men and women and among different geographical areas as well. In the Southern European health systems, despite the reforms of the 1970s and 1980s have introduced national universal health care and although the concern to reduce the geographical and social imbalances between different regions, the equity issue has become a priority only since the late 1990s. In this paper, after a brief contextualization of health systems in Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal, the main health inequalities that affect population and the role of the health system in the production of these inequalities are described through the identifi cation of the potential of inequity induced by national and regional reforms., A pesar del aumento general del nivel de vida durante el siglo XX y de la introducción de sistemas de salud universales, muchos estudios tienen evidenciado la persistencia de desigualdades en todos los países industrializados. Todas las investigaciones realizadas demostraban que los indicadores de salud no estaban distribuidos casualmente entre la población, existiendo signifi cativas diferencias entre clases sociales, niveles de educación y tipos de empleo, entre grupos étnicos, entre hombres y mujeres y también entre diferentes áreas geográfi cas. En los países del Sur de Europa, a pesar de las reformas de las décadas de 1970 y 1980 hayan introducido servicios nacionales de salud universales y a pesar de la preocupación en reducir los desequilibrios geográfi cos y sociales entre las diferentes regiones del país, el tema de la equidad se hizo una prioridad sólo desde el fi nal de la década de 1990. En este artículo, después de una breve contextualización de los sistemas de salud de Grecia, España, Italia y Portugal, serán descritas las principales desigualdades de salud que afectan estos sistemas y el papel desempeñado por el sistema de salud en la producción de esas desigualdades, identifi cando los potenciales de iniquidad inducidos por las reformas en curso.

This paper looks at problems facing Southern European countries with high levels of illegal immigration and a firmly established underground economy. It will address questions about who the immigrants are and what attracts them to the area. The paper will also provide a broad outline of how the general employment situation in Southern Europe, while addressing problems associated with its long established underground economy. It argues that the issue of illegal immigration cannot be addressed without recognising the complexities of their current economic situation. The underground economy is having three important negative effects on migrants. 1. Most migrants, including those who hold legal status, are only able to find un regulated (underground) jobs. 2. Working predominantly in the underground economy and living without the necessary documents had contributed to the stigmatisation of migrants. 3. Many migrants have been pushed to commit a crime either because models of deviant behaviour replaced the old myth of social climbing thanks to either working hard or the underground economy, which gives migrants the idea that regulation is largely unsuccessful. This has led to a need to extend tighter control of external borders. However, as this document points out, this time would be better spent on addressing the problems associated with the underground economy. Southern European countries have to come to terms with the fact that high unemployment can exist along side an unfulfilled demand for low skilled workers in low paid jobs. Borders have to be opened up to allow workers to fill these low-skilled, low-paid jobs, but this movement will have to be well regulated. The size of the underground economy must be reduced over time which requires these countries have to start focusing on tightening social control.

This paper looks at problems facing Southern European countries with high levels of illegal immigration and a firmly established underground economy. It will address questions about who the immigrants are and what attracts them to the area. The paper will also provide a broad outline of how the general employment situation in Southern Europe, while addressing problems associated with its long established underground economy. It argues that the issue of illegal immigration cannot be addressed without recognising the complexities of their current economic situation. The underground economy is having three important negative effects on migrants. 1. Most migrants, including those who hold legal status, are only able to find un regulated (underground) jobs. 2. Working predominantly in the underground economy and living without the necessary documents had contributed to the stigmatisation of migrants. 3. Many migrants have been pushed to commit a crime either because models of deviant behaviour replaced the old myth of social climbing thanks to either working hard or the underground economy, which gives migrants the idea that regulation is largely unsuccessful. This has led to a need to extend tighter control of external borders. However, as this document points out, this time would be better spent on addressing the problems associated with the underground economy. Southern European countries have to come to terms with the fact that high unemployment can exist along side an unfulfilled demand for low skilled workers in low paid jobs. Borders have to be opened up to allow workers to fill these low-skilled, low-paid jobs, but this movement will have to be well regulated. The size of the underground economy must be reduced over time which requires these countries have to start focusing on tightening social control.