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Royal Decree-Law 2/2023, of March 16, on urgent measures to expand the rights of pensioners, reduce the gender gap and establish a new framework for the sustainability of the public pension system deepens a line of legal reforms organized by unions that demonstrates its virtues with respect to unilateral reforms. Contrary to the reductive and biased concept of reforms aimed at guaranteeing the financial sustainability of the public pension system, this type of agreed reform develops another more balanced and innovative concept, that of social sustainability of the public pension system. This study analyzes the set of novelties of the new legal reform and for this it focuses on the practical effects of this comprehensive sustainability approach. This work criticizes those who disavow this type of reforms for the alleged postponement of the «true» reforms, those that are aimed at reducing pension rights, despite the fact that these have very negative effects, socially and economically, El Real Decreto Ley 2/2023, de 16 de marzo, de medidas urgentes para la ampliación de derechos de los pensionistas, la reducción de la brecha de género y el establecimiento de un nuevo marco de sostenibilidad del sistema público de pensiones profundiza en una línea de reformas sindicalmente concertadas que pone de manifiesto sus virtudes respecto de las reformas unilaterales. Frente al concepto reductivo y sesgado de reformas dirigidas a garantizar la sostenibilidad financiera del sistema público de pensiones se impone otro concepto más equilibrado e innovador, el de sostenibilidad social del sistema. Este estudio analiza el conjunto de novedades de la nueva reforma atendiendo a los efectos prácticos de este enfoque de sostenibilidad integral, criticando a quienes desautorizan este tipo de reformas por pretendido diferimiento de las reformas «verdaderas», las que se dirigen a la reducción de los derechos de pensión, pese a los nocivos efectos constatados de ellas, tanto social como económicamente.

The present work defends the taking into consideration of religious feelings as participants in social peace, considered as a protectable legal asset. This implies a redimensioning of the scope of freedom of expression, allowing its reasonable limitation as long as it can be of great value to social conscience. Limitation that has to disappear or, at least, to relax when this concept is not fundamental for said conscience and does not contribute to the maintenance of the invoked social peace. Received: 18.04.2022Accepted: 14.06.2022, El presente trabajo defiende la toma en consideración de los sentimientos religiosos en tanto que partícipes de la paz social, considerada como bien jurídico protegible. Ello implica un redimensionamiento del alcance de la libertad de expresión, posibilitando su razonable limitación siempre y cuando a la conciencia social le pueda resultar de sumo valor. Limitación que ha de desaparecer o, cuanto menos, relajarse cuando dicho bien no resulte fundamental para dicha conciencia y no contribuya al mantenimiento de la invocada paz social. Recibido: 18.04.2022Aceptado: 14.06.2022

The present work defends the taking into consideration of religious feelings as participants in social peace, considered as a protectable legal asset. This implies a redimensioning of the scope of freedom of expression, allowing its reasonable limitation as long as it can be of great value to social conscience. Limitation that has to disappear or, at least, to relax when this concept is not fundamental for said conscience and does not contribute to the maintenance of the invoked social peace. Received: 18.04.2022Accepted: 14.06.2022, El presente trabajo defiende la toma en consideración de los sentimientos religiosos en tanto que partícipes de la paz social, considerada como bien jurídico protegible. Ello implica un redimensionamiento del alcance de la libertad de expresión, posibilitando su razonable limitación siempre y cuando a la conciencia social le pueda resultar de sumo valor. Limitación que ha de desaparecer o, cuanto menos, relajarse cuando dicho bien no resulte fundamental para dicha conciencia y no contribuya al mantenimiento de la invocada paz social. Recibido: 18.04.2022Aceptado: 14.06.2022

In the neoliberal era, there has been a global trend towards increased labour market insecurity and inequality, even in countries traditionally emblematic of union strength and socio-economic security such as Sweden. In this study, I present the first ethnographic research conducted in anthropology of negotiations between the central Swedish union and employer peak bodies (known as the ‘labour market partners’). These negotiations were conducted in 2020 against the background of a political crisis and political pressure to modernise and liberalise longstanding and fundamental job security protec- tions in the Employment Protection Act (LAS). Through the lens of these negotiations, I investigate the role of the labour market partners in moderating neoliberal trends and how the partners see their relationship and role in society. I investigate, for example, why Swedish employers support unions and a system that ostensibly curbs their own power. I employ the notions of moral economy and em- bedding to look beyond economic self-interest, to the moral and institutional norms that help explain the partners’ co-operation over time and the role they see themselves as playing as guardians of the social peace. I also incorporate interview material describing diverse workers’ experiences of the current job security protections under LAS. I argue that workers’ voices and experiences reveal a parallel moral economy, where current job security protections are revealed to be important but inadequate, and that job security is a highly nebulous, ambivalent and contextual phenomenon. I argue the moral economy of job security is one of entangled reciprocity between employer, worker and the state, and I consider the proposed reforms in this context. The study shows that even in the context of increasing market- isation of labour and society, reciprocity and cooperation both at the workplace and during the LAS negotiations serve to de-commodify labour and embed the economy in various m

In the neoliberal era, there has been a global trend towards increased labour market insecurity and inequality, even in countries traditionally emblematic of union strength and socio-economic security such as Sweden. In this study, I present the first ethnographic research conducted in anthropology of negotiations between the central Swedish union and employer peak bodies (known as the ‘labour market partners’). These negotiations were conducted in 2020 against the background of a political crisis and political pressure to modernise and liberalise longstanding and fundamental job security protec- tions in the Employment Protection Act (LAS). Through the lens of these negotiations, I investigate the role of the labour market partners in moderating neoliberal trends and how the partners see their relationship and role in society. I investigate, for example, why Swedish employers support unions and a system that ostensibly curbs their own power. I employ the notions of moral economy and em- bedding to look beyond economic self-interest, to the moral and institutional norms that help explain the partners’ co-operation over time and the role they see themselves as playing as guardians of the social peace. I also incorporate interview material describing diverse workers’ experiences of the current job security protections under LAS. I argue that workers’ voices and experiences reveal a parallel moral economy, where current job security protections are revealed to be important but inadequate, and that job security is a highly nebulous, ambivalent and contextual phenomenon. I argue the moral economy of job security is one of entangled reciprocity between employer, worker and the state, and I consider the proposed reforms in this context. The study shows that even in the context of increasing market- isation of labour and society, reciprocity and cooperation both at the workplace and during the LAS negotiations serve to de-commodify labour and embed the economy in various m

This Article critically evaluates the recent trends in Italian industrial relations in order to highlight the clash between Italian constitutional principles and the autonomous development of self-regulation as for the relationship between representation, conflict and collective agreement. By conducting a comparative analysis with the Swedish model, the article argues that the constitutional principles of the Italian system of industrial relations conceive the collective agreement as a contingent element in the relationship between representation and conflict, whereas the Fiat case (2010) and the latest interconfederal agreements (2013 and 2014) place it at the centre of such a relationship. The Swedish model, instead, regards the collective agreement as a central mechanism through which the signatory trade union trades social peace with privileged rights of representation in the workplace. Through the prism of the Swedish model, the article suggests that Italian industrial relations are turning towards a restrictive system centred on the collective agreement, in which however the obligation of social peace is not exchanged with any strengthening of union representation in the workplace.

It is inherent to Social policy answering to a polymorph, complex and growing set of social problems, whose typical uncertainty responds to the moral imperative of mediation between Economics and Politics. Also it responds to the fact that the “social question”, originally “labor question”, changes throughout history. Thus we find of great interest to study systematically the Spanish authors of social policy. We have reviewed the common origin of social policy and labor law to describe the transformation of the first one, exemplified in the work of Marcelo Catalá, Professor of Social School of Madrid. We have observed in it the transformation from the labor to the political, and the overflowing of the social policy classical course, Es inherente a la Política social querer dar respuesta a un conjunto polimorfo, complejo y creciente de problemas sociales, cuya indefinición típica responde al imperativo moral perenne de mediación entre lo económico y lo político; y a que la cuestión social, originalmente obrera, a la que trata de dar remedio, se transforma temporalmente. Así, encontramos de gran interés el estudio sistemático de los autores españoles político-sociales. Hemos hecho repaso al origen compartido de la Política social y el Derecho del trabajo para describir la transformación de la primera, ejemplificada en la obra de Marcelo Catalá, profesor de la Escuela Social de Madrid. Se observa en ella el paso desde lo laboral a lo político, y el desborde de los cauces de la política social clásica.

It is inherent to Social policy answering to a polymorph, complex and growing set of social problems, whose typical uncertainty responds to the moral imperative of mediation between Economics and Politics. Also it responds to the fact that the “social question”, originally “labor question”, changes throughout history. Thus we find of great interest to study systematically the Spanish authors of social policy. We have reviewed the common origin of social policy and labor law to describe the transformation of the first one, exemplified in the work of Marcelo Catalá, Professor of Social School of Madrid. We have observed in it the transformation from the labor to the political, and the overflowing of the social policy classical course, Es inherente a la Política social querer dar respuesta a un conjunto polimorfo, complejo y creciente de problemas sociales, cuya indefinición típica responde al imperativo moral perenne de mediación entre lo económico y lo político; y a que la cuestión social, originalmente obrera, a la que trata de dar remedio, se transforma temporalmente. Así, encontramos de gran interés el estudio sistemático de los autores españoles político-sociales. Hemos hecho repaso al origen compartido de la Política social y el Derecho del trabajo para describir la transformación de la primera, ejemplificada en la obra de Marcelo Catalá, profesor de la Escuela Social de Madrid. Se observa en ella el paso desde lo laboral a lo político, y el desborde de los cauces de la política social clásica.

Evangelii Gaudium is a true program for Pope Francis’ pontificate. The social dimension of faith is a key of the document because it verifies the authenticity of any evangelization effort. Pope Francis’ vision of the social dimension of faith can be summarized in several points. In EG’s style we see an original appropriation of liberation theology intuitions and a retrieval of Paul VI’s magisterium. In its content we see a clear denunciation of the present liberal economic system and a proposal seeking the inclusion of the poor in society., Evangelii Gaudium es un auténtico programa del pontificado del papa Francisco. La dimensión social de la fe es clave en este documento por ser garantía de autenticidad de la evangelización. A la hora de formular la visión de Francisco de esta dimensión social podemos destacar varios puntos. En el estilo de EG se aprecia una apropiación original de las intuiciones de la teología de la liberación y una recuperación del modelo de magisterio de Pablo VI. En su contenido se aprecia una clara denuncia del sistema económico liberal actual y una propuesta para incluir a los pobres en la sociedad.

Evangelii Gaudium is a true program for Pope Francis’ pontificate. The social dimension of faith is a key of the document because it verifies the authenticity of any evangelization effort. Pope Francis’ vision of the social dimension of faith can be summarized in several points. In EG’s style we see an original appropriation of liberation theology intuitions and a retrieval of Paul VI’s magisterium. In its content we see a clear denunciation of the present liberal economic system and a proposal seeking the inclusion of the poor in society., Evangelii Gaudium es un auténtico programa del pontificado del papa Francisco. La dimensión social de la fe es clave en este documento por ser garantía de autenticidad de la evangelización. A la hora de formular la visión de Francisco de esta dimensión social podemos destacar varios puntos. En el estilo de EG se aprecia una apropiación original de las intuiciones de la teología de la liberación y una recuperación del modelo de magisterio de Pablo VI. En su contenido se aprecia una clara denuncia del sistema económico liberal actual y una propuesta para incluir a los pobres en la sociedad.

This article outlines the various legal procedures to resolve disputes. These can be by heterocomposition or by autocomposition. In the autocomposition media mediation is found, which is a procedure that has always existed, but in the social field, and in recent years, it has hardly been integrated into the various local laws of the states. It has also led to a constitutional reform. In Aguascalientes the Judiciary Mediation Center of Aguascalientes has been created to offer free mediation service to all citizens. This investigation in now looking for the results that the Center has achieved after existing for almost a decade. On the other hand, an investigation is done to see if the mediation has prompted changes in the curricula in BAS in law in the universities of this state., El presente artículo señala los diversos procedimientos jurídicos para solucionar controversias. Éstos pueden ser heterocompositivos o autocompositivos. Dentro de los medios autocompositivos se encuentra la mediación, que es un procedimiento que aunque siempre ha existido dentro del ámbito social, apenas ha sido integrado en las diversas legislaciones locales de las entidades federativas en los últimos años, así como también ha propiciado una reforma constitucional. En Aguascalientes fue creado el Centro de Mediación del Poder Judicial de Aguascalientes, en 2001, para ofrecer gratuitamente el servicio de mediación a toda la ciudadanía. En este trabajo se busca conocer los resultados que ha logrado el Centro tras casi cumplir una década de existencia. Asimismo, se hace una investigación acerca de si la mediación ha motivado cambios en los planes de estudios en la carrera de Derecho en este estado.

This article outlines the various legal procedures to resolve disputes. These can be by heterocomposition or by autocomposition. In the autocomposition media mediation is found, which is a procedure that has always existed, but in the social field, and in recent years, it has hardly been integrated into the various local laws of the states. It has also led to a constitutional reform. In Aguascalientes the Judiciary Mediation Center of Aguascalientes has been created to offer free mediation service to all citizens. This investigation in now looking for the results that the Center has achieved after existing for almost a decade. On the other hand, an investigation is done to see if the mediation has prompted changes in the curricula in BAS in law in the universities of this state., El presente artículo señala los diversos procedimientos jurídicos para solucionar controversias. Éstos pueden ser heterocompositivos o autocompositivos. Dentro de los medios autocompositivos se encuentra la mediación, que es un procedimiento que aunque siempre ha existido dentro del ámbito social, apenas ha sido integrado en las diversas legislaciones locales de las entidades federativas en los últimos años, así como también ha propiciado una reforma constitucional. En Aguascalientes fue creado el Centro de Mediación del Poder Judicial de Aguascalientes, en 2001, para ofrecer gratuitamente el servicio de mediación a toda la ciudadanía. En este trabajo se busca conocer los resultados que ha logrado el Centro tras casi cumplir una década de existencia. Asimismo, se hace una investigación acerca de si la mediación ha motivado cambios en los planes de estudios en la carrera de Derecho en este estado.

In Latin America, environmental conflicts have their very own nature, characteristics and dynamics, hence the reason why we need to develop management processes and resolutions that are set within a framework of peace, i.e., a 'social peace' (Gaia). This, in turn, enables the right elements of justice to be put into place. The peace process is, as a result of this action, both solid and long-lasting. Conversely, we have seen how many environmental conflict resolutions have failed in their final objective in the past, i.e., in not achieving peace. A peacebuilding model for the environment (Gaia) should therefore contain elements of foundational support and action in environmental conflict resolution processes, so that they become sustainable over time, benefit all the parties involved, and provide access to natural resources in a sustainable manner., En América Latina, los conflictos ambientales tienen su propia naturaleza, características y dinámicas, las cuales nos deben llevar a plantear procesos de manejo y resolución enmarcados en un concepto definido de paz: una paz social (Gaia) que, a su vez, brinde los suficientes elementos de juicio para que esa construcción sea sólida y perdurable. Debemos reconocer que muchos procesos de resolución de conflictos ambientales han fracasado en su objetivo final: la paz. Un modelo de construcción de paz ambiental (Gaia) debe brindar elementos de fundamentación y actuación en procesos de resolución de conflictos ambientales, de forma que esos procesos sean sostenibles en el tiempo, beneficien a los actores involucrados y garanticen el acceso a los recursos naturales de forma sostenible.

This paper deals with a new pattern of instability in the relationship between civil control and militaries. In this context, it is possible to see that external and internal factors have a strong influence over the level of military obedience and regime stability in South American countries. The external factor is related to the international support given in situations of high instability. The internal one is directly related to the level of social peace, being the cause for a search of a new balance between social policies and economic ones., El trabajo da cuenta de un nuevo patrón de inestabilidad en las relaciones del control civil sobre los militares, en donde confluyen tanto un “frente externo” (el apoyo del exterior para controlar una eventual insubordinación militar) como un “frente interno” (desajustes por inestabilidad económica, social y política en el seno de un Estado). De esta manera, la paz social se vuelve una condición necesaria para evitar desmanes internos que hagan tambalear la jerarquía de mando entre civiles y militares.

This paper deals with a new pattern of instability in the relationship between civil control and militaries. In this context, it is possible to see that external and internal factors have a strong influence over the level of military obedience and regime stability in South American countries. The external factor is related to the international support given in situations of high instability. The internal one is directly related to the level of social peace, being the cause for a search of a new balance between social policies and economic ones., El trabajo da cuenta de un nuevo patrón de inestabilidad en las relaciones del control civil sobre los militares, en donde confluyen tanto un “frente externo” (el apoyo del exterior para controlar una eventual insubordinación militar) como un “frente interno” (desajustes por inestabilidad económica, social y política en el seno de un Estado). De esta manera, la paz social se vuelve una condición necesaria para evitar desmanes internos que hagan tambalear la jerarquía de mando entre civiles y militares.