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Uipo, also called Khoibu, is an underdescribed Tibeto-Burman language spoken by around 1800 people in the Chandel district of Manipur. Uipo has four lexical tones: a high falling tone, a low level tone, a low falling tone and a high level tone. These are called Tone 1, Tone 2, Tone 3 and Tone 4 respectively. When tones are combined within one word, there are two sandhi rules that explain how the tones change. This article will look at the different context where tone sandhi occurs, focusing on compounds, possessive constructions, and nominal attribution. For instance, a noun that start with a Tone 1 or a Tone 2 syllable will get a Tone 4 when following a Tone 2 possessive prefix. There are examples of minimal pairs that become homonymic in certain morphological contexts, and these are used to illustrate that the tonal category of a given words has really changed. Interestingly, what otherwise seem like phonological rules have some specific lexical exceptions. For instance, the word toŋ1kan2 does not change its tone in contexts where it is expected. The sandhi rules are argued to be  evidence that Uipo has a four-tone system, as opposed to what has been proposed by some previous accounts of the language which have described it as having only three.

Uipo, also called Khoibu, is an underdescribed Tibeto-Burman language spoken by around 1800 people in the Chandel district of Manipur. Uipo has four lexical tones: a high falling tone, a low level tone, a low falling tone and a high level tone. These are called Tone 1, Tone 2, Tone 3 and Tone 4 respectively. When tones are combined within one word, there are two sandhi rules that explain how the tones change. This article will look at the different context where tone sandhi occurs, focusing on compounds, possessive constructions, and nominal attribution. For instance, a noun that start with a Tone 1 or a Tone 2 syllable will get a Tone 4 when following a Tone 2 possessive prefix. There are examples of minimal pairs that become homonymic in certain morphological contexts, and these are used to illustrate that the tonal category of a given words has really changed. Interestingly, what otherwise seem like phonological rules have some specific lexical exceptions. For instance, the word toŋ1kan2 does not change its tone in contexts where it is expected. The sandhi rules are argued to be  evidence that Uipo has a four-tone system, as opposed to what has been proposed by some previous accounts of the language which have described it as having only three.

This dissertation presents a model of Shanghainese lexical tone and intonation based in the Autosegmental-Metrical framework and develops an annotation system for prosodic events in the language, known as Shanghainese Tones and Break Indices Labeling, or Sh_ToBI. Full-sentence phonetic data from 21 Shanghainese speakers (born 1937-1975) were analyzed. Instead of a syllable tone language with left-dominant sandhi, Shanghainese is analyzed here as a lexical pitch accent language, with three levels of phrasing above the syllable. The lowest level of phrasing is the accentual phrase, which is the domain of the three contrastive pitch accents, H*, L*+H, and L*. These pitch accents are paired with one of two AP-final boundary tones: La/L:a or LHa. La/L:a varies freely between a single low target (La) and a low plateau (L:a), and co-occurs with H* and L*+H. LHa is a sharp rising boundary tone which accompanies L*. AP boundary tones always accompany simple pitch accents (H* and L*), while they only appear after bi-tonal L*+H in APs longer than two syllables. AP-initial tone targets, H* and L*, are prominent and are always the local pitch maximum or minimum, respectively. Above the AP is the intermediate phrase (ip), identifiable only by its phrase-final segmental lengthening, following pitch reset, and a lack of following silence. The highest level is the intonational phrase (IP) marked with initial pitch range expansion, and one of three IP-final boundary tones (H%, L%, or toneless %). H% is used in particle-final yes/no questions, interacting variably with preceding tones. L% is used in corrective or other emotionally marked statements, creating contours with preceding tones. % is toneless, and is used in most questions and all unmarked statements. It is recognizable via segmental lengthening, pitch range compression, and a following silence. Beyond this re-analysis of Shanghainese tone and phrasing, the dissertation finds intonational differences between two kinds of foc

This dissertation presents a model of Shanghainese lexical tone and intonation based in the Autosegmental-Metrical framework and develops an annotation system for prosodic events in the language, known as Shanghainese Tones and Break Indices Labeling, or Sh_ToBI. Full-sentence phonetic data from 21 Shanghainese speakers (born 1937-1975) were analyzed. Instead of a syllable tone language with left-dominant sandhi, Shanghainese is analyzed here as a lexical pitch accent language, with three levels of phrasing above the syllable. The lowest level of phrasing is the accentual phrase, which is the domain of the three contrastive pitch accents, H*, L*+H, and L*. These pitch accents are paired with one of two AP-final boundary tones: La/L:a or LHa. La/L:a varies freely between a single low target (La) and a low plateau (L:a), and co-occurs with H* and L*+H. LHa is a sharp rising boundary tone which accompanies L*. AP boundary tones always accompany simple pitch accents (H* and L*), while they only appear after bi-tonal L*+H in APs longer than two syllables. AP-initial tone targets, H* and L*, are prominent and are always the local pitch maximum or minimum, respectively. Above the AP is the intermediate phrase (ip), identifiable only by its phrase-final segmental lengthening, following pitch reset, and a lack of following silence. The highest level is the intonational phrase (IP) marked with initial pitch range expansion, and one of three IP-final boundary tones (H%, L%, or toneless %). H% is used in particle-final yes/no questions, interacting variably with preceding tones. L% is used in corrective or other emotionally marked statements, creating contours with preceding tones. % is toneless, and is used in most questions and all unmarked statements. It is recognizable via segmental lengthening, pitch range compression, and a following silence. Beyond this re-analysis of Shanghainese tone and phrasing, the dissertation finds intonational differences between two kinds of foc

The paper presents a comparative analysis of the assimilation in terms of voicing on the border between words in Macedonian and in Romanian. Although the compared languages belong to different language families, the pronunciation of the obstruental segments in this position is similar. In both Romanian andMacedonian, a regular regressive assimilation is observed on the border between two words. In Macedonian, the voiced obstruent at the end of a word can be pronounced as a voiced or a voiceless before a resonant at the beginning of the next word. It is important that more often the voiced obstruent at the end of the word loses voicing before a vowel in the initial position than before a sonant. In Romanian, before a resonant in the initial position, the voiced obstruent in the final position of the word in front of it is pronounced voiced. The voiceless obstruent on the border between words can be pronounced as a voiced if it occurs before a sonant in the initial position of the next word. This is an optional phenomenon like the voiceless pronunciation of the voiced obstruent before a resonant on the border of two words in Macedonian. As one can see, in both languages, obstruents at the end of a word behave differently before initial vowels and sonants on the inter-word border., The paper presents a comparative analysis of the assimilation in terms of voicing on the border between words in Macedonian and in Romanian. Although the compared languages belong to different language families, the pronunciation of the obstruental segments in this position is similar. In both Romanian andMacedonian, a regular regressive assimilation is observed on the border between two words. In Macedonian, the voiced obstruent at the end of a word can be pronounced as a voiced or a voiceless before a resonant at the beginning of the next word. It is important that more often the voiced obstruent at the end of the word loses voicing before a vowel in the initial position than before a sonant. In Romanian, before a resonant in the initial position, the voiced obstruent in the final position of the word in front of it is pronounced voiced. The voiceless obstruent on the border between words can be pronounced as a voiced if it occurs before a sonant in the initial position of the next word. This is an optional phenomenon like the voiceless pronunciation of the voiced obstruent before a resonant on the border of two words in Macedonian. As one can see, in both languages, obstruents at the end of a word behave differently before initial vowels and sonants on the inter-word border., The paper presents a comparative analysis of the assimilation in terms of voicing on the border between words in Macedonian and in Romanian. Although the compared languages belong to different language families, the pronunciation of the obstruental segments in this position is similar. In both Romanian andMacedonian, a regular regressive assimilation is observed on the border between two words. In Macedonian, the voiced obstruent at the end of a word can be pronounced as a voiced or a voiceless before a resonant at the beginning of the next word. It is important that more often the voiced obstruent at the end of the word loses voicing before a vowel in the initial position than before a sonant. In Romanian, before a resonant in the initial position, the voiced obstruent in the final position of the word in front of it is pronounced voiced. The voiceless obstruent on the border between words can be pronounced as a voiced if it occurs before a sonant in the initial position of the next word. This is an optional phenomenon like the voiceless pronunciation of the voiced obstruent before a resonant on the border of two words in Macedonian. As one can see, in both languages, obstruents at the end of a word behave differently before initial vowels and sonants on the inter-word border.

This study investigates the use of linking and intrusive sounds in English by Japanese students studying university preparation English as a Second Language (ESL) courses at a tertiary institution in New Zealand. Such students covet a native-like accent, which in part comes from the ability of native English speakers to resolve the interruptions in the constant stream of language that they are producing. Producing a constant stream of English sounds more “natural” and “fluent”. Native English speakers have options to help them do this, which are called sandhi. This study focuses on six such features of connected speech: linking /j/, /w/ and /r/ sounds which are only pronounced when the following word begins with a vowel; and the intrusive versions of the same three sounds used to remove hiatus (interruptions in the flow of speech) between two vowel sounds. The purpose of this study is to investigate potential links between the usage of sandhi techniques and the current proficiency level of learners to see how teachers can best encourage the use of these “natural-sounding” features. By collecting speech samples from 38 participants and comparing them to the linking patterns of native English speakers as reported by other studies, this study endeavours to draw some conclusions about the usage of sandhi in Japanese ESL students.

This article addresses segmental errors at word boundary in the connected speech of radio and television news broadcasters and of students of Spanish as a foreign language. These deviations from standard Spanish patterns in both groups studied, seem to be the result of a search for oral accuracy in slower styles of the language, but ignoring the articulatory processes that account for the fluency and naturalness in those styles. The article also presents some pedagogical considerations that should be taken into account in the instruction of both news broadcasters and students of Spanish as a foreign language, in order to avoid the type of errors discussed. The speech samples have been taken from Venezuelan radio and TV news broadcasters and from English speakers studying Spanish as a foreign language., Este trabajo analiza variantes fonosintácticas del español encontradas en el habla de locutores de noticias de radio y televisión y de estudiantes del idioma como lengua extranjera. El alejamiento de los patrones normales del español en ambos grupos parece ser producto de una búsqueda de precisión articulatoria en un estilo lento y pausado del idioma, pero con un desconocimiento de los procesos articulatorios que conllevan a la naturalidad y fluidez de dicho estilo. Asimismo, presentamos algunas consideraciones pedagógicas que se deben tomar en cuenta en cursos de locución para hablantes nativos y en la enseñanza del español como lengua extranjera, para evitar que surjan este tipo de irregularidades. Las muestras han sido tomadas de locutores venezolanos de radio y televisión y de anglohablantes que estudian español como lengua extranjera.

This article addresses segmental errors at word boundary in the connected speech of radio and television news broadcasters and of students of Spanish as a foreign language. These deviations from standard Spanish patterns in both groups studied, seem to be the result of a search for oral accuracy in slower styles of the language, but ignoring the articulatory processes that account for the fluency and naturalness in those styles. The article also presents some pedagogical considerations that should be taken into account in the instruction of both news broadcasters and students of Spanish as a foreign language, in order to avoid the type of errors discussed. The speech samples have been taken from Venezuelan radio and TV news broadcasters and from English speakers studying Spanish as a foreign language., Este trabajo analiza variantes fonosintácticas del español encontradas en el habla de locutores de noticias de radio y televisión y de estudiantes del idioma como lengua extranjera. El alejamiento de los patrones normales del español en ambos grupos parece ser producto de una búsqueda de precisión articulatoria en un estilo lento y pausado del idioma, pero con un desconocimiento de los procesos articulatorios que conllevan a la naturalidad y fluidez de dicho estilo. Asimismo, presentamos algunas consideraciones pedagógicas que se deben tomar en cuenta en cursos de locución para hablantes nativos y en la enseñanza del español como lengua extranjera, para evitar que surjan este tipo de irregularidades. Las muestras han sido tomadas de locutores venezolanos de radio y televisión y de anglohablantes que estudian español como lengua extranjera.

Neste artigo, tratamos de dois temas relativamente polêmicos na fonologia: a classificação rítmica das línguas e a consideração de processos segmentais como evidências de classes rítmicas. A questão central deste texto é: qual a relação entre processos de sândi e organização rítmica de uma língua? A fim de trazer subsídios que permitam tratar dessa questão, analisamos seis processos fonológicos: vozeamento da fricativa, tapping, haplologia, degeminação, elisão e ditongação. Com base na análise de dados do Português Brasileiro, argumentamos que, para se definir o ritmo lingüístico, deve ser considerada a organização hierárquica dos constituintes prosódicos aos quais estão submetidos os processos de sândi que afetam as sílabas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Fonologia. Ritmo. Prosódia. Sândi. Língua portuguesa.ABSTRACTIn this article, we deal with two relatively polemic themes in phonology: (i) the rhythmic classification of languages and (ii) the consideration of segmental processes as evidence for rhythmic classes. Our main question is: what is the relationship between segmental processes and rhythmic organization of one given language? In order to bring up data for dealing with this question, it is analysed six sandhi processes: fricative voicing, tapping, syllable degemination, vowel merge, vowel deletion and semi-vocalization. Based on Brazilian Portuguese data for these processes, we argue that, in order to identify the linguistic rhythm, it must be considered the hierarchical organization of those prosodic domains to which sandhi processes that affect syllables are submitted to KEYWORDS: Phonology. Rhythm. Prosody. Sandhi. Portuguese., In this article, we deal with two relatively polemic themes in phonology: (i) the rhythmic classification of languages and (ii) the consideration of segmental processes as evidence for rhythmic classes. Our main question is: what is the relationship between segmental processes and rhythmic organization of one given language? In order to bring up data for dealing with this question, it is analysed six sandhi processes: fricative voicing, tapping, syllable degemination, vowel merge, vowel deletion and semi-vocalization. Based on Brazilian Portuguese data for these processes, we argue that, in order to identify the linguistic rhythm, it must be considered the hierarchical organization of those prosodic domains to which sandhi processes that affect syllables are submitted to KEYWORDS: Phonology. Rhythm. Prosody. Sandhi. Portuguese.

Neste artigo, tratamos de dois temas relativamente polêmicos na fonologia: a classificação rítmica das línguas e a consideração de processos segmentais como evidências de classes rítmicas. A questão central deste texto é: qual a relação entre processos de sândi e organização rítmica de uma língua? A fim de trazer subsídios que permitam tratar dessa questão, analisamos seis processos fonológicos: vozeamento da fricativa, tapping, haplologia, degeminação, elisão e ditongação. Com base na análise de dados do Português Brasileiro, argumentamos que, para se definir o ritmo lingüístico, deve ser considerada a organização hierárquica dos constituintes prosódicos aos quais estão submetidos os processos de sândi que afetam as sílabas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Fonologia. Ritmo. Prosódia. Sândi. Língua portuguesa.ABSTRACTIn this article, we deal with two relatively polemic themes in phonology: (i) the rhythmic classification of languages and (ii) the consideration of segmental processes as evidence for rhythmic classes. Our main question is: what is the relationship between segmental processes and rhythmic organization of one given language? In order to bring up data for dealing with this question, it is analysed six sandhi processes: fricative voicing, tapping, syllable degemination, vowel merge, vowel deletion and semi-vocalization. Based on Brazilian Portuguese data for these processes, we argue that, in order to identify the linguistic rhythm, it must be considered the hierarchical organization of those prosodic domains to which sandhi processes that affect syllables are submitted to KEYWORDS: Phonology. Rhythm. Prosody. Sandhi. Portuguese., In this article, we deal with two relatively polemic themes in phonology: (i) the rhythmic classification of languages and (ii) the consideration of segmental processes as evidence for rhythmic classes. Our main question is: what is the relationship between segmental processes and rhythmic organization of one given language? In order to bring up data for dealing with this question, it is analysed six sandhi processes: fricative voicing, tapping, syllable degemination, vowel merge, vowel deletion and semi-vocalization. Based on Brazilian Portuguese data for these processes, we argue that, in order to identify the linguistic rhythm, it must be considered the hierarchical organization of those prosodic domains to which sandhi processes that affect syllables are submitted to KEYWORDS: Phonology. Rhythm. Prosody. Sandhi. Portuguese.

Defining clitics has been attempted in the literature. Similarities between clitics, affixes, and words have been pointed out. Kari concluded that clitics are not affixes. The question then is if Degema clitics are not affixes, are they words? This paper attempts to distinguish between clitics and words through the similarities and the differences. In showing their differences, some criteria that have been discussed in the literature, especially those discussed in Zwicky (1985) will be highlighted.

Middelnederlandsk, sandhi

Middelnederlandsk, sandhi

Middelnederlandsk, sandhi