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Doctor of Ministry (DMin), The purpose of this project was to elevate the biblical narratives from the period of the exile and the subsequent diaspora as models and mentors for staff of color in InterVarsity Christian Fellowship. The study invited InterVarsity staff to participate in communal Bible studies on the life and leadership of Daniel and Esther. For this project, the Scripture studies were focused on staff directors and supervisors of color. These biblical studies are intended to create spaces for staff to discuss the complicated dynamics that arise as they hold power and influence in an organization that was founded in white evangelicalism. Managing the dissonance that is often felt at the intersection of identity and power is a necessary part of leadership. By creating space to study Scripture in community the hope was that staff would have opportunities to interact about this dissonance, hear from God, and learn how they might allow this dissonance to shape their leadership.

Doctor of Ministry (DMin), The initial purpose of this project was to explore the unconscious impact of Whiteness on the ecclesiology and discipleship paradigms prevalent in American Evangelicalism, and at Highrock Evangelical Covenant Church in particular. Specifically, it sought to understand the ways the most popular church-planting paradigm in America undermines the gospel Evangelicals preach by unwittingly fueling segregation, which they ostensibly oppose. Equipped with that understanding, this project developed new structures and practices intended to move Highrock from being simply a multi-ethnic church captivated by white culture to a truly multicultural church that is more inclusive of cultures, rather than just colors and deliberately learns from multiple cultures about how to faithfully follow Jesus and love our neighbors. During this project, it became clear that to truly reflect God’s Kingdom, diversity had to extend beyond ethnic cultures, but must also consider political ideology, socio-economic class, age, and ability, both neurological and physical. The original plan for this project was to inform our preaching, teaching, programming, hiring, and power structures. All of this did happen, as is described below. What was unanticipated is the way this project would indirectly influence the architectural design of Highrock’s newest building. While each congregation is distinct in both composition and context, this project may provide theological and ecclesiological paradigms as well as specific discipleship programs, that other Evangelical churches could use in their efforts to expose the impact of Whiteness within their institutions and enact practices that are more effective in creating the unique kingdom communities God designed the Church to be.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Journalist and author MARK WHITAKER is the author of the new book Saying it Loud: 1966–the Year Black power Challenged the Civil rights Movement. Whitaker writes that much of what's happening in race relations in America today can be traced back to the pivotal year of 1966. He's the former managing editor of CNN Worldwide, served as the washington bureau chief of nbc news, and was a reporter and editor at newsweek –becoming the first african american leader of a national newsweekly. (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW)

This essay aims to explore the complex interplay between race, religion, and violence as depicted in The Autobiography of Malcolm X by Alex Haley. Through an exploration of Frantz Fanon's theories regarding recognition and violence, alongside James H. Cone’s concept of Black theology, the essay establishes a foundation for the analysis. This analysis will analyze Malcolm X’s evolving transformative identity and political agenda. The essay aims to understand Malcolm X’s engagement with Islamic teachings, his critique of Christianity, and his experiences with violence, and how these themes together shape his social and political agenda in his pursuit of liberation. Malcolm X challenges the racial narrative and argues that White people are devils. This perception undergoes a profound shift after his pilgrimage to Mecca. This transformative journey sheds light on the factors that shaped Malcolm X’s perspective on religion, racial separation, self-defense, and liberation. This essay argues that Malcolm X underwent a profound evolution of ideological perspectives after his affiliation with the NOI and his trip to Mecca, leading to a deeper understanding of Black liberation and the complexities of racial identity.

Objectives: Recently, research has focused both on the influence of institutional racism and how the Global Majority, which includes Black, Indigenous and People of Color, heal from processes related to racial and other forms of oppression. We propose a framework of healing research methodologies that is situated within emerging diversity science trends. This framework specifically is designed to apply diversity science principles to develop research that is culturally relevant and can help explain intragroup processes related to healing from institutional racism. Methods: Drawing from the diversity science, liberation and critical research methodologies, and psychological healing practices literature, we propose a healing research methodologies framework. Results: The healing research methodologies framework consists of six critical components: maintains social justice ethics, adopts liberation methodologies, implements healing methods, embraces interdisciplinary approaches, catalyzes action, and promotes community accessibility. Conclusions: We offer recommendations to guide future diversity science healing research. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

This essay aims to explore the complex interplay between race, religion, and violence as depicted in The Autobiography of Malcolm X by Alex Haley. Through an exploration of Frantz Fanon's theories regarding recognition and violence, alongside James H. Cone’s concept of Black theology, the essay establishes a foundation for the analysis. This analysis will analyze Malcolm X’s evolving transformative identity and political agenda. The essay aims to understand Malcolm X’s engagement with Islamic teachings, his critique of Christianity, and his experiences with violence, and how these themes together shape his social and political agenda in his pursuit of liberation. Malcolm X challenges the racial narrative and argues that White people are devils. This perception undergoes a profound shift after his pilgrimage to Mecca. This transformative journey sheds light on the factors that shaped Malcolm X’s perspective on religion, racial separation, self-defense, and liberation. This essay argues that Malcolm X underwent a profound evolution of ideological perspectives after his affiliation with the NOI and his trip to Mecca, leading to a deeper understanding of Black liberation and the complexities of racial identity.

In defense of an equitable education that respects, embraces and values the ethnic-racial and cultural differences of the society from early childhood, this essay aims to discuss the presence of racial themes at the daycare center. Therefore, it proposes a reflection on the identity construction process experienced by the children, especially Black children. It emphasizes the institution's and the educator’s roles in this process and the construction of pedagogical practices that respect the differences in these educational spaces, combining a humanizing education with Afro-Brazilian civilizing values. Therefore, it is concluded that there is a need to make visible and celebrate the differences so that the daycare center becomes a space for each one., Em defesa de uma educação equitativa, que respeite, acolha e valorize as diferenças étnico-raciais e culturais presentes em nossa sociedade desde a primeira infância, este ensaio tem por objetivo discutir a presença da temática racial na creche. Para tanto, propõe uma reflexão sobre o processo de construção da identidade vivenciado pelas crianças, em especial as crianças negras. Ressalta o papel da creche e de seus educadores e educadoras nesse processo e a construção de práticas pedagógicas que respeitem as diferenças presentes nesses espaços educativos, coadunando uma educação humanizadora aos valores civilizatórios afro-brasileiros. Conclui que as diferenças precisam ser visibilizadas e celebradas para que as creches se tornem espaços de todos(as) e de cada um(a).

The objective of this article is to analyze which the main theoretical-methodological approaches characterize racial literacy in dissertations and theses defended in the 2015-2022 period at different levels of basic education in Brazil, and to contribute to the production on the subject. The locus of the investigation are the two databases: Capes and BDTD. For that, we used a systematic review of the literature of the qualitative meta-analysis type, to map and describe the Brazilian researches that deal with Racial Literacy. To locate the works, we used the descriptor “racial literacy”. We located 28 (twenty-eight) works between theses and dissertations. Of these, 17 (seventeen) were selected for discussion in this article. The conclusions point out that although we have found quite relevant productions, the amount of research on racial literacy is still incipient when compared to other themes of racial studies and literacy studies., O objetivo deste artigo é analisar quais as principais abordagens teórico-metodológicas caracterizam o letramento racial em dissertações e teses defendidas no recorte temporal de 2017-2022 nos diferentes níveis da educação básica do Brasil, e contribuir com a produção sobre a temática. O lócus da investigação são as duas bases de dados: a Capes e a BDTD. Para tanto, utilizamos a revisão sistemática da literatura do tipo metanálise qualitativa, para mapear e descrever as pesquisas brasileiras que tratam sobre Letramento Racial. Para localizar os trabalhos utilizamos o descritor “letramento racial”. Localizamos 28 (vinte e oito) trabalhos entre teses e dissertações. Destes, 17 (dezessete) foram selecionados para a discussão neste artigo. As conclusões assinalam que embora tenhamos encontrado produções bastante relevantes, o quantitativo de pesquisas sobre letramento racial ainda é incipiente quando comparado a outras temáticas dos estudos raciais e dos estudos dos letramentos

Annual report of the Utah Division of Multicultural Affairs.

Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2023

The bachelor thesis deals with racial issues in the USA. The theoretical part aims to capture how racial disparity influenced the lives of African Americans, specifically in Detroit, Michigan, between the Great Migration and the 1967 race uprising. The paper further compares ideologies of racial liberation held by some of the most prominent figures in African American history. The analytical part of the thesis examines Detroit, a 2017 drama based on a true story, in terms of its portrayal of racism, its standpoint toward Black agency, and the film´s impact on the viewer. As a whole, the analytical part observes whether the director achieved her goal of highlighting the ongoing problem of racial inequality and respectfully commemorating the incident's victims., Bakalářská práce se věnuje rasové intoleranci v USA. Cílem teoretické části práce je popsat vliv rasové nerovnosti na život Afroameričanů se zaměřením na michiganský Detroit v období mezi Velkou migrací Afroameričanů a rasovými nepokoji roku 1967. Práce dále srovnává ideologie rasové integrace spojované s několika z nejvýraznějších osobností Afroamerické historie. Praktická část práce se zabývá analýzou filmového dramatu z roku 2017 Černobílá Spravedlnost natočeného podle skutečné události. V praktické části se zkoumá, jak se tvůrci filmu postavili k vyobrazení rasismu a "Black agency", a jaký může mít film přínos pro diváky. Hlavním úkolem praktické části je zjistit, zda režisérka dosáhla svého cíle poukázat na stále probíhající problémy rasové nerovnosti a projevit respekt obětem incidentu., Fakulta filozofická, Studentka využila PPrezentace k tomu, aby představila zjištění své práce. Následně byla vedoucím práce vyzvána , aby se vyjádřila k otázkám a výtkám v posudcích. Studentka tak učinila. Její projev byl kultivovaný. Komise se shodla na hodnocení C., Dokončená práce s úspěšnou obhajobou

The progressive education movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century made terrific strides in modernizing and improving education for all races in Houston, Texas. This movement embraced a democratic platform of participation and engagement for all citizens, which affected America’s social, political, and economic future for decades and gave rise to many future movements. The root of progressive politics was in the participation of a diverse and active population, social progress, and industrial development, of which Houston had a plethora in the early goings of the twentieth century. Where did this progressive assault begin? Was it a grassroots or top-down approach? These are essential question to be developed. It is vital to investigate the events that led to the creation of the Houston Independent School District in 1876. The hiring of Dr. Edison Oberholtzer as the superintendent was the first step in rebuilding and modernizing an archaic education system in Houston. This event was not a sure thing, as his appointment did not occur without objections by some. Oberholtzer would see the Houston Independent School District through World War I, the Great Depression, and World War II before his tenure would end. Ultimately, the desegregation of Houston’s public schools required the courage and conviction of hundreds of people who had major roles in the process, and the fortitude of the thousands of students--both African American and White--who challenged years of racial prejudice and institutionalized segregation to accomplish this task. Still, the story of race relations and school desegregation in Houston, Texas, remains unfinished.

In the wake of the violence and racial animosity of World War II, the United States carried out an ideologically ambitious occupation of Japan, with the stated purposes of demilitarizing their former enemy and facilitating Japan's reintroduction to the world as an appropriately reformed nation. Between 1945-1952, Japan and the United States engaged in complex and often contradictory processes of cultural reimagination, through which they reimagined the recent past, each other, and their roles in the world. I contend that the Occupation of Japan can only be appropriately understood through these processes, placed within the appropriate historical context. These processes occurred within tension between the trauma of the Second World War and the increasing ideological demands of the Cold War. This tension produced contradictions and inconsistencies in policymaking which are reflected by the erratic implementation of American geopolitical directives, as well as the varied and diverse responses to occupation on the part of Japanese.

This article is a part of the research that deals with the importance of post-colonial and decolonial thoughts, understood as a heterogeneous and comprehensive set of research, studies and proposals built by different areas of knowledge and diverse movements, which in a collective effort seek to develop dissident and epistemological references that challenge the paradigms established by modernity (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). In it, we seek to reflect on the effects of racism on whiteness, trying to show the reasons that denounce the resistance and the difficulties and inability of the school to solve the problems that the functioning of these elements cause to ethnic-racial relations. The fact is that the consequences of the so-called racial democracy and the ideology of miscegenation and miscegenation have been persistent and lasting through the centuries, crossing times and historical, social, ethnic, linguistic and cultural constructions that characterize Brazilian society. On the other hand, decoloniality has been recognized from the historical process of struggle and resistance of Afro-diasporic movements (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) against the logic of coloniality and its material, symbolic and epistemic effects on pedagogical practices and social relationships at school., Este artigo é um recorte da pesquisa que trata da importância dos pensamentos pós-coloniais e decoloniais entendidos como um conjunto heterogêneo e abrangente de pesquisas, estudos e propostas construídas por diferentes áreas do conhecimento e movimentos diversos, que num esforço coletivo buscam elaborar conhecimentos dissidentes e referências epistemológicas que contestam os paradigmas estabelecidos pela modernidade (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). Nele, buscamos refletir sobre os efeitos do racismo para a branquitude, procurando mostrar os motivos que denunciam a resistência e as dificuldades e incapacidade da escola de resolver os problemas que o funcionamento desses elementos provocam às relações étnico-raciais. O fato é que as consequências da chamada democracia racial e da ideologia da mestiçagem e miscigenação têm se mostrado persistente e duradoura através dos séculos, atravessando os tempos e construções históricas, sociais, étnicas, linguísticas e culturais que caracterizam a sociedade brasileira. Por outro lado, a decolonialidade tem sido reconhecida a partir do processo histórico de luta e resistência de movimentos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) contra a lógica da colonialidade e seus efeitos materiais, simbólicos e epistêmicos nas práticas pedagógicas e nas relações sociais na escola., Este artículo forma parte de la investigación que aborda la importancia de los pensamientos poscoloniales y decoloniales, entendidos como un conjunto heterogéneo y comprensivo de investigaciones, estudios y propuestas construidas por distintas áreas del saber y diversos movimientos, que en un esfuerzo colectivo buscan desarrollar referentes disidentes y epistemológicos que desafíen los paradigmas establecidos por la modernidad (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). En él, buscamos reflexionar sobre los efectos del racismo en la blanquitud, tratando de mostrar las razones que denuncian la resistencia y las dificultades e incapacidad de la escuela para solucionar los problemas que el funcionamiento de estos elementos ocasiona a las relaciones étnico-raciales. El hecho es que las consecuencias de la llamada democracia racial y de la ideología del mestizaje y el mestizaje han sido persistentes y perdurables através de los siglos, atravesando tiempos y construcciones históricas, sociales, étnicas, lingüísticas y culturales que caracterizan a la sociedad brasileña. Por otra parte, se ha reconocido la decolonialidad a partir del proceso histórico de lucha y resistencia de los movimientos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) frente a la lógica de la colonialidad y sus efectos materiales, simbólicos y epistémicos en la vida pedagógica. prácticas y relaciones sociales en la escuela.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Pulitzer Prize winning historian and Harvard professor ANNETTE GORDON-REED. Her book On Juneteenth is part history and part memoir and is about how slavery was a defining part of Texas history and the lasting impact. GORDON-REED is from east Texas. Texas was the last state to free enslaved people and Juneteenth celebrates the day slavery was ended in Texas, June 19, 1865. That day is now a state holiday there. GORDON-REED's other books include Thomas Jefforson and Sally Hemings: An American Controversy, and The Hemings of Monticello: An American Family . (INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW). (THIS INTERVIEW IS A REBROADCAST. IT ORIGINALLY AIRED ON MAY 25, 2021). (2.) PHILIP BAKER HALL appeared in the Paul Thomas Anderson films 'Hard Eight,' 'Boogie Nights,' and 'Magnolia.' He also played a 'Joe Friday' type cop in an episode of 'Seinfeld' on the trail of overdue library books. More recently he played Larry David's doctor on Curb Your Enthusiasm. He died last Sunday at the age of 90. (THIS INTERVIEW IS A REBROADCAST. IT ORIGINALLY AIRED ON NOVEMBER 3, 2003.2) (3.) Movie critic Movie critic JUSTIN CHANG reviews two films from the Sundance Film festival: Good Luck to You, Leo Grande starring Emma Thompson as a retired widow who hires a sex worker, and Cha Cha Real Smooth, starring Cooper Raiff [RIFE] and Dakota Johnson.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) IMANI [e-MAHN-e] PERRY , a professor of African-American studies at Princeton. She's a native of Birmingham Alabama, and she has a new book which is a journey through the American South, reflecting on the history and culture of it's many communities. The book is called 'South to America: A Journey below the Mason-Dixon Line to Understand the Soul of a Nation.' IMANI PERRY is the author of five previous books, including 'Looking for Lorraine', a biography of playwright Lorraine Hansberry and most recently 'Breathe: A Letter to My Sons'. (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW) (THIS INTERVIEW BY DAVE DAVIES) (2.) JUSTIN CHANG reviews Compartment Number 6, one of the top winners at the Cannes Film Festival.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) JEFFREY SACHS talks about new bills and laws to restrict what can be taught about race, systemic racism, American history, politics, sexual orientation, and gender identity. Many of these apply to k-12 schools, as well as colleges and universities. Since January 2021, 137 such bills have been introduced or profiled in 35 different states. JEFFREY SACHS has been tracking all of them for Pen America, a writers organization dedicated to free speech. Sachs says schools could lose funding, teachers could lose their jobs. Teachers might be afraid to teach. JEFFREY SACHS teaches political science at Acadia University in Nova Scotia. (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES THROUGH TO THE END OF THE SHOW).

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) TOMIKO BROWN-NAGIN, author of the new book Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality. It's about the under recognized civil rights activist who wrote the original complaint in Brown v The Board of education, was on Martin Luther King's legal team when he was in the Birmingham jail, was the first woman to argue a case before the Supreme Court, and was the first black woman to sit on the federal bench. (INTERVIEW BY TONYA MOSLEY, special contributor to NPR's Here and Now and host of the podcast Truth be Told). (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW). (2.) Critic JOHN POWERS reviews the new TV series Severance, about the employee of a company who has figured out a strange, futuristic way of dealing with the problem of work-life balance. The show was produced and mostly directed by Ben Stiller, and begins Friday on Apple TV Plus.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Writer and journalist A.J. BAIME tells the story of a mix-race investigator who travelled the Deep South posing as a white man, investigating lynchings. Walter White became a powerful leader of the NAACP, building its legal and political power. BAIME'S new book is called White Lies: The Double Life of Walter F. White and America's Darkest Secret. His other books include The Accidental President: Harry S. Truman and the Four Months that Changed the World (2017), The Arsenal of Democracy: FDR, Detroit, and an Epic Quest to Arm an America at War (2014), and Go Like Hell: Ford, Ferrari, and Their Battle for Speed and Glory at Le Mans (2009). (INTERVIEW BY DAVE DAVIES) (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES THROUGH THE END OF THE SHOW).

Annual report of the Utah Division of Multicultural Affairs.

Neste artigo, abordamos o processo de construção da educação das relações raciais a partir de uma perspectiva analítica que tem como elemento central a história da educação dos negros, no Brasil. Dessa forma, construímos um percurso que trata de diferentes momentos em relação ao processo de incorporação dos negros à sociedade brasileira, especificamente o tráfico de africanos escravizados, a abolição da escravidão e a constituição do movimento negro como sujeito coletivo. Analisamos esses eventos procurando destacar seu significado educacional e suas implicações na construção do movimento negro como um agente transformador da sociedade. O ponto culminante da análise foi o processo de aprovação da Lei 10.639/2003 e a construção de uma política pública voltada para reconfiguração da educação das relações raciais. Destacamos esse processo como uma das mais importantes transformações pela qual passou a educação brasileira, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao reconhecimento da diversidade, o combate ao racismo e às desigualdades raciais., This article addresses the process of building racial relations education from an analysis centered on the history of black education in Brazil. In this way, it deals with different moments in relation to the process of incorporation of blacks into Brazilian society, specifically the trafficking of enslaved Africans, the abolition of slavery and the constitution of the black movement as a collective subject. We analyze these events highlighting their educational significance and their implications for the construction of the black movement as a transforming agent of society. The high point of the analysis was the approval of Law 10.639/2003 and the construction of a public policy aimed at reconfiguration of education in racial relations. We highlight this process as one of the most important transformations that Brazilian education has gone through, especially with regard to the recognition of diversity, as well as the struggle against racism and racial inequalities.

Neste artigo, abordamos o processo de construção da educação das relações raciais a partir de uma perspectiva analítica que tem como elemento central a história da educação dos negros, no Brasil. Dessa forma, construímos um percurso que trata de diferentes momentos em relação ao processo de incorporação dos negros à sociedade brasileira, especificamente o tráfico de africanos escravizados, a abolição da escravidão e a constituição do movimento negro como sujeito coletivo. Analisamos esses eventos procurando destacar seu significado educacional e suas implicações na construção do movimento negro como um agente transformador da sociedade. O ponto culminante da análise foi o processo de aprovação da Lei 10.639/2003 e a construção de uma política pública voltada para reconfiguração da educação das relações raciais. Destacamos esse processo como uma das mais importantes transformações pela qual passou a educação brasileira, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao reconhecimento da diversidade, o combate ao racismo e às desigualdades raciais., This article addresses the process of building racial relations education from an analysis centered on the history of black education in Brazil. In this way, it deals with different moments in relation to the process of incorporation of blacks into Brazilian society, specifically the trafficking of enslaved Africans, the abolition of slavery and the constitution of the black movement as a collective subject. We analyze these events highlighting their educational significance and their implications for the construction of the black movement as a transforming agent of society. The high point of the analysis was the approval of Law 10.639/2003 and the construction of a public policy aimed at reconfiguration of education in racial relations. We highlight this process as one of the most important transformations that Brazilian education has gone through, especially with regard to the recognition of diversity, as well as the struggle against racism and racial inequalities.

The article aims to (re) think education for race relations in times that turn out to be gloomy from the film “Tabu”. The work is an exploratory research based on a qualitative reflective approach. The results show that despite the policies that have been seeking to institute new ways of looking at and working on differences, they come up against the idea of a homogeneous national identity that disqualifies differences, preventing the specificities of the black condition in society from being given due importance. We know that we have a long way to go in creating and / or valuing other ways of acting in education, in addition to the attempts to develop an impartial, neutral and politically correct discourse. It is education being called to position itself., O artigo tem por objetivo (re)pensar a educação para as relações raciais em tempos que se revelam sombrios a partir do filme “Tabu”. O trabalho trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória pautada em uma abordagem qualitativa reflexiva. Os resultados apontam que as políticas que vêm buscando instituir novas formas de se encarar e trabalhar as diferenças esbarram na ideia de uma identidade nacional homogênea, que desqualifica diferenças, impedindo que se dê o devido valor às especificidades da condição negra na sociedade. Sabemos que temos muito caminho a percorrer na criação e/ou valorização de outros modos de agir na educação, para além das tentativas de se elaborar um discurso isento, neutro e politicamente correto. É a educação sendo chamada a se posicionar., El artículo tiene como objetivo (re) pensar la educación para las relaciones raciales en tiempos que se revelan oscuros después de la película “Tabu”. El trabajo es una investigación exploratoria basada en un enfoque cualitativo reflexivo. Los resultados muestran que a pesar de las políticas que han buscado instituir nuevas formas de enfrentar y trabajar con las diferencias, chocan con la idea de una identidad nacional homogénea que descalifica las diferencias, impidiendo la debida valoración de las especificidades de la condición negra en sociedad. Sabemos que nos queda un largo camino por recorrer en la creación y / o valoración de otras formas de actuar en educación, además de los intentos por desarrollar un discurso imparcial, neutral y políticamente correcto. Es la educación la que está llamada a tomar posición.

Aquest article constitueix un primer intent de reconstruir la història d’Afia Begum, esposa—i després vídua— d’Abdul Hamid (un immigrant de Bangladesh al Londres Thatcherià), l’entrada de la qual fou acceptada per la British Home Office el 1982, uns mesos abans de que el seu marit morís tràgicament en un incendi a East London. A la seva arribada al Regne Unit, a Afia se li va comunicar que, degut al decés del seu marit, el seu permís de residència ja no era vàlid; el que la convertia en una immigrant il·legal a Anglaterra. En el procés de reconstrucció d’aquests fets, revisitaré també la història inèdita del Sari Squad, un grup de dones asiàtiques que van lluitar feroçment, tot i que de forma pacífica, per impedir la deportació d’Afia. Malgrat que Afia va ser finalment deportada el 8 de maig de 1984, el seu cas va tenir ressò al Tribunal Europeu dels Drets Humans i es va debatre al Parlament Europeu. En ambdós casos, la prepotència de la British Home Office fou força criticada. Com a conclusió, exposo, en un sentit literari, una clau hermenèutica per analitzar la història d’Afia a través d’un posicionament escèptic amb una lectura en termes binaris d’èxit-derrota/victimització-supervivència d’una dona estrangera que lluita contra un estat racista. Per fer-ho, empro la “connexió entre el nacionalisme i la heteronormativitat reproductiva” tal com la teoritza Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak amb la fi d’argumentar que el cas de la deportació d’Afia suggereix que la seva nacionalitat sols pot ser determinada a través de la del seu marit; el que acaba alterant i transcendentalitzant doblement la seva nacionalitat, reduint-la a la seva heteronormativitat reproductiva sociobiològica, impregnada per la petjada críptica del fantasma del seu marit, que es va convertir en el summum bonum de la seva estatalitat desproveïda., This paper is one of the first attempts to reconstruct the story of Afia Begum, wife —and later widow— of Abdul Hamid (a Bangladeshi immigrant in Thatcherite London), whose entry was cleared by the British Home Office in 1982, months before her husband died tragically in a fire in East London. Upon her arrival in the United Kingdom, Afia was told that her grant to stay in the country was no longer valid owing to the death of her husband; that she was now an illegal immigrant in Britain. In the process of the reconstruction, I also revisit the untold story of the Sari Squad, a group of Asian women who fought valiantly, though peacefully, to stop Afia’s deportation. Although Afia was deported on May 8, 1984, her case was heard in the European Court of Human Rights and debated in the European Parliament; in both forums, the highhandedness of the British Home Office was fiercely critiqued. By way of conclusion, I lay out a hermeneutic in which to read Afia’s story, in a literary sense, offering a skeptical stance to reading it in binary terms of success-defeat/victimization-survival of a female foreigner battling a racist state. In doing so, I draw upon Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s “connection between nationalism and reproductive heteronormativity”, to argue that the case of Afia’s deportation suggests that her nationality can only be —tragically— established by determining the citizenship of her husband; this ends up doubly othering and transcendentalizing her nationality, reducing her to her sociobiological reproductive heteronormativity, impregnated with the cryptic trace of her husband’s ghost which practically became the summum bonum of her deprived statehood.

This article addresses the process of building racial relations education from an analysis centered on the history of black education in Brazil. In this way, it deals with different moments in relation to the process of incorporation of blacks into Brazilian society, specifically the trafficking of enslaved Africans, the abolition of slavery and the constitution of the black movement as a collective subject. We analyze these events highlighting their educational significance and their implications for the construction of the black movement as a transforming agent of society. The high point of the analysis was the approval of Law 10.639/2003 and the construction of a public policy aimed at reconfiguration of education in racial relations. We highlight this process as one of the most important transformations that Brazilian education has gone through, especially with regard to the recognition of diversity, as well as the struggle against racism and racial inequalities., Neste artigo, abordamos o processo de construção da educação das relações raciais a partir de uma perspectiva analítica que tem como elemento central a história da educação dos negros, no Brasil. Dessa forma, construímos um percurso que trata de diferentes momentos em relação ao processo de incorporação dos negros à sociedade brasileira, especificamente o tráfico de africanos escravizados, a abolição da escravidão e a constituição do movimento negro como sujeito coletivo. Analisamos esses eventos procurando destacar seu significado educacional e suas implicações na construção do movimento negro como um agente transformador da sociedade. O ponto culminante da análise foi o processo de aprovação da Lei 10.639/2003 e a construção de uma política pública voltada para reconfiguração da educação das relações raciais. Destacamos esse processo como uma das mais importantes transformações pela qual passou a educação brasileira, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao reconhecimento da diversidade, o combate ao racismo e às desigualdades raciais.

Annual report of the Utah Division of Multicultural Affairs.

Neste artigo, abordamos o processo de construção da educação das relações raciais a partir de uma perspectiva analítica que tem como elemento central a história da educação dos negros, no Brasil. Dessa forma, construímos um percurso que trata de diferentes momentos em relação ao processo de incorporação dos negros à sociedade brasileira, especificamente o tráfico de africanos escravizados, a abolição da escravidão e a constituição do movimento negro como sujeito coletivo. Analisamos esses eventos procurando destacar seu significado educacional e suas implicações na construção do movimento negro como um agente transformador da sociedade. O ponto culminante da análise foi o processo de aprovação da Lei 10.639/2003 e a construção de uma política pública voltada para reconfiguração da educação das relações raciais. Destacamos esse processo como uma das mais importantes transformações pela qual passou a educação brasileira, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao reconhecimento da diversidade, o combate ao racismo e às desigualdades raciais., This article addresses the process of building racial relations education from an analysis centered on the history of black education in Brazil. In this way, it deals with different moments in relation to the process of incorporation of blacks into Brazilian society, specifically the trafficking of enslaved Africans, the abolition of slavery and the constitution of the black movement as a collective subject. We analyze these events highlighting their educational significance and their implications for the construction of the black movement as a transforming agent of society. The high point of the analysis was the approval of Law 10.639/2003 and the construction of a public policy aimed at reconfiguration of education in racial relations. We highlight this process as one of the most important transformations that Brazilian education has gone through, especially with regard to the recognition of diversity, as well as the struggle against racism and racial inequalities.

This article addresses the process of building racial relations education from an analysis centered on the history of black education in Brazil. In this way, it deals with different moments in relation to the process of incorporation of blacks into Brazilian society, specifically the trafficking of enslaved Africans, the abolition of slavery and the constitution of the black movement as a collective subject. We analyze these events highlighting their educational significance and their implications for the construction of the black movement as a transforming agent of society. The high point of the analysis was the approval of Law 10.639/2003 and the construction of a public policy aimed at reconfiguration of education in racial relations. We highlight this process as one of the most important transformations that Brazilian education has gone through, especially with regard to the recognition of diversity, as well as the struggle against racism and racial inequalities., Neste artigo, abordamos o processo de construção da educação das relações raciais a partir de uma perspectiva analítica que tem como elemento central a história da educação dos negros, no Brasil. Dessa forma, construímos um percurso que trata de diferentes momentos em relação ao processo de incorporação dos negros à sociedade brasileira, especificamente o tráfico de africanos escravizados, a abolição da escravidão e a constituição do movimento negro como sujeito coletivo. Analisamos esses eventos procurando destacar seu significado educacional e suas implicações na construção do movimento negro como um agente transformador da sociedade. O ponto culminante da análise foi o processo de aprovação da Lei 10.639/2003 e a construção de uma política pública voltada para reconfiguração da educação das relações raciais. Destacamos esse processo como uma das mais importantes transformações pela qual passou a educação brasileira, sobretudo no que diz respeito ao reconhecimento da diversidade, o combate ao racismo e às desigualdades raciais.

This article is a part of the research that deals with the importance of post-colonial and decolonial thoughts, understood as a heterogeneous and comprehensive set of research, studies and proposals built by different areas of knowledge and diverse movements, which in a collective effort seek to develop dissident and epistemological references that challenge the paradigms established by modernity (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). In it, we seek to reflect on the effects of racism on whiteness, trying to show the reasons that denounce the resistance and the difficulties and inability of the school to solve the problems that the functioning of these elements cause to ethnic-racial relations. The fact is that the consequences of the so-called racial democracy and the ideology of miscegenation and miscegenation have been persistent and lasting through the centuries, crossing times and historical, social, ethnic, linguistic and cultural constructions that characterize Brazilian society. On the other hand, decoloniality has been recognized from the historical process of struggle and resistance of Afro-diasporic movements (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) against the logic of coloniality and its material, symbolic and epistemic effects on pedagogical practices and social relationships at school., Este artigo é um recorte da pesquisa que trata da importância dos pensamentos pós-coloniais e decoloniais entendidos como um conjunto heterogêneo e abrangente de pesquisas, estudos e propostas construídas por diferentes áreas do conhecimento e movimentos diversos, que num esforço coletivo buscam elaborar conhecimentos dissidentes e referências epistemológicas que contestam os paradigmas estabelecidos pela modernidade (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). Nele, buscamos refletir sobre os efeitos do racismo para a branquitude, procurando mostrar os motivos que denunciam a resistência e as dificuldades e incapacidade da escola de resolver os problemas que o funcionamento desses elementos provocam às relações étnico-raciais. O fato é que as consequências da chamada democracia racial e da ideologia da mestiçagem e miscigenação têm se mostrado persistente e duradoura através dos séculos, atravessando os tempos e construções históricas, sociais, étnicas, linguísticas e culturais que caracterizam a sociedade brasileira. Por outro lado, a decolonialidade tem sido reconhecida a partir do processo histórico de luta e resistência de movimentos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) contra a lógica da colonialidade e seus efeitos materiais, simbólicos e epistêmicos nas práticas pedagógicas e nas relações sociais na escola., Este artículo forma parte de la investigación que aborda la importancia de los pensamientos poscoloniales y decoloniales, entendidos como un conjunto heterogéneo y comprensivo de investigaciones, estudios y propuestas construidas por distintas áreas del saber y diversos movimientos, que en un esfuerzo colectivo buscan desarrollar referentes disidentes y epistemológicos que desafíen los paradigmas establecidos por la modernidad (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). En él, buscamos reflexionar sobre los efectos del racismo en la blanquitud, tratando de mostrar las razones que denuncian la resistencia y las dificultades e incapacidad de la escuela para solucionar los problemas que el funcionamiento de estos elementos ocasiona a las relaciones étnico-raciales. El hecho es que las consecuencias de la llamada democracia racial y de la ideología del mestizaje y el mestizaje han sido persistentes y perdurables através de los siglos, atravesando tiempos y construcciones históricas, sociales, étnicas, lingüísticas y culturales que caracterizan a la sociedad brasileña. Por otra parte, se ha reconocido la decolonialidad a partir del proceso histórico de lucha y resistencia de los movimientos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) frente a la lógica de la colonialidad y sus efectos materiales, simbólicos y epistémicos en la vida pedagógica. prácticas y relaciones sociales en la escuela.

This article is a part of the research that deals with the importance of post-colonial and decolonial thoughts, understood as a heterogeneous and comprehensive set of research, studies and proposals built by different areas of knowledge and diverse movements, which in a collective effort seek to develop dissident and epistemological references that challenge the paradigms established by modernity (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). In it, we seek to reflect on the effects of racism on whiteness, trying to show the reasons that denounce the resistance and the difficulties and inability of the school to solve the problems that the functioning of these elements cause to ethnic-racial relations. The fact is that the consequences of the so-called racial democracy and the ideology of miscegenation and miscegenation have been persistent and lasting through the centuries, crossing times and historical, social, ethnic, linguistic and cultural constructions that characterize Brazilian society. On the other hand, decoloniality has been recognized from the historical process of struggle and resistance of Afro-diasporic movements (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) against the logic of coloniality and its material, symbolic and epistemic effects on pedagogical practices and social relationships at school., Este artigo é um recorte da pesquisa que trata da importância dos pensamentos pós-coloniais e decoloniais entendidos como um conjunto heterogêneo e abrangente de pesquisas, estudos e propostas construídas por diferentes áreas do conhecimento e movimentos diversos, que num esforço coletivo buscam elaborar conhecimentos dissidentes e referências epistemológicas que contestam os paradigmas estabelecidos pela modernidade (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). Nele, buscamos refletir sobre os efeitos do racismo para a branquitude, procurando mostrar os motivos que denunciam a resistência e as dificuldades e incapacidade da escola de resolver os problemas que o funcionamento desses elementos provocam às relações étnico-raciais. O fato é que as consequências da chamada democracia racial e da ideologia da mestiçagem e miscigenação têm se mostrado persistente e duradoura através dos séculos, atravessando os tempos e construções históricas, sociais, étnicas, linguísticas e culturais que caracterizam a sociedade brasileira. Por outro lado, a decolonialidade tem sido reconhecida a partir do processo histórico de luta e resistência de movimentos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) contra a lógica da colonialidade e seus efeitos materiais, simbólicos e epistêmicos nas práticas pedagógicas e nas relações sociais na escola., Este artículo forma parte de la investigación que aborda la importancia de los pensamientos poscoloniales y decoloniales, entendidos como un conjunto heterogéneo y comprensivo de investigaciones, estudios y propuestas construidas por distintas áreas del saber y diversos movimientos, que en un esfuerzo colectivo buscan desarrollar referentes disidentes y epistemológicos que desafíen los paradigmas establecidos por la modernidad (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). En él, buscamos reflexionar sobre los efectos del racismo en la blanquitud, tratando de mostrar las razones que denuncian la resistencia y las dificultades e incapacidad de la escuela para solucionar los problemas que el funcionamiento de estos elementos ocasiona a las relaciones étnico-raciales. El hecho es que las consecuencias de la llamada democracia racial y de la ideología del mestizaje y el mestizaje han sido persistentes y perdurables através de los siglos, atravesando tiempos y construcciones históricas, sociales, étnicas, lingüísticas y culturales que caracterizan a la sociedad brasileña. Por otra parte, se ha reconocido la decolonialidad a partir del proceso histórico de lucha y resistencia de los movimientos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) frente a la lógica de la colonialidad y sus efectos materiales, simbólicos y epistémicos en la vida pedagógica. prácticas y relaciones sociales en la escuela.

Summary: "This volume gathers an international cast of scholars to examine the unprecedented range of colonial encounters during the First World War. More than four million men of color, and an even greater number of white Europeans and Americans, crisscrossed the globe. Others, in occupied areas, behind the warzone or in neutral countries, were nonetheless swept into the maelstrom. From local encounters in New Zealand, Britain and East Africa to army camps and hospitals in France and Mesopotamia, from cafes and clubs in Salonika and London, to anticolonial networks in Germany, the USA and the Dutch East Indies, this volume examines the actions and experiences of a varied company of soldiers, medics, writers, photographers, and revolutionaries to reconceptualize this conflict as a turning point in the history of global encounters. How did people interact across uneven intersections of nationality, race, gender, class, religion and language? How did encounters - direct and mediated, forced and unforced - shape issues from cross-racial intimacy and identity formation to anti-colonial networks, civil rights movements and visions of a post-war future? The twelve chapters delve into spaces and processes of encounter to explore how the conjoined realities of war, race and empire were experienced, recorded and instrumentalized"

In the wake of the violence and racial animosity of World War II, the United States carried out an ideologically ambitious occupation of Japan, with the stated purposes of demilitarizing their former enemy and facilitating Japan's reintroduction to the world as an appropriately reformed nation. Between 1945-1952, Japan and the United States engaged in complex and often contradictory processes of cultural reimagination, through which they reimagined the recent past, each other, and their roles in the world. I contend that the Occupation of Japan can only be appropriately understood through these processes, placed within the appropriate historical context. These processes occurred within tension between the trauma of the Second World War and the increasing ideological demands of the Cold War. This tension produced contradictions and inconsistencies in policymaking which are reflected by the erratic implementation of American geopolitical directives, as well as the varied and diverse responses to occupation on the part of Japanese.

Aquest article constitueix un primer intent de reconstruir la història d’Afia Begum, esposa—i després vídua— d’Abdul Hamid (un immigrant de Bangladesh al Londres Thatcherià), l’entrada de la qual fou acceptada per la British Home Office el 1982, uns mesos abans de que el seu marit morís tràgicament en un incendi a East London. A la seva arribada al Regne Unit, a Afia se li va comunicar que, degut al decés del seu marit, el seu permís de residència ja no era vàlid; el que la convertia en una immigrant il·legal a Anglaterra. En el procés de reconstrucció d’aquests fets, revisitaré també la història inèdita del Sari Squad, un grup de dones asiàtiques que van lluitar feroçment, tot i que de forma pacífica, per impedir la deportació d’Afia. Malgrat que Afia va ser finalment deportada el 8 de maig de 1984, el seu cas va tenir ressò al Tribunal Europeu dels Drets Humans i es va debatre al Parlament Europeu. En ambdós casos, la prepotència de la British Home Office fou força criticada. Com a conclusió, exposo, en un sentit literari, una clau hermenèutica per analitzar la història d’Afia a través d’un posicionament escèptic amb una lectura en termes binaris d’èxit-derrota/victimització-supervivència d’una dona estrangera que lluita contra un estat racista. Per fer-ho, empro la “connexió entre el nacionalisme i la heteronormativitat reproductiva” tal com la teoritza Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak amb la fi d’argumentar que el cas de la deportació d’Afia suggereix que la seva nacionalitat sols pot ser determinada a través de la del seu marit; el que acaba alterant i transcendentalitzant doblement la seva nacionalitat, reduint-la a la seva heteronormativitat reproductiva sociobiològica, impregnada per la petjada críptica del fantasma del seu marit, que es va convertir en el summum bonum de la seva estatalitat desproveïda., This paper is one of the first attempts to reconstruct the story of Afia Begum, wife —and later widow— of Abdul Hamid (a Bangladeshi immigrant in Thatcherite London), whose entry was cleared by the British Home Office in 1982, months before her husband died tragically in a fire in East London. Upon her arrival in the United Kingdom, Afia was told that her grant to stay in the country was no longer valid owing to the death of her husband; that she was now an illegal immigrant in Britain. In the process of the reconstruction, I also revisit the untold story of the Sari Squad, a group of Asian women who fought valiantly, though peacefully, to stop Afia’s deportation. Although Afia was deported on May 8, 1984, her case was heard in the European Court of Human Rights and debated in the European Parliament; in both forums, the highhandedness of the British Home Office was fiercely critiqued. By way of conclusion, I lay out a hermeneutic in which to read Afia’s story, in a literary sense, offering a skeptical stance to reading it in binary terms of success-defeat/victimization-survival of a female foreigner battling a racist state. In doing so, I draw upon Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s “connection between nationalism and reproductive heteronormativity”, to argue that the case of Afia’s deportation suggests that her nationality can only be —tragically— established by determining the citizenship of her husband; this ends up doubly othering and transcendentalizing her nationality, reducing her to her sociobiological reproductive heteronormativity, impregnated with the cryptic trace of her husband’s ghost which practically became the summum bonum of her deprived statehood.

This article is a part of the research that deals with the importance of post-colonial and decolonial thoughts, understood as a heterogeneous and comprehensive set of research, studies and proposals built by different areas of knowledge and diverse movements, which in a collective effort seek to develop dissident and epistemological references that challenge the paradigms established by modernity (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). In it, we seek to reflect on the effects of racism on whiteness, trying to show the reasons that denounce the resistance and the difficulties and inability of the school to solve the problems that the functioning of these elements cause to ethnic-racial relations. The fact is that the consequences of the so-called racial democracy and the ideology of miscegenation and miscegenation have been persistent and lasting through the centuries, crossing times and historical, social, ethnic, linguistic and cultural constructions that characterize Brazilian society. On the other hand, decoloniality has been recognized from the historical process of struggle and resistance of Afro-diasporic movements (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) against the logic of coloniality and its material, symbolic and epistemic effects on pedagogical practices and social relationships at school., Este artigo é um recorte da pesquisa que trata da importância dos pensamentos pós-coloniais e decoloniais entendidos como um conjunto heterogêneo e abrangente de pesquisas, estudos e propostas construídas por diferentes áreas do conhecimento e movimentos diversos, que num esforço coletivo buscam elaborar conhecimentos dissidentes e referências epistemológicas que contestam os paradigmas estabelecidos pela modernidade (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). Nele, buscamos refletir sobre os efeitos do racismo para a branquitude, procurando mostrar os motivos que denunciam a resistência e as dificuldades e incapacidade da escola de resolver os problemas que o funcionamento desses elementos provocam às relações étnico-raciais. O fato é que as consequências da chamada democracia racial e da ideologia da mestiçagem e miscigenação têm se mostrado persistente e duradoura através dos séculos, atravessando os tempos e construções históricas, sociais, étnicas, linguísticas e culturais que caracterizam a sociedade brasileira. Por outro lado, a decolonialidade tem sido reconhecida a partir do processo histórico de luta e resistência de movimentos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) contra a lógica da colonialidade e seus efeitos materiais, simbólicos e epistêmicos nas práticas pedagógicas e nas relações sociais na escola., Este artículo forma parte de la investigación que aborda la importancia de los pensamientos poscoloniales y decoloniales, entendidos como un conjunto heterogéneo y comprensivo de investigaciones, estudios y propuestas construidas por distintas áreas del saber y diversos movimientos, que en un esfuerzo colectivo buscan desarrollar referentes disidentes y epistemológicos que desafíen los paradigmas establecidos por la modernidad (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). En él, buscamos reflexionar sobre los efectos del racismo en la blanquitud, tratando de mostrar las razones que denuncian la resistencia y las dificultades e incapacidad de la escuela para solucionar los problemas que el funcionamiento de estos elementos ocasiona a las relaciones étnico-raciales. El hecho es que las consecuencias de la llamada democracia racial y de la ideología del mestizaje y el mestizaje han sido persistentes y perdurables através de los siglos, atravesando tiempos y construcciones históricas, sociales, étnicas, lingüísticas y culturales que caracterizan a la sociedad brasileña. Por otra parte, se ha reconocido la decolonialidad a partir del proceso histórico de lucha y resistencia de los movimientos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) frente a la lógica de la colonialidad y sus efectos materiales, simbólicos y epistémicos en la vida pedagógica. prácticas y relaciones sociales en la escuela.

This article is a part of the research that deals with the importance of post-colonial and decolonial thoughts, understood as a heterogeneous and comprehensive set of research, studies and proposals built by different areas of knowledge and diverse movements, which in a collective effort seek to develop dissident and epistemological references that challenge the paradigms established by modernity (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). In it, we seek to reflect on the effects of racism on whiteness, trying to show the reasons that denounce the resistance and the difficulties and inability of the school to solve the problems that the functioning of these elements cause to ethnic-racial relations. The fact is that the consequences of the so-called racial democracy and the ideology of miscegenation and miscegenation have been persistent and lasting through the centuries, crossing times and historical, social, ethnic, linguistic and cultural constructions that characterize Brazilian society. On the other hand, decoloniality has been recognized from the historical process of struggle and resistance of Afro-diasporic movements (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) against the logic of coloniality and its material, symbolic and epistemic effects on pedagogical practices and social relationships at school., Este artigo é um recorte da pesquisa que trata da importância dos pensamentos pós-coloniais e decoloniais entendidos como um conjunto heterogêneo e abrangente de pesquisas, estudos e propostas construídas por diferentes áreas do conhecimento e movimentos diversos, que num esforço coletivo buscam elaborar conhecimentos dissidentes e referências epistemológicas que contestam os paradigmas estabelecidos pela modernidade (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). Nele, buscamos refletir sobre os efeitos do racismo para a branquitude, procurando mostrar os motivos que denunciam a resistência e as dificuldades e incapacidade da escola de resolver os problemas que o funcionamento desses elementos provocam às relações étnico-raciais. O fato é que as consequências da chamada democracia racial e da ideologia da mestiçagem e miscigenação têm se mostrado persistente e duradoura através dos séculos, atravessando os tempos e construções históricas, sociais, étnicas, linguísticas e culturais que caracterizam a sociedade brasileira. Por outro lado, a decolonialidade tem sido reconhecida a partir do processo histórico de luta e resistência de movimentos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) contra a lógica da colonialidade e seus efeitos materiais, simbólicos e epistêmicos nas práticas pedagógicas e nas relações sociais na escola., Este artículo forma parte de la investigación que aborda la importancia de los pensamientos poscoloniales y decoloniales, entendidos como un conjunto heterogéneo y comprensivo de investigaciones, estudios y propuestas construidas por distintas áreas del saber y diversos movimientos, que en un esfuerzo colectivo buscan desarrollar referentes disidentes y epistemológicos que desafíen los paradigmas establecidos por la modernidad (MALDONADO-TORRES, 2019). En él, buscamos reflexionar sobre los efectos del racismo en la blanquitud, tratando de mostrar las razones que denuncian la resistencia y las dificultades e incapacidad de la escuela para solucionar los problemas que el funcionamiento de estos elementos ocasiona a las relaciones étnico-raciales. El hecho es que las consecuencias de la llamada democracia racial y de la ideología del mestizaje y el mestizaje han sido persistentes y perdurables através de los siglos, atravesando tiempos y construcciones históricas, sociales, étnicas, lingüísticas y culturales que caracterizan a la sociedad brasileña. Por otra parte, se ha reconocido la decolonialidad a partir del proceso histórico de lucha y resistencia de los movimientos afrodiaspóricos (BERNARDINO-COSTA; MALDONADO-TORRES; GROSFOGUEL, 2018) frente a la lógica de la colonialidad y sus efectos materiales, simbólicos y epistémicos en la vida pedagógica. prácticas y relaciones sociales en la escuela.

Aquest article constitueix un primer intent de reconstruir la història d’Afia Begum, esposa—i després vídua— d’Abdul Hamid (un immigrant de Bangladesh al Londres Thatcherià), l’entrada de la qual fou acceptada per la British Home Office el 1982, uns mesos abans de que el seu marit morís tràgicament en un incendi a East London. A la seva arribada al Regne Unit, a Afia se li va comunicar que, degut al decés del seu marit, el seu permís de residència ja no era vàlid; el que la convertia en una immigrant il·legal a Anglaterra. En el procés de reconstrucció d’aquests fets, revisitaré també la història inèdita del Sari Squad, un grup de dones asiàtiques que van lluitar feroçment, tot i que de forma pacífica, per impedir la deportació d’Afia. Malgrat que Afia va ser finalment deportada el 8 de maig de 1984, el seu cas va tenir ressò al Tribunal Europeu dels Drets Humans i es va debatre al Parlament Europeu. En ambdós casos, la prepotència de la British Home Office fou força criticada. Com a conclusió, exposo, en un sentit literari, una clau hermenèutica per analitzar la història d’Afia a través d’un posicionament escèptic amb una lectura en termes binaris d’èxit-derrota/victimització-supervivència d’una dona estrangera que lluita contra un estat racista. Per fer-ho, empro la “connexió entre el nacionalisme i la heteronormativitat reproductiva” tal com la teoritza Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak amb la fi d’argumentar que el cas de la deportació d’Afia suggereix que la seva nacionalitat sols pot ser determinada a través de la del seu marit; el que acaba alterant i transcendentalitzant doblement la seva nacionalitat, reduint-la a la seva heteronormativitat reproductiva sociobiològica, impregnada per la petjada críptica del fantasma del seu marit, que es va convertir en el summum bonum de la seva estatalitat desproveïda., This paper is one of the first attempts to reconstruct the story of Afia Begum, wife —and later widow— of Abdul Hamid (a Bangladeshi immigrant in Thatcherite London), whose entry was cleared by the British Home Office in 1982, months before her husband died tragically in a fire in East London. Upon her arrival in the United Kingdom, Afia was told that her grant to stay in the country was no longer valid owing to the death of her husband; that she was now an illegal immigrant in Britain. In the process of the reconstruction, I also revisit the untold story of the Sari Squad, a group of Asian women who fought valiantly, though peacefully, to stop Afia’s deportation. Although Afia was deported on May 8, 1984, her case was heard in the European Court of Human Rights and debated in the European Parliament; in both forums, the highhandedness of the British Home Office was fiercely critiqued. By way of conclusion, I lay out a hermeneutic in which to read Afia’s story, in a literary sense, offering a skeptical stance to reading it in binary terms of success-defeat/victimization-survival of a female foreigner battling a racist state. In doing so, I draw upon Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s “connection between nationalism and reproductive heteronormativity”, to argue that the case of Afia’s deportation suggests that her nationality can only be —tragically— established by determining the citizenship of her husband; this ends up doubly othering and transcendentalizing her nationality, reducing her to her sociobiological reproductive heteronormativity, impregnated with the cryptic trace of her husband’s ghost which practically became the summum bonum of her deprived statehood.

Mid-sixties British rock musicians have rationalized their firsthand experience and profitable interactions with American racial segregation by adopting a stance of racial innocence, or a belief that youth and virtue make one immune to charges of complicity with organized structures of racism. This almost childlike subject-positioning disingenuously separates musicians’ expertise on African American blues from a more mature acknowledgement of the oppressive racial conditions that shaped the music, implicitly excluding them from culpability in the continued imbalance of power between black and white musicians.

On October 20, 2021, the United States Department of Justice and the Davis School District executed a Settlement Agreement to resolve the United States’ determination under Title IV of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 2000c, et seq., that the District deprived students of their equal protection rights based on race. The Agreement requires that the District designate 30 District employees as School Equal Opportunity Coordinators (School Coordinators) who would, among other duties, respond to complaints of race discrimination, including racial harassment. Agreement ¶ 15. The District, with its Consultants, determined that it would better serve the purpose of the Agreement to hire five full-time School Coordinators, and has requested to amend the Agreement in this regard. The United States agrees that this change will improve accountability and oversight and therefore agrees to this request.

Although discourse over Hawaiian statehood has increasingly been described by scholars as a racial conflict between Japanese Americans and Native Hawaiians, there existed a broad spectrum of interactions between the two groups. Both communities were forced to confront the prejudices they had against each other while recognizing their shared experiences with discrimination, creating a paradoxical political culture of competition and solidarity up until the conclusion of World War Two. From 1946 to 1950, however, the country’s collective understanding of Japanese American citizenship began to shift with recognition of the community’s military service record and an increased proportion of veterans elected to Congress. This shift prioritized Japanese American interests in statehood, marginalizing Native Hawaiians. From 1950 to 1959, the indigenous people were forced to frame their opinions before Congress in two ways: by conforming to harmful racial stereotypes, or arguing their opinions based on Japanese American interests rather than their own. These constraints—along with the Red Scare and pre-existing, intra-communal class tensions—eventually silenced Native Hawaiians in statehood discourse, be they in support or opposed. As such, statehood discourse was defined not by an explicit racial conflict between Japanese Americans and Native Hawaiians, but by the empowered assertion of Japanese American identity contrasted with Native Hawaiians’ careful navigation of mainland prejudices and, eventually, their political silencing.

Confusion regarding affirmative action programs combined with ambiguous and secretive college admission processes have generated a growing resentment amongst the Asian American community specifically in the ways that they view other racial and ethnic minorities. Although affirmative action is popularly believed to disadvantage Asian Americans, this paper makes the case that the false narrative of affirmative action is more harmful to Asian Americans than affirmative action programs themselves because of how these misconceptions generate intense divisions within the Asian American community. After a brief personal preface, this paper establishes the historical origins of the affirmative action myth as well as introduces research that shows how negative portrayals of affirmative action are misleading. After discussing the current consequences of repealing affirmative action in college admissions, the second part of this paper investigates contemporary views of affirmative action from both students and parents who identify as Asian American. Lastly, this paper discusses applications of the research findings to modern Asian American movements towards self-determination.

Este artigo parte de memórias etnográficas da pesquisa de campo no Museu Afro Brasil, em São Paulo, 2017, para discutir aspectos bibliográficos sobre arte afro-brasileira e empíricos a respeito de lugar de fala. Disputas narrativas emergentes do cenário em que a noção de lugar de fala toma o debate público são pensadas brevemente, assim como definições possíveis e enquadramentos para a designação "arte afro-brasileira". Para além de pensar quem está falando através da arte afro-brasileira nos museus, interessa propor uma perspectiva independente de autodeclarações e pertencimento étnico-racial, tendo em vista museus como potenciais locais de encontros, conflitos, debates e construções da diversidade., Aquest article parteix de memòries etnogràfiques de recerca de camp al Museu Afro Brasil, a São Paulo, 2017, per discutir aspectes bibliogràfics de l'art afrobrasiler i aspectes empírics del lloc de la parla. Es plantegen breument les disputes narratives sorgides de l'escenari en què la noció de lloc de la parla ocupa el debat públic, així com les possibles definicions i marcs per a la denominació "art afrobrasiler". A més de pensar qui parla a través de l'art afrobrasiler als museus, és interessant proposar una perspectiva independent de les autodeclaracions i la pertinença ètnico-racial, considerant els museus com a espais potencials de trobada, conflictes, debats i construccions de diversitat., This paper initiates from ethnographic memoirs of the field research held in 2017 at Afro Brasil Museum, located in São Paulo, to discuss bibliographical aspects about Afro-Brazilian Art and empirical on standpoint theory. Narrative disputes that emerge from the public debate about standpoint are briefly approached, as well as possible definitions to the designation "Afro-Brazilian Art". Beyond considering who is talking through Afro Brazilian Art within museums, interesses are in an independent proposition, further than racial self-determination and ethnic background, aiming museums as potential sites of encounters, conflicts, debates, and diversity production., Este artículo parte de memorias etnográficas de investigación de campo en el Museo Afro Brasil, en São Paulo, 2017, para discutir aspectos bibliográficos del arte afrobrasileño y aspectos empíricos del lugar del habla. Se consideran brevemente las disputas narrativas que emergen del escenario en el que la noción de lugar del discurso se apodera del debate público, así como las posibles definiciones y marcos para la designación "arte afrobrasileño". Además de pensar quién está hablando a través del arte afrobrasileño en los museos, es interesante proponer una perspectiva independiente de las autodeclaraciones y de la pertenencia étnico-racial, considerando los museos como lugares potenciales de encuentro, conflicto, debate y construcción de la diversidad., This paper initiates from ethnographic memoirs of the field research held in 2017 at Afro Brasil Museum, located in São Paulo, to discuss bibliographical aspects about Afro-Brazilian Art and empirical on standpoint theory. Narrative disputes that emerge from the public debate about standpoint are briefly approached, as well as possible definitions to the designation "Afro-Brazilian Art". Beyond considering who is talking through Afro Brazilian Art within museums, interesses are in an independent proposition, further than racial self-determination and ethnic background, aiming museums as potential sites of encounters, conflicts, debates, and diversity production.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) KERRY GREENIDGE [GREN-idge] author of 'Black Radical' tells the story of William Monroe Trotter, an African-American newspaper editor who led mass protests for civil rights in the early 20th century. Trotter gained a national following and challenged leaders like Booker T. Washington who took a more cautious approach to Black empowerment. (THIS INTERVIEW WAS ORIGINALLY BROADCAST JAN. 13, 2021, AND WAS LARGELY PREEMPTED BY THE IMPEACHMENT TRIAL) (2.) JUSTIN CHANG reviews the new film 'Nomadland' starring Frances McDormand. (3.) KEVIN WHITEHEAD has an appreciation of jazz pianist Chick Corea who died last week at the age of 79.

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a articulação entre racismo e políticas de comunicação (para promover ou restringir a diversidade racial) e o seu reflexo na organização dos sistemas midiáticos. A investigação se concentra no Brasil e Estados Unidos, países que possuem trajetórias bastante distintas na regulaçãoe promoção da diversidade racial na comunicação. No contexto norte-americano, houve leis explícitas que limitavam o acesso dos afro-americanos às concessões, contudo ações afirmativas foram implementadas para introduzir maior pluralidade no setor. No Brasil, por outro lado, não houve limitações formais, o que,no entanto, não implicou a redução da desigualdade na estrutura midiática. Nessa investigação adota-se como metodologia a análise documental (leis e relatórios) para mapear as políticas de comunicação e a participação da mídia negra nos sistemas midiáticos, e entrevistas com proprietários da mídia negra. Como principal resultado, a pesquisa revela que as políticas de ação afirmativa para empregar profissionais negros promover maior diversidade racial nesse campo refletem-se, ainda hoje, em um cenário mais plural nos EUA se comparado ao brasileiro. O Brasil, com 56 % da população negra, possui 10 portais de notícias e uma revista, enquanto os Estados Unidos, com 14 % de afro-americanos na sua população, somam pouco mais de 500 mídias negras. Entretanto, nos dois países estudados evidencia-se a dificuldade de promoção da diversidade racial na comunicação, seja pelo obstáculo de avançar no debate e na criação dessas políticas, como o caso brasileiro, ou pelo retrocesso e descontinuidade da política de ação afirmativa verificado nos Estados Unidos., El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la articulación entre el racismo, las políticas de comunicación (para promover o restringir la diversidad racial) y su reflejo en la organización de los sistemas mediáticos. Esta investigación se centra en Brasil y Estados Unidos, países que tienen diferentes trayectorias en la regulación y promoción de la diversidad racial en la comunicación. En el contexto de los Estados Unidos, había leyes explícitas que restringían el acceso de los afroamericanos a los medios de comunicación, sin embargo, se implementaron acciones afirmativas para introducir alguna pluralidad en el sector. En Brasil, por otro lado, no había limitaciones formales, aunque esta medida no ha implicado una reducción de la desigualdad en el sistema de medios. Como metodología, esta investigación adoptó un análisis documental (leyes e informes) para mapear las políticas de comunicación y la participación de los medios negros en los sistemas de medios, y entrevistas realizadas a propietarios de medios negros. Como resultado principal, esta investigación señala que las políticas de acción afirmativa para emplear a profesionales negros y promover una mayor diversidad racial en este campo se reflejan, incluso hoy, en un escenario más plural en los Estados Unidos en comparación con el brasileño. Brasil, con el 56 % de la población negra, tiene solo 10 portales de noticias y una revista, mientras que Estados Unidos, con el 14 % de afroamericanos en su población, suma algo más de 500 medios negros. Sin embargo, en los dos países estudiados, la dificultad de promover la diversidad racial en la comunicación es evidente, ya sea por el obstáculo para avanzar en el debate y la creación de estas políticas, como el caso brasileño, o por el retroceso y discontinuidad de la política de acción afirmativa verificada en los Estados Unidos., The objective of this article is to analyze the articulation between racism, communication policies (to promote or restrict racial diversity), and their reflection in the organization of media systems. This research is focused on Brazil and the United States, countries that have different trajectories in regulating and promoting racial diversity in communication. In the American context, there were explicit laws that restricted African Americans’ access to concessions, however affirmative actions were implemented to introduce greater plurality in the sector. In Brazil, on the other hand, there were no formal limitations, which, however, did not imply a reduction in inequality in the media structure. As a methodology, this investigation adopted a documentary analysis (laws and reports) to map communication policies and the participation of the black media in media systems, and interviews made with black media’s owners. As the main result, this research points out that the affirmative action policies to employ black professionals and promote greater racial diversity in this field are reflected, even today, in a more plural scenario in the USA compared to the Brazilian one. Brazil, with 56 % of the black population, has only 10 news websites and a magazine, while the United States, with 14 % of African Americans in its population, has over 500 black media. However, in the two countries studied, the difficulty of promoting racial diversity in communication is evident, either due to the obstacle of advancing the debate and the creation of these policies, such as the Brazilian case, or due to the setback and discontinuity of the affirmative action policy verified in the States United.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Novelist DAWNIE WALTON. Her debut novel The Final Revival of Opal and Nev, has gotten lots of critical acclaim. It's about an unusual musical duo who become an icon in the 1970s, a Black feminist Afro-punker (before there was such a thing) named Opal, and a young goofy white British guitarist, named Nev. The story is told in the form of an oral history decades later to a journalist as the two contemplate a reunion. WALTON is an editor at Essence, Entertainment Weekly, Getty Images and Life. (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW)(2.) Critic-at-large JOHN POWERS reviews Whitstable Pearl a new British mystery series set in a small city on the English coast. The first two episodes start streaming on AcornT-V on May 24.

Confusion regarding affirmative action programs combined with ambiguous and secretive college admission processes have generated a growing resentment amongst the Asian American community specifically in the ways that they view other racial and ethnic minorities. Although affirmative action is popularly believed to disadvantage Asian Americans, this paper makes the case that the false narrative of affirmative action is more harmful to Asian Americans than affirmative action programs themselves because of how these misconceptions generate intense divisions within the Asian American community. After a brief personal preface, this paper establishes the historical origins of the affirmative action myth as well as introduces research that shows how negative portrayals of affirmative action are misleading. After discussing the current consequences of repealing affirmative action in college admissions, the second part of this paper investigates contemporary views of affirmative action from both students and parents who identify as Asian American. Lastly, this paper discusses applications of the research findings to modern Asian American movements towards self-determination.

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a articulação entre racismo e políticas de comunicação (para promover ou restringir a diversidade racial) e o seu reflexo na organização dos sistemas midiáticos. A investigação se concentra no Brasil e Estados Unidos, países que possuem trajetórias bastante distintas na regulaçãoe promoção da diversidade racial na comunicação. No contexto norte-americano, houve leis explícitas que limitavam o acesso dos afro-americanos às concessões, contudo ações afirmativas foram implementadas para introduzir maior pluralidade no setor. No Brasil, por outro lado, não houve limitações formais, o que,no entanto, não implicou a redução da desigualdade na estrutura midiática. Nessa investigação adota-se como metodologia a análise documental (leis e relatórios) para mapear as políticas de comunicação e a participação da mídia negra nos sistemas midiáticos, e entrevistas com proprietários da mídia negra. Como principal resultado, a pesquisa revela que as políticas de ação afirmativa para empregar profissionais negros promover maior diversidade racial nesse campo refletem-se, ainda hoje, em um cenário mais plural nos EUA se comparado ao brasileiro. O Brasil, com 56 % da população negra, possui 10 portais de notícias e uma revista, enquanto os Estados Unidos, com 14 % de afro-americanos na sua população, somam pouco mais de 500 mídias negras. Entretanto, nos dois países estudados evidencia-se a dificuldade de promoção da diversidade racial na comunicação, seja pelo obstáculo de avançar no debate e na criação dessas políticas, como o caso brasileiro, ou pelo retrocesso e descontinuidade da política de ação afirmativa verificado nos Estados Unidos., El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la articulación entre el racismo, las políticas de comunicación (para promover o restringir la diversidad racial) y su reflejo en la organización de los sistemas mediáticos. Esta investigación se centra en Brasil y Estados Unidos, países que tienen diferentes trayectorias en la regulación y promoción de la diversidad racial en la comunicación. En el contexto de los Estados Unidos, había leyes explícitas que restringían el acceso de los afroamericanos a los medios de comunicación, sin embargo, se implementaron acciones afirmativas para introducir alguna pluralidad en el sector. En Brasil, por otro lado, no había limitaciones formales, aunque esta medida no ha implicado una reducción de la desigualdad en el sistema de medios. Como metodología, esta investigación adoptó un análisis documental (leyes e informes) para mapear las políticas de comunicación y la participación de los medios negros en los sistemas de medios, y entrevistas realizadas a propietarios de medios negros. Como resultado principal, esta investigación señala que las políticas de acción afirmativa para emplear a profesionales negros y promover una mayor diversidad racial en este campo se reflejan, incluso hoy, en un escenario más plural en los Estados Unidos en comparación con el brasileño. Brasil, con el 56 % de la población negra, tiene solo 10 portales de noticias y una revista, mientras que Estados Unidos, con el 14 % de afroamericanos en su población, suma algo más de 500 medios negros. Sin embargo, en los dos países estudiados, la dificultad de promover la diversidad racial en la comunicación es evidente, ya sea por el obstáculo para avanzar en el debate y la creación de estas políticas, como el caso brasileño, o por el retroceso y discontinuidad de la política de acción afirmativa verificada en los Estados Unidos., The objective of this article is to analyze the articulation between racism, communication policies (to promote or restrict racial diversity), and their reflection in the organization of media systems. This research is focused on Brazil and the United States, countries that have different trajectories in regulating and promoting racial diversity in communication. In the American context, there were explicit laws that restricted African Americans’ access to concessions, however affirmative actions were implemented to introduce greater plurality in the sector. In Brazil, on the other hand, there were no formal limitations, which, however, did not imply a reduction in inequality in the media structure. As a methodology, this investigation adopted a documentary analysis (laws and reports) to map communication policies and the participation of the black media in media systems, and interviews made with black media’s owners. As the main result, this research points out that the affirmative action policies to employ black professionals and promote greater racial diversity in this field are reflected, even today, in a more plural scenario in the USA compared to the Brazilian one. Brazil, with 56 % of the black population, has only 10 news websites and a magazine, while the United States, with 14 % of African Americans in its population, has over 500 black media. However, in the two countries studied, the difficulty of promoting racial diversity in communication is evident, either due to the obstacle of advancing the debate and the creation of these policies, such as the Brazilian case, or due to the setback and discontinuity of the affirmative action policy verified in the States United.

The Department of Justice's investigation uncovered systemic failures in the Davis School District's handling of complaints of racial student-on-student and staff-on-student harassment, discipline of Black students, and refusal to allow Black students to form student groups.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Culture critic and poet HANIF ABDURRAQIB (hah-NEEF ab-DUE-rah-KEEB). His new book A Little Devil In America: Notes in Praise of Black Performance, was described in the New York Times as using 'the tales of black performers to make poignant observations about race in America…' (INTERVIEW BY ARUN VENUGOPAL (uh-ROON VAY-noo-go-PAHL, who's a host and senior producer at WNYC in New York). (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW). (2.) Jazz critic KEVIN WHITEHEAD reviews Metaphysics: The Lost Atlantic Session an unreleased and believed to be lost recording by the late Philadelphia pianist and composer Hasaan Ibn Ali. [HAH-sun eh-bin AH-lee].(3.) Book critic MAUREEN CORRIGAN reviews Libertie (pronounced like 'Liberty') by Kaitlyn Grenidge [GREEN-idge].

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) NBC investigative reporter TYLER KINGKADE talks about a new conservative movement to ban the teaching of critical race theory in K-12 schools. Critical race theory, CRT, is an approach taught in universities, analyzing how historic racism has influenced our laws and institutions. But the new movement uses a broader definition, to include teaching many things related to racism, and inclusivity. Conservative activists have been disrupting school board meetings in towns around the country, trying to oust liberal board members, filing lawsuits, and drafting model laws to ban teaching CRT. Kingkade talks about the movement's tactics, its goals, and how Republican leaders and right wing media are amplifying the message.