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Although a relatively new research field, many quantitative studies have over the past decade been undertaken examining rebel governance as an insurgent practice in intrastate conflicts around the globe. Nevertheless, gaps persist in the understanding of how common aspects of rebel governance, such as inclusive service provision, affect competing non-state actors in multi-rebel group conflict landscapes. Hitherto, this is the research puzzle of interest. This study asks the question: how is rebel group violence against civilians affected by a rival rebel group practising inclusive service provision? The hypothesis is that the level of violence against civilians practised by a rebel group decreases if a rival rebel group engages in inclusive service provision. The applied research method is a qualitative structured focused comparison between ELN in Colombia and GIA in Algeria from 1994 to 1999. The study does not find support for the hypothesised causal relationship, although forms of attempted emulation and outbidding of rival actors seem present in both studied cases. Further research is needed to fully dismiss the possibility of rival rebel group inclusive service provision sharing a negative variable relationship with rebel group violence against civilians.

This article offers an interpretation focused on the impact of the Republican deserters on the socialization of the insurgent combatants and the subsequent acceptance of Franco’s dictatorship. Unlike the Nation-States, not all deserters were sent to prison or concentration camps; those without blood crimes were sent to the front. The contact between the forced recruits of the insurgent side and the escapees may have influenced their perception of the conflict, as they discovered that the realities on both sides of the trenches did not differ significantly. Through the theory of «opinion leaders», deserters, in a seemingly «banal» manner, were able to impact the heterogeneous insurgent troops with their experiences. This study uses the documentation obtained from the insurgent information service, specifically the interrogations, considering the limitations of this source. The text attempts to provide another view of the consolidation of the dictatorship., Este artículo ofrece una interpretación centrada en el impacto de los desertores republicanos en la socialización de los combatientes sublevados y la posterior aceptación de la dictadura franquista. A diferencia de los Estados nación, no todos los desertores fueron enviados a prisión o campos de concentración; aquellos sin delitos de sangre fueron destinados al frente. El contacto entre los reclutas forzosos del bando insurgente y los evadidos pudo influir en su percepción del conflicto al descubrir que las realidades en ambos lados de las trincheras no diferían significativamente. A través de la teoría de los líderes de opinión, los desertores, de manera aparentemente banal, pudieron impactar en la heterogénea tropa sublevada con sus experiencias. Este estudio emplea la documentación obtenida del servicio de información insurgente, en concreto los interrogatorios, teniendo en cuenta las limitaciones de esta fuente. El texto trata de aportar otra mirada a la consolidación de la dictadura.

This study investigates the impact of natural hazards on level of violence against civilians in countries experiencing armed conflict. While the literature on violence against civilians has made substantial progress, especially in showing how such violence can serve strategic purposes, gaps remain in identifying factors that influence shifts in such strategies. Natural hazards are, as abrupt shocks, one factor that should be considered as a cause but is overlooked. By combining data from the EM-DAT database created by the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters and the Georeferenced Event Dataset from Uppsala University, this study employs a zero-inflated negative binomial model to analyse the effects of natural hazards during the emergency and early recovery phases. The findings indicate a slight but significant decrease in violence in the immediate aftermath which contrary to expectations continues in the long term phase. The decrease should be understood as a continuation of violence rather than a cessation of it. These results underscore the need for cooperation between the two fields, to better assist civilians in need.

This study investigates the impact of natural hazards on level of violence against civilians in countries experiencing armed conflict. While the literature on violence against civilians has made substantial progress, especially in showing how such violence can serve strategic purposes, gaps remain in identifying factors that influence shifts in such strategies. Natural hazards are, as abrupt shocks, one factor that should be considered as a cause but is overlooked. By combining data from the EM-DAT database created by the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters and the Georeferenced Event Dataset from Uppsala University, this study employs a zero-inflated negative binomial model to analyse the effects of natural hazards during the emergency and early recovery phases. The findings indicate a slight but significant decrease in violence in the immediate aftermath which contrary to expectations continues in the long term phase. The decrease should be understood as a continuation of violence rather than a cessation of it. These results underscore the need for cooperation between the two fields, to better assist civilians in need.

Although a relatively new research field, many quantitative studies have over the past decade been undertaken examining rebel governance as an insurgent practice in intrastate conflicts around the globe. Nevertheless, gaps persist in the understanding of how common aspects of rebel governance, such as inclusive service provision, affect competing non-state actors in multi-rebel group conflict landscapes. Hitherto, this is the research puzzle of interest. This study asks the question: how is rebel group violence against civilians affected by a rival rebel group practising inclusive service provision? The hypothesis is that the level of violence against civilians practised by a rebel group decreases if a rival rebel group engages in inclusive service provision. The applied research method is a qualitative structured focused comparison between ELN in Colombia and GIA in Algeria from 1994 to 1999. The study does not find support for the hypothesised causal relationship, although forms of attempted emulation and outbidding of rival actors seem present in both studied cases. Further research is needed to fully dismiss the possibility of rival rebel group inclusive service provision sharing a negative variable relationship with rebel group violence against civilians.

"This book uses the cases of Syrian factions in rebel-held areas, Hamas in the Gaza Strip, Houthi in Yemen, rebels in Libya, Taliban in Afghanistan, In Iraq, and Somalia to explain the importance of examining genealogies tribalism, common local knowledge and social networks in understanding the institutionalisation of armed group governance systems. The book provides a series of studies employing heterogenous methodological approaches to address the issue using qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods. The proposed project also attempts to move away from the central debate on the national political crisis trend by examining the sub-national level patterns and assessing various factors and questions that bring about clear answers regarding how de-facto rulers use tribes and tribal informal institutions to sustain their presence and create a safe social incubator.", Introduction -- 1. Rebel Statehood: Wartime Rebel Governance and the Sub-National Identity in Syria / Abdalhadi Alijla -- 2. The State in Idlib: Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham and Complexity Amid the Syrian Civil War / William Grant-Brook -- 3. The Propagandistic Use of Rebel Governance: The Case of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq / Edoardo Corradi -- 4. Competitive Rebel Governance in Syria Regine Schwab -- 5. Hezbollah's Relation with Iran: The Proxy-Ally Debate and Wilayat al-Faqih’s Impact on Hezbollah’s Nature, Governance, and Legitimacy / Ali Bakir -- 6. Ruling Without Responsibility: Badr Organisation, Asaʿib Ahl al-Haq, and Kataʿib Hezbollah After Defeating ISIS in Iraq / Massaab Al-Aloosy -- 7. Rebel Governance Between Ideology and Pragmatism: Al-Qaʿida in Yemen in 2011–2012 and in 2015–2016 / Marta Furlan-- 8. Libya After Qaddafi: Are Tribes Always Rebels? / Raed Ahmed -- 9. Not Rebel Governance? Hamas’s Rule / Basem Ezbidi -- 10. Competing to Govern: Opportunities and Regime Responsiveness to Civilian Protests During the Taliban Insurgency in Afghanistan / Tareq Sydiq -- 11. Prosecuting Rebels in International Criminal Justice / Shannon Maree Torrens, "This book uses the cases of Syrian factions in rebel-held areas, Hamas in the Gaza Strip, Houthi in Yemen, rebels in Libya, Taliban in Afghanistan, In Iraq, and Somalia to explain the importance of examining genealogies tribalism, common local knowledge and social networks in understanding the institutionalisation of armed group governance systems. The book provides a series of studies employing heterogenous methodological approaches to address the issue using qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods. The proposed project also attempts to move away from the central debate on the national political crisis trend by examining the sub-national level patterns and assessing various factors and questions that bring about clear answers regarding how de-facto rulers use tribes and tribal informal institutions to sustain their presence and create a safe social incubator."

Some nurses are responding rebelliously to the changing healthcare landscape by challenging the status quo and deviating from suboptimal practices, professional norms, and organizational rules. While some view rebel nurse leadership as challenging traditional structures to improve patient care, others see it as disruptive and harmful. These diverging opinions create dilemmas for nurses and nurse managers in daily practice. To understand the context, dilemmas, and interactions in rebel nurse leadership, we conducted a multiple case study in two Dutch hospitals. We delved into the mundane practices to expand the concept of leadership-as-practice. By shadowing rebel nurse practices, we identified three typical leadership practices which present the most common “lived” experiences and dilemmas of nurses and nurse managers. Overall, we noticed that deviating acts were more often quick fixes rather than sustainable changes. Our research points to what is needed to change the status quo in a sustainable manner. To change unworkable practices, nurses need to share their experienced dilemmas with their managers. In addition, nurse managers must build relationships with other nurses, value different perspectives, and support experimenting to promote collective learning.

Most nurse leadership studies have concentrated on a classical, heroic, and hierarchical view of leadership. However, critical leadership studies have argued the need for more insight into leadership in daily nursing practices. Nurses must align their professional standards and opinions on quality of care with those of other professionals, management, and patients. They want to achieve better outcomes for their patients but also want to feel disciplined and controlled. To deal with this, nurses challenge the status quo by showing rebel nurse leadership. In this paper, we describe 47 nurses’ experiences with rebel nurse leadership from a leadership-as-practice perspective. In eight focus groups, nurses from two hospitals and one long-term care organization shared their experiences of rebel nurse leadership practices. They illustrated the differences between “bad” and “good” rebels. Knowledge, work experience, and patient-driven motivation were considered necessary for “good” rebel leadership. The participants also explained that continuous social influencing is important while exploring and challenging the boundaries set by colleagues and management. Credibility, trust, autonomy, freedom, and preserving relationships determined whether rebel nurses acted visibly or invisibly. Ultimately, this study refines the concept of rebel nurse leadership, gives a better understanding of how this occurs in nursing practice, and give insights into the challenges faced when studying nursing leadership practices.

This research aims to provide a general understanding of the jurisdiction for rebel groups before and after their recognition as belligerents, or the shift of the groups in question from domestic legal subjects to legal subjects of the international law. The type of method used in this research is in the form of normative legal research, which utilizes the collection of legal materials relevant to the object of research in the form of literature; The materials referred to are such as: (a) Primary legal materials: The Charter of United Nation, The Geneva Convention, The Hague Convention; (b) Secondary legal materials: legal science books, legal science journals, legal research reports, scientific articles, seminar materials, workshops, and so on; (c) Tertiary legal materials: Legal materials which precepts or provides an explanation on the primary and secondary legal materials, such as legal dictionaries, newspapers, the internet and so on., Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan pengetahuan dan pemahaman secara umum mengenai yurisdiksi bagi kelompok-kelompok pemberontak pra dan pasca diakuinya peran kelompok tersebut sebagai Belligerent, atau beralihnya kelompok-kelompok yang dimaksud dari subjek hukum domestik menjadi subjek hukum dari hukum internasional.Tipe penelitian yang digunakan sendiri adalah berupa penelitian hukum normatif, yang memanfaatkan pengumpulan bahan-bahan hukum yang relevan dengan objek penelitian dalam bentuk kepustakaan; Bahan-bahan yang dimaksud adalah seperti: (a) Bahan hukum primer: The Charter of United Nation, TheGeneva Convention, TheHague Convention; (b) Bahan hukum sekunder: Buku-buku ilmu hukum, jurnal ilmu hukum, laporan penelitian ilmu hukum, artikel ilmiah, bahan seminar, lokakarya, dan sebagainya; (c) Bahan hukum tersier: Bahan hukum yang memberikan petunjuk maupun penjelasan terhadap bahan hukum primer dan sekunder, seperti kamus hukum, surat kabar, internet dan sebagainya.

This research aims to provide a general understanding of the jurisdiction for rebel groups before and after their recognition as belligerents, or the shift of the groups in question from domestic legal subjects to legal subjects of the international law. The type of method used in this research is in the form of normative legal research, which utilizes the collection of legal materials relevant to the object of research in the form of literature; The materials referred to are such as: (a) Primary legal materials: The Charter of United Nation, The Geneva Convention, The Hague Convention; (b) Secondary legal materials: legal science books, legal science journals, legal research reports, scientific articles, seminar materials, workshops, and so on; (c) Tertiary legal materials: Legal materials which precepts or provides an explanation on the primary and secondary legal materials, such as legal dictionaries, newspapers, the internet and so on., Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan pengetahuan dan pemahaman secara umum mengenai yurisdiksi bagi kelompok-kelompok pemberontak pra dan pasca diakuinya peran kelompok tersebut sebagai Belligerent, atau beralihnya kelompok-kelompok yang dimaksud dari subjek hukum domestik menjadi subjek hukum dari hukum internasional.Tipe penelitian yang digunakan sendiri adalah berupa penelitian hukum normatif, yang memanfaatkan pengumpulan bahan-bahan hukum yang relevan dengan objek penelitian dalam bentuk kepustakaan; Bahan-bahan yang dimaksud adalah seperti: (a) Bahan hukum primer: The Charter of United Nation, TheGeneva Convention, TheHague Convention; (b) Bahan hukum sekunder: Buku-buku ilmu hukum, jurnal ilmu hukum, laporan penelitian ilmu hukum, artikel ilmiah, bahan seminar, lokakarya, dan sebagainya; (c) Bahan hukum tersier: Bahan hukum yang memberikan petunjuk maupun penjelasan terhadap bahan hukum primer dan sekunder, seperti kamus hukum, surat kabar, internet dan sebagainya.

This research brief presents the current state of research knowledge on the array of different types of wartime sexual violence. Drawing on the collective body of research, the brief introduces a novel categorisation of wartime sexual violence built on the distinction between ‘ordered’ and ‘enabled’ wartime sexual violence. Ordered sexual violence is carried out on the basis of explicit authorization or instruction, and generally has a strategic political and/or military purpose. Enabled sexual violence is not necessarily related to a strategic objective but is mainly facilitated by weak accountability mechanisms and norms that are supportive of sexual coercion.

This research aims to provide a general understanding of the jurisdiction for rebel groups before and after their recognition as belligerents, or the shift of the groups in question from domestic legal subjects to legal subjects of the international law. The type of method used in this research is in the form of normative legal research, which utilizes the collection of legal materials relevant to the object of research in the form of literature; The materials referred to are such as: (a) Primary legal materials: The Charter of United Nation, The Geneva Convention, The Hague Convention; (b) Secondary legal materials: legal science books, legal science journals, legal research reports, scientific articles, seminar materials, workshops, and so on; (c) Tertiary legal materials: Legal materials which precepts or provides an explanation on the primary and secondary legal materials, such as legal dictionaries, newspapers, the internet and so on., Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan pengetahuan dan pemahaman secara umum mengenai yurisdiksi bagi kelompok-kelompok pemberontak pra dan pasca diakuinya peran kelompok tersebut sebagai Belligerent, atau beralihnya kelompok-kelompok yang dimaksud dari subjek hukum domestik menjadi subjek hukum dari hukum internasional.Tipe penelitian yang digunakan sendiri adalah berupa penelitian hukum normatif, yang memanfaatkan pengumpulan bahan-bahan hukum yang relevan dengan objek penelitian dalam bentuk kepustakaan; Bahan-bahan yang dimaksud adalah seperti: (a) Bahan hukum primer: The Charter of United Nation, TheGeneva Convention, TheHague Convention; (b) Bahan hukum sekunder: Buku-buku ilmu hukum, jurnal ilmu hukum, laporan penelitian ilmu hukum, artikel ilmiah, bahan seminar, lokakarya, dan sebagainya; (c) Bahan hukum tersier: Bahan hukum yang memberikan petunjuk maupun penjelasan terhadap bahan hukum primer dan sekunder, seperti kamus hukum, surat kabar, internet dan sebagainya.

This research brief presents the current state of research knowledge on the array of different types of wartime sexual violence. Drawing on the collective body of research, the brief introduces a novel categorisation of wartime sexual violence built on the distinction between ‘ordered’ and ‘enabled’ wartime sexual violence. Ordered sexual violence is carried out on the basis of explicit authorization or instruction, and generally has a strategic political and/or military purpose. Enabled sexual violence is not necessarily related to a strategic objective but is mainly facilitated by weak accountability mechanisms and norms that are supportive of sexual coercion.

This research brief presents the current state of research knowledge on the array of different types of wartime sexual violence. Drawing on the collective body of research, the brief introduces a novel categorisation of wartime sexual violence built on the distinction between ‘ordered’ and ‘enabled’ wartime sexual violence. Ordered sexual violence is carried out on the basis of explicit authorization or instruction, and generally has a strategic political and/or military purpose. Enabled sexual violence is not necessarily related to a strategic objective but is mainly facilitated by weak accountability mechanisms and norms that are supportive of sexual coercion.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to empirically explore and conceptualize how healthcare professionals and managers give shape to the increasing call for compassionate care as an alternative for system-based quality management systems. The research demonstrates how quality rebels craft deviant practices of good care and how they account for them. Design/methodology/approach – Ethnographic research was conducted in three Dutch hospitals, studying clinical groups that were identified as deviant: a nursing ward for infectious diseases, a mother–child department and a dialysis department. The research includes over 120 h of observation, 41 semi-structured interviews and 2 focus groups. Findings – The research shows that rebels’ quality practices are an emerging set of collaborative activities to improving healthcare and meeting (individual) patient needs. They conduct “contexting work” to achieve their quality aims by expanding their normative work to outside domains. As rebels deviate from hospital policies, they are sometimes forced to act “under the radar” causing the risk of groupthink and may undermine the aim of public accounting. Practical implications – The research shows that in order to come to more compassionate forms of care, organizations should allow for more heterogeneity accompanied with ongoing dialogue(s) on what good care yields as this may differ between specific fields or locations. Originality/value – This is the first study introducing quality rebels as a concept to understanding social deviance in the everyday practices of doing compassionate and good care.

Armed actors are often involved in electoral politics, from the fusing of ballots and bullets in armed political parties to insurgents covertly backing politicians. We develop new concepts and theory to better understand these complex relationships between violent actors and democratic practice. We first offer a novel conceptualization of armed groups' electoral strategies that systematically maps out variation in the organizational directness and public openness of groups' involvement in elections. We then use comparative case studies to develop theory about the conditions under which each of these electoral strategies is most likely, and what can trigger changes between them. The interaction of armed groups' power and expectations of popular support with governments' policies of toleration or repression determines the strategies of electoral participation that groups pursue. These concepts and arguments lay the foundation for a systematic research agenda on when and how normal and armed politics become intertwined.

The tragedy arises in a Greek setting but evolves towards different thematic parameters according to the symbolic universe of the time that welcomes it, although its formal architecture remains in spite of the varying nuances of its readings. Thus, in the Golden Age, fatality will be replaced by responsibility, which no longer rests with the gods but with the characters. By endowing the hero with freewill, making him the creator of his destiny and making divinity a witness of faults and not an agent of them, the Baroque tragedy opened a space for rebellion that found different gaps through which it could enter. We will analyse those margins in which are evident the subversive behaviours of characters relegated by their unknown origin, such as Segismundo and Rosaura, in La vida es sueño, but also the reverse route, in which those who rebel from a privileged position that clashes with desire, are installed on the dangerous edge between thinking and acting, and they will pay a heavy price for transgressing social norms, such as Federico and Casandra in El castigo sin venganza, or the wives of Calderonian honour tragedies, confident that «no yerra quien piensa». It will end with an unexpected margin for rebellion because this rebellion comes from an unsuspected character: the gracioso who, directly contravening and challenging his comic essence, will eventually become involved in the tragedy., La tragedia surge en el entorno griego pero evoluciona hacia parámetros temáticos diferentes acordes con el universo simbólico de la época que la acoge, aunque su arquitectura formal permanezca pese a variar los acentos de sus lecturas. Así, en el Siglo de Oro, la fatalidad será sustituida por la responsabilidad, que ya no recae en los dioses sino en el personaje. Mas dotando al héroe de libre albedrío, convirtiéndolo en artífice de su destino y haciendo de la divinidad un testigo de las faltas y no un agente de las mismas, la tragedia barroca abrió un margen para la rebeldía que encontró distintos resquicios por los que colarse. Analizaremos esos márgenes por los que transitan las conductas subversivas de personajes relegados por su origen ignoto como Segismundo y Rosaura en La vida es sueño, pero también el recorrido inverso, el de aquellos que se rebelarán desde una posición privilegiada que choca con el deseo, instalado en el peligroso filo entre el pensamiento y la actuación, y pagarán un alto precio por transgredir las normas sociales, como Federico y Casandra en El castigo sin venganza, o las esposas de las tragedias de honra calderonianas, confiadas en que «no yerra quien piensa», para terminar con un inesperado margen para la rebeldía porque procede de un personaje insospechado: el gracioso que, contraviniendo y desafiando su esencia cómica, acabará por implicarse en la tragedia.

Among the many events that occurred during The Cristero War 1926-1929. There is one that had gone unnoticed in the development of history, had not been for the great relevance given by the newspapers of the time: the assault on the train of La Barca. The way in which this event took front page cover the press was a great defeat for those who supposedly had defeated the government in power. In this academic study, the different versions and facts will be analyzed in order to show how media management influenced public perception of events., Resumen Entre los hechos que se dieron en los años 1926-1929, durante la llamada guerra cristera, existe uno que, sin haber tenido una importancia capital en el desarrollo de los acontecimientos, sí tuvo gran relevancia por la versión que se difundió a través de los periódicos: el asalto al tren de La Barca. La manera en que se presentó este suceso en la prensa constituyó, al final, una gran derrota para quienes supuestamente habían vencido al gobierno. En este estudio, se analizarán las distintas versiones que se tienen de los hechos y se buscará mostrar cómo influyó el manejo mediático en la percepción de los acontecimientos.

The protests that erupted 2001 against Assad’s regime have ended in a civil war between the rebels and it that still continues. The common enemy, the Dáesh, has been almost defeated. Its defeat was the only aim in which all the actors, national, regional and global, of this multidimensional conflict agreed. Each of them has its own different and opposing interests and wants to guarantee a piece of the cake. In Syria, several conflicts are being played at the same time without an end in sight and without the contenders being convinced of the advantages of a lasting peace. Some alliances have changed with time. A fragmentation of the country can’t be ruled out. All the sides try to strengthen their allies on the ground to improve their options in future negotiations. Syria is now a battlefield of the big regional and global powers, of the USA, Russia, Iran or Turkey in a proxy war, a kind of hybrid war, of all against all., La guerra civil entre el régimen de Bashar al-Asad y los rebeldes, en la que derivaron las protestas que estallaron en 2011, continúa. El enemigo común, el Estado Islámico de Irak y el Levante (EIIL), ha sido prácticamente vencido. Su derrota era el único objetivo en el que estaban de acuerdo los diversos actores locales, regionales y globales de este conflicto multidimensional, en el que cada uno tiene intereses diferentes y enfrentados y quiere asegurarse un trozo del pastel. En suelo sirio, se desarrollan varios conflictos a la vez sin que se vea el final y sin que los contendientes tengan claras las ventajas de una paz duradera. Algunas alianzas incluso han variado en el tiempo y o se descarta una fragmentación del país. Todas las partes intentan reforzar a sus aliados sobre el terreno para mejorar sus posiciones de cara a futuras negociaciones. Siria ha acabado siendo un campo de batalla de las grandes potencias y de las regionales, de Estados Unidos, Rusia, de Irán o de Turquía, en una contienda con actores interpuestos, una especie de guerra híbrida, de todos contra todos.

The tragedy arises in a Greek setting but evolves towards different thematic parameters according to the symbolic universe of the time that welcomes it, although its formal architecture remains in spite of the varying nuances of its readings. Thus, in the Golden Age, fatality will be replaced by responsibility, which no longer rests with the gods but with the characters. By endowing the hero with freewill, making him the creator of his destiny and making divinity a witness of faults and not an agent of them, the Baroque tragedy opened a space for rebellion that found different gaps through which it could enter. We will analyse those margins in which are evident the subversive behaviours of characters relegated by their unknown origin, such as Segismundo and Rosaura, in La vida es sueño, but also the reverse route, in which those who rebel from a privileged position that clashes with desire, are installed on the dangerous edge between thinking and acting, and they will pay a heavy price for transgressing social norms, such as Federico and Casandra in El castigo sin venganza, or the wives of Calderonian honour tragedies, confident that «no yerra quien piensa». It will end with an unexpected margin for rebellion because this rebellion comes from an unsuspected character: the gracioso who, directly contravening and challenging his comic essence, will eventually become involved in the tragedy., La tragedia surge en el entorno griego pero evoluciona hacia parámetros temáticos diferentes acordes con el universo simbólico de la época que la acoge, aunque su arquitectura formal permanezca pese a variar los acentos de sus lecturas. Así, en el Siglo de Oro, la fatalidad será sustituida por la responsabilidad, que ya no recae en los dioses sino en el personaje. Mas dotando al héroe de libre albedrío, convirtiéndolo en artífice de su destino y haciendo de la divinidad un testigo de las faltas y no un agente de las mismas, la tragedia barroca abrió un margen para la rebeldía que encontró distintos resquicios por los que colarse. Analizaremos esos márgenes por los que transitan las conductas subversivas de personajes relegados por su origen ignoto como Segismundo y Rosaura en La vida es sueño, pero también el recorrido inverso, el de aquellos que se rebelarán desde una posición privilegiada que choca con el deseo, instalado en el peligroso filo entre el pensamiento y la actuación, y pagarán un alto precio por transgredir las normas sociales, como Federico y Casandra en El castigo sin venganza, o las esposas de las tragedias de honra calderonianas, confiadas en que «no yerra quien piensa», para terminar con un inesperado margen para la rebeldía porque procede de un personaje insospechado: el gracioso que, contraviniendo y desafiando su esencia cómica, acabará por implicarse en la tragedia.

Armed actors are often involved in electoral politics, from the fusing of ballots and bullets in armed political parties to insurgents covertly backing politicians. We develop new concepts and theory to better understand these complex relationships between violent actors and democratic practice. We first offer a novel conceptualization of armed groups' electoral strategies that systematically maps out variation in the organizational directness and public openness of groups' involvement in elections. We then use comparative case studies to develop theory about the conditions under which each of these electoral strategies is most likely, and what can trigger changes between them. The interaction of armed groups' power and expectations of popular support with governments' policies of toleration or repression determines the strategies of electoral participation that groups pursue. These concepts and arguments lay the foundation for a systematic research agenda on when and how normal and armed politics become intertwined.

The tragedy arises in a Greek setting but evolves towards different thematic parameters according to the symbolic universe of the time that welcomes it, although its formal architecture remains in spite of the varying nuances of its readings. Thus, in the Golden Age, fatality will be replaced by responsibility, which no longer rests with the gods but with the characters. By endowing the hero with freewill, making him the creator of his destiny and making divinity a witness of faults and not an agent of them, the Baroque tragedy opened a space for rebellion that found different gaps through which it could enter. We will analyse those margins in which are evident the subversive behaviours of characters relegated by their unknown origin, such as Segismundo and Rosaura, in La vida es sueño, but also the reverse route, in which those who rebel from a privileged position that clashes with desire, are installed on the dangerous edge between thinking and acting, and they will pay a heavy price for transgressing social norms, such as Federico and Casandra in El castigo sin venganza, or the wives of Calderonian honour tragedies, confident that «no yerra quien piensa». It will end with an unexpected margin for rebellion because this rebellion comes from an unsuspected character: the gracioso who, directly contravening and challenging his comic essence, will eventually become involved in the tragedy., La tragedia surge en el entorno griego pero evoluciona hacia parámetros temáticos diferentes acordes con el universo simbólico de la época que la acoge, aunque su arquitectura formal permanezca pese a variar los acentos de sus lecturas. Así, en el Siglo de Oro, la fatalidad será sustituida por la responsabilidad, que ya no recae en los dioses sino en el personaje. Mas dotando al héroe de libre albedrío, convirtiéndolo en artífice de su destino y haciendo de la divinidad un testigo de las faltas y no un agente de las mismas, la tragedia barroca abrió un margen para la rebeldía que encontró distintos resquicios por los que colarse. Analizaremos esos márgenes por los que transitan las conductas subversivas de personajes relegados por su origen ignoto como Segismundo y Rosaura en La vida es sueño, pero también el recorrido inverso, el de aquellos que se rebelarán desde una posición privilegiada que choca con el deseo, instalado en el peligroso filo entre el pensamiento y la actuación, y pagarán un alto precio por transgredir las normas sociales, como Federico y Casandra en El castigo sin venganza, o las esposas de las tragedias de honra calderonianas, confiadas en que «no yerra quien piensa», para terminar con un inesperado margen para la rebeldía porque procede de un personaje insospechado: el gracioso que, contraviniendo y desafiando su esencia cómica, acabará por implicarse en la tragedia.

This thesis examines the importance of international actors’ influence on reaching an effective peace agreement and in enabling its implementation. Specifically, this study seeks to explain why, despite international attention, the situation in Mali has not improved in the past five years, either in terms of defeating the rebels in the country’s northern areas or preventing terrorist attacks. To arrive at an explanation, the thesis examines the significant issues that have challenged the implementation of the 2015 peace agreement. Scholars agree that implementing a peace agreement is equally important as reaching it, and that peacemakers should therefore pay attention to the quality of peace agreements, the presence of spoilers, and the hostility of neighboring countries and international great powers to peace. Similarly, it is generally admitted that international actors should intervene to protect the peace process. Nevertheless, there is controversy over the strategy these international actors must adopt to prevent peace processes from derailing. In the specific case of Mali, the poor quality of the 2015 peace agreement, the inadequateness of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali’s mandate, and the fact that Algeria and France primarily pursued their own interests, have undermined the UN's coordination of the peace process and diffused peace-making efforts., http://archive.org/details/theimpactofinter1094560420, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

The tragedy arises in a Greek setting but evolves towards different thematic parameters according to the symbolic universe of the time that welcomes it, although its formal architecture remains in spite of the varying nuances of its readings. Thus, in the Golden Age, fatality will be replaced by responsibility, which no longer rests with the gods but with the characters. By endowing the hero with freewill, making him the creator of his destiny and making divinity a witness of faults and not an agent of them, the Baroque tragedy opened a space for rebellion that found different gaps through which it could enter. We will analyse those margins in which are evident the subversive behaviours of characters relegated by their unknown origin, such as Segismundo and Rosaura, in La vida es sueño, but also the reverse route, in which those who rebel from a privileged position that clashes with desire, are installed on the dangerous edge between thinking and acting, and they will pay a heavy price for transgressing social norms, such as Federico and Casandra in El castigo sin venganza, or the wives of Calderonian honour tragedies, confident that «no yerra quien piensa». It will end with an unexpected margin for rebellion because this rebellion comes from an unsuspected character: the gracioso who, directly contravening and challenging his comic essence, will eventually become involved in the tragedy., La tragedia surge en el entorno griego pero evoluciona hacia parámetros temáticos diferentes acordes con el universo simbólico de la época que la acoge, aunque su arquitectura formal permanezca pese a variar los acentos de sus lecturas. Así, en el Siglo de Oro, la fatalidad será sustituida por la responsabilidad, que ya no recae en los dioses sino en el personaje. Mas dotando al héroe de libre albedrío, convirtiéndolo en artífice de su destino y haciendo de la divinidad un testigo de las faltas y no un agente de las mismas, la tragedia barroca abrió un margen para la rebeldía que encontró distintos resquicios por los que colarse. Analizaremos esos márgenes por los que transitan las conductas subversivas de personajes relegados por su origen ignoto como Segismundo y Rosaura en La vida es sueño, pero también el recorrido inverso, el de aquellos que se rebelarán desde una posición privilegiada que choca con el deseo, instalado en el peligroso filo entre el pensamiento y la actuación, y pagarán un alto precio por transgredir las normas sociales, como Federico y Casandra en El castigo sin venganza, o las esposas de las tragedias de honra calderonianas, confiadas en que «no yerra quien piensa», para terminar con un inesperado margen para la rebeldía porque procede de un personaje insospechado: el gracioso que, contraviniendo y desafiando su esencia cómica, acabará por implicarse en la tragedia.

Among the many events that occurred during The Cristero War 1926-1929. There is one that had gone unnoticed in the development of history, had not been for the great relevance given by the newspapers of the time: the assault on the train of La Barca. The way in which this event took front page cover the press was a great defeat for those who supposedly had defeated the government in power. In this academic study, the different versions and facts will be analyzed in order to show how media management influenced public perception of events., Resumen Entre los hechos que se dieron en los años 1926-1929, durante la llamada guerra cristera, existe uno que, sin haber tenido una importancia capital en el desarrollo de los acontecimientos, sí tuvo gran relevancia por la versión que se difundió a través de los periódicos: el asalto al tren de La Barca. La manera en que se presentó este suceso en la prensa constituyó, al final, una gran derrota para quienes supuestamente habían vencido al gobierno. En este estudio, se analizarán las distintas versiones que se tienen de los hechos y se buscará mostrar cómo influyó el manejo mediático en la percepción de los acontecimientos.

The tragedy arises in a Greek setting but evolves towards different thematic parameters according to the symbolic universe of the time that welcomes it, although its formal architecture remains in spite of the varying nuances of its readings. Thus, in the Golden Age, fatality will be replaced by responsibility, which no longer rests with the gods but with the characters. By endowing the hero with freewill, making him the creator of his destiny and making divinity a witness of faults and not an agent of them, the Baroque tragedy opened a space for rebellion that found different gaps through which it could enter. We will analyse those margins in which are evident the subversive behaviours of characters relegated by their unknown origin, such as Segismundo and Rosaura, in La vida es sueño, but also the reverse route, in which those who rebel from a privileged position that clashes with desire, are installed on the dangerous edge between thinking and acting, and they will pay a heavy price for transgressing social norms, such as Federico and Casandra in El castigo sin venganza, or the wives of Calderonian honour tragedies, confident that «no yerra quien piensa». It will end with an unexpected margin for rebellion because this rebellion comes from an unsuspected character: the gracioso who, directly contravening and challenging his comic essence, will eventually become involved in the tragedy., La tragedia surge en el entorno griego pero evoluciona hacia parámetros temáticos diferentes acordes con el universo simbólico de la época que la acoge, aunque su arquitectura formal permanezca pese a variar los acentos de sus lecturas. Así, en el Siglo de Oro, la fatalidad será sustituida por la responsabilidad, que ya no recae en los dioses sino en el personaje. Mas dotando al héroe de libre albedrío, convirtiéndolo en artífice de su destino y haciendo de la divinidad un testigo de las faltas y no un agente de las mismas, la tragedia barroca abrió un margen para la rebeldía que encontró distintos resquicios por los que colarse. Analizaremos esos márgenes por los que transitan las conductas subversivas de personajes relegados por su origen ignoto como Segismundo y Rosaura en La vida es sueño, pero también el recorrido inverso, el de aquellos que se rebelarán desde una posición privilegiada que choca con el deseo, instalado en el peligroso filo entre el pensamiento y la actuación, y pagarán un alto precio por transgredir las normas sociales, como Federico y Casandra en El castigo sin venganza, o las esposas de las tragedias de honra calderonianas, confiadas en que «no yerra quien piensa», para terminar con un inesperado margen para la rebeldía porque procede de un personaje insospechado: el gracioso que, contraviniendo y desafiando su esencia cómica, acabará por implicarse en la tragedia.

The protests that erupted 2001 against Assad’s regime have ended in a civil war between the rebels and it that still continues. The common enemy, the Dáesh, has been almost defeated. Its defeat was the only aim in which all the actors, national, regional and global, of this multidimensional conflict agreed. Each of them has its own different and opposing interests and wants to guarantee a piece of the cake. In Syria, several conflicts are being played at the same time without an end in sight and without the contenders being convinced of the advantages of a lasting peace. Some alliances have changed with time. A fragmentation of the country can’t be ruled out. All the sides try to strengthen their allies on the ground to improve their options in future negotiations. Syria is now a battlefield of the big regional and global powers, of the USA, Russia, Iran or Turkey in a proxy war, a kind of hybrid war, of all against all., La guerra civil entre el régimen de Bashar al-Asad y los rebeldes, en la que derivaron las protestas que estallaron en 2011, continúa. El enemigo común, el Estado Islámico de Irak y el Levante (EIIL), ha sido prácticamente vencido. Su derrota era el único objetivo en el que estaban de acuerdo los diversos actores locales, regionales y globales de este conflicto multidimensional, en el que cada uno tiene intereses diferentes y enfrentados y quiere asegurarse un trozo del pastel. En suelo sirio, se desarrollan varios conflictos a la vez sin que se vea el final y sin que los contendientes tengan claras las ventajas de una paz duradera. Algunas alianzas incluso han variado en el tiempo y o se descarta una fragmentación del país. Todas las partes intentan reforzar a sus aliados sobre el terreno para mejorar sus posiciones de cara a futuras negociaciones. Siria ha acabado siendo un campo de batalla de las grandes potencias y de las regionales, de Estados Unidos, Rusia, de Irán o de Turquía, en una contienda con actores interpuestos, una especie de guerra híbrida, de todos contra todos.

In order to understand the creation of United States, this last-year dissertation is going to deal with the most significant causes that led American colonizers to search for independence. For this, the History of United States since Colonization until the Declaration of Independence will be analyzed. Furthermore, four texts written during the American Revolution will be analyzed with the object of showing the point of view of the people who lived under these circumstances., Este trabajo de fin de grado trata de esclarecer las causas principales que llevaron a los americanos a crear una nueva nación independiente. Para ello, será necesario volver la vista al pasado y analizar la historia de Estados Unidos desde la Colonización hasta la Declaración de Independencia. Además, cuatro textos escritos durante esta época serán analizados con el objeto de ilustrar el punto de vista de aquellas personas que vivieron la Revolución Americana., Departamento de Filología Inglesa, Grado en Estudios Ingleses

In order to understand the creation of United States, this last-year dissertation is going to deal with the most significant causes that led American colonizers to search for independence. For this, the History of United States since Colonization until the Declaration of Independence will be analyzed. Furthermore, four texts written during the American Revolution will be analyzed with the object of showing the point of view of the people who lived under these circumstances., Este trabajo de fin de grado trata de esclarecer las causas principales que llevaron a los americanos a crear una nueva nación independiente. Para ello, será necesario volver la vista al pasado y analizar la historia de Estados Unidos desde la Colonización hasta la Declaración de Independencia. Además, cuatro textos escritos durante esta época serán analizados con el objeto de ilustrar el punto de vista de aquellas personas que vivieron la Revolución Americana., Departamento de Filología Inglesa, Grado en Estudios Ingleses

The myth of Mexicans’ revolution in Los de abajo comes from the myth of Mexico independency revolution. The success realized by that revolution bring to the main of Mexicans that revolution is the way for solve problems y the society. It is such thing that motives Demetrio and partners in Los de abajo. They are convinced that fighting, they will give change in the sociopolitical situation of Mexico, eliminating injustices and promoting equalities among people. This myth is presented by the narrator inversing usual use; instead of presenting the reality from the myth, he does the contrary. The text of Los de abajo presents polyphony narrative so that the novel is considered as a polygender., El mito de la Revolución Mexicana en Los de abajo brota del mito de la independencia de México. El éxito que conoció esa lucha armada cultivó en los mexicanos el anhelo de solucionar los problemas pendientes a través de la sublevación. Es este estado de ánimo que habitan Demetrio y los suyos en Los de abajo. Combaten con la certidumbre de que van a cambiar la situación sociopolítica de su país, suprimirán las injusticias y las desigualdades vigentes. Este mito es presentado por el narrador a la inversa de lo habitual: parte de la realidad para llegar al mito lo que constituye una revolución del mito. En el ámbito categorial textual, el relato de Los de abajo no encaja con las clasificaciones genéricas habituales, la polifonía narrativa permite que se considere la novela como un plurigénero.

In order to understand the creation of United States, this last-year dissertation is going to deal with the most significant causes that led American colonizers to search for independence. For this, the History of United States since Colonization until the Declaration of Independence will be analyzed. Furthermore, four texts written during the American Revolution will be analyzed with the object of showing the point of view of the people who lived under these circumstances., Este trabajo de fin de grado trata de esclarecer las causas principales que llevaron a los americanos a crear una nueva nación independiente. Para ello, será necesario volver la vista al pasado y analizar la historia de Estados Unidos desde la Colonización hasta la Declaración de Independencia. Además, cuatro textos escritos durante esta época serán analizados con el objeto de ilustrar el punto de vista de aquellas personas que vivieron la Revolución Americana., Departamento de Filología Inglesa, Grado en Estudios Ingleses

In order to understand the creation of United States, this last-year dissertation is going to deal with the most significant causes that led American colonizers to search for independence. For this, the History of United States since Colonization until the Declaration of Independence will be analyzed. Furthermore, four texts written during the American Revolution will be analyzed with the object of showing the point of view of the people who lived under these circumstances., Este trabajo de fin de grado trata de esclarecer las causas principales que llevaron a los americanos a crear una nueva nación independiente. Para ello, será necesario volver la vista al pasado y analizar la historia de Estados Unidos desde la Colonización hasta la Declaración de Independencia. Además, cuatro textos escritos durante esta época serán analizados con el objeto de ilustrar el punto de vista de aquellas personas que vivieron la Revolución Americana., Departamento de Filología Inglesa, Grado en Estudios Ingleses

The myth of Mexicans’ revolution in Los de abajo comes from the myth of Mexico independency revolution. The success realized by that revolution bring to the main of Mexicans that revolution is the way for solve problems y the society. It is such thing that motives Demetrio and partners in Los de abajo. They are convinced that fighting, they will give change in the sociopolitical situation of Mexico, eliminating injustices and promoting equalities among people. This myth is presented by the narrator inversing usual use; instead of presenting the reality from the myth, he does the contrary. The text of Los de abajo presents polyphony narrative so that the novel is considered as a polygender., El mito de la Revolución Mexicana en Los de abajo brota del mito de la independencia de México. El éxito que conoció esa lucha armada cultivó en los mexicanos el anhelo de solucionar los problemas pendientes a través de la sublevación. Es este estado de ánimo que habitan Demetrio y los suyos en Los de abajo. Combaten con la certidumbre de que van a cambiar la situación sociopolítica de su país, suprimirán las injusticias y las desigualdades vigentes. Este mito es presentado por el narrador a la inversa de lo habitual: parte de la realidad para llegar al mito lo que constituye una revolución del mito. En el ámbito categorial textual, el relato de Los de abajo no encaja con las clasificaciones genéricas habituales, la polifonía narrativa permite que se considere la novela como un plurigénero.

This essay investigates military transformation within the context of the Liberian civil wars (1989-1996 and 1999-2003). Military transformation is understood as a process of turning a civilian into a fighter, and in Liberia two ideal types of fighters materialized: the trained soldier and the mystical combatant. Whereas the first drew from their professional military training and international military culture, the second drew on mystical protection. These two ways of transformation also became sources of authority within the military organizations that fought the wars. It was ultimately training that offered more than protection alone: the former military personnel dominated command positions. Training also succeeded in the creation of forming a shared identity, which continues to date. Whereas most combatants demobilized and not fought again since, the identities of soldiers are still very much alive. This has partly to do with the fact that the Liberian government continues to pay pensions to those that have served in the armed forces, which has led to the institutionalization of these identities. The view of military personnel as security professionals also helps to maintain these identities as relevant. While constructing and maintaining this kind of professional cohesion is important during conflicts, it can have long-term consequences for peace-building.

Los problemas que afectaron al Emirato omeya andalusí en la segunda mitad del siglo IX provocaron una importante disminución de las emisiones monetarias hasta hacerlas desaparecer prácticamente a finales de la centuria. Para esos momentos, los hallazgos numismáticos evidencian la existencia de algunas acuñaciones realizadas al margen del poder emiral o vinculadas a dinastías foráneas. Este texto analiza dichas emisiones, realizadas cuando la ceca oficial parece estar cerrada, en el marco del complejo panorama político y económico en el que se insertan y examina los datos que parecen relacionar algunos registros numismáticos con los ribāṭ-s., During the second half of the 9th century, the Umayyad Emirate in al-Andalus faced some significant problems. As a consequence, there was a drastic decrease in the minting of coins, and mints had almost disappeared by the end of the century. Nevertheless, coins circulating at that time show that the existing mints were not directly controlled by the Umayyad Emirate, but were normally controlled by different dynasties. This paper discusses the circulation of the coins made during the period when the mints controlled by the Emirate appear to have been closed. The political and economic situation seems to have been particularly complex during the period discussed in this paper. As some coins show a close relationship with the ribāṭ-s, the relevant records have been analysed.

The thesis examines the concept of an “organized armed group” under international humanitarian law, focusing on its meaning for the purposes of conflict characterization, targeting and detention. The analysis demonstrates that the concept has different meanings depending on its context. It concludes that as the law develops, a lack of precision in the use of the phrase risks unintended consequences and further fragmentation of the law.

Los problemas que afectaron al Emirato omeya andalusí en la segunda mitad del siglo IX provocaron una importante disminución de las emisiones monetarias hasta hacerlas desaparecer prácticamente a finales de la centuria. Para esos momentos, los hallazgos numismáticos evidencian la existencia de algunas acuñaciones realizadas al margen del poder emiral o vinculadas a dinastías foráneas. Este texto analiza dichas emisiones, realizadas cuando la ceca oficial parece estar cerrada, en el marco del complejo panorama político y económico en el que se insertan y examina los datos que parecen relacionar algunos registros numismáticos con los ribāṭ-s., During the second half of the 9th century, the Umayyad Emirate in al-Andalus faced some significant problems. As a consequence, there was a drastic decrease in the minting of coins, and mints had almost disappeared by the end of the century. Nevertheless, coins circulating at that time show that the existing mints were not directly controlled by the Umayyad Emirate, but were normally controlled by different dynasties. This paper discusses the circulation of the coins made during the period when the mints controlled by the Emirate appear to have been closed. The political and economic situation seems to have been particularly complex during the period discussed in this paper. As some coins show a close relationship with the ribāṭ-s, the relevant records have been analysed.

This essay investigates military transformation within the context of the Liberian civil wars (1989-1996 and 1999-2003). Military transformation is understood as a process of turning a civilian into a fighter, and in Liberia two ideal types of fighters materialized: the trained soldier and the mystical combatant. Whereas the first drew from their professional military training and international military culture, the second drew on mystical protection. These two ways of transformation also became sources of authority within the military organizations that fought the wars. It was ultimately training that offered more than protection alone: the former military personnel dominated command positions. Training also succeeded in the creation of forming a shared identity, which continues to date. Whereas most combatants demobilized and not fought again since, the identities of soldiers are still very much alive. This has partly to do with the fact that the Liberian government continues to pay pensions to those that have served in the armed forces, which has led to the institutionalization of these identities. The view of military personnel as security professionals also helps to maintain these identities as relevant. While constructing and maintaining this kind of professional cohesion is important during conflicts, it can have long-term consequences for peace-building.

The research developed in this work is located in the first phase of the revolutionary process that Mexico experienced: Maderismo (1910-1912). It begins with the arrival of the German secret agent Carlos Steinmann to the state of Michoacán on November 1911 and his participation in the counterrevolutionary process, related to unfulfilled promises of Madero. For this work, we consulted the Archives of the House Legal Culture and others related to the justice, whose impostant documents show the organization and operational ways of many persons unkkown by the historians until nowadays. That rescue of social actors and the social focus of this study enrich regional history and with the same importance generate a much more objective history of the Mexican Revolution., La investigación desarrollada en este trabajo se ubica en la primera etapa del proceso revolucionario que vivió México: el maderismo (1910-1912). Comienza con la llegada del Agente Secreto alemán Carlos Steinmann al Estado de Michoacán en noviembre de 1911 y su participación en el proceso contrarrevolucionario, relacionado con las promesas incumplidad de Madero. Para este trabajo, consultamos los Archivos de la Casa Legal de la Cultura y los judiciales, cuyos importantes documentos nos muestran la organización y el modo de operación de muchos personajes desconocidos hasta ahora por los historiadores. Este rescate de actores sociales y el enfoque social que se le da a este estudio, enriquecen la historia regional y con la misma importancia generan una historia más objetiva de la Revolución Mexicana.

The research developed in this work is located in the first phase of the revolutionary process that Mexico experienced: Maderismo (1910-1912). It begins with the arrival of the German secret agent Carlos Steinmann to the state of Michoacán on November 1911 and his participation in the counterrevolutionary process, related to unfulfilled promises of Madero. For this work, we consulted the Archives of the House Legal Culture and others related to the justice, whose impostant documents show the organization and operational ways of many persons unkkown by the historians until nowadays. That rescue of social actors and the social focus of this study enrich regional history and with the same importance generate a much more objective history of the Mexican Revolution., La investigación desarrollada en este trabajo se ubica en la primera etapa del proceso revolucionario que vivió México: el maderismo (1910-1912). Comienza con la llegada del Agente Secreto alemán Carlos Steinmann al Estado de Michoacán en noviembre de 1911 y su participación en el proceso contrarrevolucionario, relacionado con las promesas incumplidad de Madero. Para este trabajo, consultamos los Archivos de la Casa Legal de la Cultura y los judiciales, cuyos importantes documentos nos muestran la organización y el modo de operación de muchos personajes desconocidos hasta ahora por los historiadores. Este rescate de actores sociales y el enfoque social que se le da a este estudio, enriquecen la historia regional y con la misma importancia generan una historia más objetiva de la Revolución Mexicana.

Previous research on rebel recruitment has focused on the economic and social incentives groups use as enticements, but has overlooked the question of why many armed groups recruit using coercion. The puzzle is why coercion occurs despite alienating civilian populations and being costly in terms of organizational and military effectiveness. I argue that recruitment is a dynamic process and that groups are likely to shift recruitment strategies depending on the exigencies of the conflict. The study tests this argument by examining whether rebels are more likely to employ coercion after suffering losses on the battlefield. Using unique microlevel new data on the conflict in Nepal, the results show that the argument is supported: the more rebel fatalities on the battlefield, the more likely are rebels to employ coercion.

This thesis considers the moral development of the modern diamond industry from its birth in the final third of the nineteenth century up to the present day. The discussion is framed within a tripartite theoretical grid, with each of the theory’s three elements styled as an ‘arrow’. The first and second arrows are the theories of rent seeking and collective action, respectively, which finely explicate the logic of the specific behaviours and strategies adopted by the diamond industry’s leadership through time. The third arrow is the moral systems theory, which allows for an impartial moral assessment of key industry practices at each phase in its evolution. The study illustrates that the ultimate goal of the industry’s most prominent leaders was to extract optimised rents through the creation and maintenance of comprehensive market distortions. These goals, and the behaviours associated with them, were in practical terms perpetual, being passed down from one generation of industry leadership—embodied in the Chairmanship of the industry’s dominant firm, De Beers—to the next. These actions inflicted aggregate harm on society. The business strategies of De Beers’ leadership consistently breached moral rules—violations that are classifiable as unjustified, and thus immoral. Assessing the moral rule violations witnessed during the respective tenures of De Beers’ most prominent leaders forms the basis of the analysis of the industry’s moral development through time.The conclusion is that the diamond industry’s moral status deteriorated in the transition from Cecil Rhodes’ leadership to that of Ernest Oppenheimer; and again in the leadership transition from Ernest Oppenheimer to his son Harry. Only in the Julian Ogilvy-Thompson and Nicky Oppenheimer era, and against the efforts of these men who remained intent on realising the ultimate goal of their predecessors, was the century-long trend towards industry-wide moral deterioration stemmed. From the late 1990s forward, a nu

Terminological characterization of christians and muslims in the Arabic chronicles of the Umayyad period of al-Andalus allow us to understand how to carry out the discursive construction of the Other. The presence in the mentioned discourses of the pejorative term ‘adūw («enemy») reveals a negative evaluation of the enunciator on a certain reference object (an individual, a collective group, etc.) under such construction. Thus, in this article we will concentrate our analysis of the mentioned term in one chronicle in particular, the Ta’rīj iftitāh Al-Andalus of Ibn al-Qūtiyya, considering that every text is developed from certain procedures and production strategies and the language that presents is limited by diferent materials, linguistic and conceptual resources., La caracterización terminológica de cristianos y musulmanes en la cronística árabe del periodo omeya de al-Andalus nos permite comprender cómo se llevó a cabo la construcción discursiva del Otro. La presencia en los mencionados discursos del término peyorativo ‘adūw («enemigo») da cuenta de una evaluación negativa del enunciador respecto de determinado objeto referencial (un individuo, un grupo colectivo, etc.) en el marco de dicha construcción. De esta manera, en el presente artículo concentraremos nuestro análisis de la mencionada acepción en una crónica en particular, el Ta’rīj iftitāh· Al-Andalus de Ibn al-Qūtiyya, teniendo en cuenta que todo texto es elaborado a partir de ciertos procedimientos y estrategias de producción y el lenguaje que presenta se encuentra limitado por diferentes recursos materiales, lingüísticos y conceptuales.

Resenha: PIROLA, Ricardo Figueiredo. Senzala insurgente. Malungos, parentes e rebeldes nas fazendas de Campinas (1832). Campinas. Editora UNICAMP, 2011. ISBN 978-85-268-09934-5. 303 p.

Terminological characterization of christians and muslims in the Arabic chronicles of the Umayyad period of al-Andalus allow us to understand how to carry out the discursive construction of the Other. The presence in the mentioned discourses of the pejorative term ‘adūw («enemy») reveals a negative evaluation of the enunciator on a certain reference object (an individual, a collective group, etc.) under such construction. Thus, in this article we will concentrate our analysis of the mentioned term in one chronicle in particular, the Ta’rīj iftitāh Al-Andalus of Ibn al-Qūtiyya, considering that every text is developed from certain procedures and production strategies and the language that presents is limited by diferent materials, linguistic and conceptual resources., La caracterización terminológica de cristianos y musulmanes en la cronística árabe del periodo omeya de al-Andalus nos permite comprender cómo se llevó a cabo la construcción discursiva del Otro. La presencia en los mencionados discursos del término peyorativo ‘adūw («enemigo») da cuenta de una evaluación negativa del enunciador respecto de determinado objeto referencial (un individuo, un grupo colectivo, etc.) en el marco de dicha construcción. De esta manera, en el presente artículo concentraremos nuestro análisis de la mencionada acepción en una crónica en particular, el Ta’rīj iftitāh· Al-Andalus de Ibn al-Qūtiyya, teniendo en cuenta que todo texto es elaborado a partir de ciertos procedimientos y estrategias de producción y el lenguaje que presenta se encuentra limitado por diferentes recursos materiales, lingüísticos y conceptuales.

Resenha: PIROLA, Ricardo Figueiredo. Senzala insurgente. Malungos, parentes e rebeldes nas fazendas de Campinas (1832). Campinas. Editora UNICAMP, 2011. ISBN 978-85-268-09934-5. 303 p.

A majority of UN peacekeeping operations deployed to civil wars face violent attacks by rebel groups. To date, the academic study of this type of violence has been very limited. This article is a first attempt to fill this gap. In particular, I aim to examine why rebel groups fight against peacekeepers in some cases, while not in others. I argue that since peacekeepers are mostly impartial but not neutral, they become an actor in a conflict and tend to protect the weaker side from total defeat. This implies that on the one hand, relatively weaker rebels will seek protection from the government by peacekeepers. On the other hand, relatively stronger rebels will challenge the peacekeepers in order to restrict their behavior and/or make them withdraw. If stronger rebels are successful in targeting the peacekeepers and the peacekeepers withdraw or alter their behavior, a victory for these rebel groups should become easier. Using novel data on violence against UN peacekeepers, I find that indeed, stronger rebel groups are more likely to fight against peacekeepers.

FEATURE ARTICLE: A Fight for the Spoils: The Future Role of Syria's Armed Groups. REPORTS: Defining Cyberterrorism: Capturing a Broad Range of Activities in Cyberspace; Pakistani Taliban Renew Attacks on Punjabi Heartland; The Strategic Limitations of Boko Haram in Southern Nigeria; Yemen's Huthi Movement in the Wake of the Arab Spring; Understanding Drivers of Violent Extremism: The Case of al-Shabab and Somali Youth., The original document contains color images.

As U.S. involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan begins to wind down, political and military leaders are already beginning to make uncomfortable choices about the military's future force structure, missions, and procurement programs. These decisions are being shaped by the ongoing economic down-turn, domestic issues, public opinion, transnational threats, and increasing competition with China. The recently issued Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense indicates that the United States will only deploy large military forces for long-duration combat operations when vital America interests are clearly at stake. It also indicates policy-maker reluctance to intercede in the small wars that have been prevalent throughout much of the world over the last decade. This paper will examine the small wars in West Africa in the period since the end of the Cold War. Its purpose is to ascertain the tendencies and characteristics of these conflicts and identify implications for future U.S. regional strategy in light of recent defense strategic guidance. Additionally, it is intended to provide policy practitioners a better understanding of the challenges they will face when attempting to frame the strategic environment and problems in a region like Africa., Strategy Research Project.

The Latin-American historiography, and the Venezuelan especially, they have devoted themselves to the glorification of his independence past (1810-1830). The myth and the heroes are over an exact comprehension to the limits of documentary evidence contrastable and on critical foundations. The historical statement succumbs to an excessively ideological interpretation of History an official speech linked to the preservation of the status quo, in consequence, the past ends up by being a species of “bound lie”. To recover a vision where it was possible to give him content to other actors and pro-realistic testimonies is an urgent need to recover a past on more just and balanced foundations. The present work offers an unpublished testimony of the one who was the principal publicist of the pro-monarchic reason in Venezuela during the unlucky years of the war: Jose Domingo Díaz (1772-1834). In this one “brief”, in the shape of formless, destined to the King Fernando VII, they indicate the reasons of the defeat of the realistic party, and the tragic consequences that there supposed the precipice of the colonial company for his supporters. For many Venezuelans like Jose Domingo Díaz: the mother land was the Monarchy., La historiografía latinoamericana, y la venezolana en especial, se han dedicado a la glorificación de su pasado independentista (1810-1830). El mito y los héroes están por encima de una comprensión ajustada a los límites de una evidencia documental contrastable y sobre fundamentos críticos. El relato histórico sucumbe a una excesiva ideologización haciendo de la Historia un discurso oficial vinculado a la preservación del status quo; en consecuencia, el pasado termina siendo una especie de “mentira encuadernada”. Recuperar una visión donde se le pudiera dar cabida a otros actores y testimonios pro-realistas es una necesidad perentoria para recuperar un pasado sobre fundamentos más justos y equilibrados. El presente trabajo ofrece un testimonio inédito del quién fuera el principal publicista de la causa promonárquica en Venezuela durante los aciagos años de la guerra: José Domingo Díaz (1772-1834). En éste “memorial”, en forma de informe, destinado al Rey Fernando VII, se señalan las causas de la derrota del partido realista, y las trágicas consecuencias que supuso el derrumbe de la sociedad colonial para sus partidarios. Para muchos venezolanos como José Domingo Díaz: la patria era la Monarquía.