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The study determined how spatiotemporal distribution of cortical activity to words in first and second language is affected by language, proficiency, and linguistic setting. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late adult bilinguals listened to pairs of words presented in Arabic (L1), Hebrew (L2), or in mixed pairs and indicated whether both words had the same meaning or not. Source current densities of event-related potentials were estimated. Activity to first words in the pair lateralized to right hemisphere, higher to L1 than L2 during early processing (<300 ms) among both groups but only among late bilinguals during late processing (>300 ms). During early and late processing, activities were larger in mixed than monolinguistic settings among early bilinguals but lower in mixed than in monolinguistic settings among late bilinguals. Late processing in auditory regions was of larger magnitude in left than right hemispheres among both groups. Activity to second words in the pair was larger in mixed than in monolinguistic settings during both early and late processing among both groups. Early processing of second words in auditory regions lateralized to the right among early bilinguals and to the left among late bilinguals, whereas late processing did not differ between groups. Wernicke's area activity during late processing of L2 was larger on the right, while on the left no significant differences between languages were found. The results show that cortical language processing in bilinguals differs between early and late processing and these differences are modulated by linguistic proficiency and setting.

This study determined the effects of phonology and semantics on the distribution of cortical activity to the second of a pair of words in first and second language (mixed pairs). The effects of relative proficiency in the two languages and linguistic setting (monolinguistic or mixed) are reported in a companion paper. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late bilinguals listened to mixed pairs of words in Arabic (L1) and Hebrew (L2) and indicated whether both words in the pair had the same or different meanings. The spatio-temporal distribution of current densities of event-related potentials were estimated for each language and according to semantic and phonologic relationship (same or different) compared with the first word in the pair. During early processing (<300 ms), brain activity in temporal and temporoparietal auditory areas was enhanced by phonologic incongruence between words in the pair and in Wernicke's area by both phonologic and semantic priming. In contrast, brain activities during late processing (>300 ms) were enhanced by semantic incongruence between the two words, particularly in temporal areas and in left hemisphere Broca's and Wernicke's areas. The latter differences were greater when words were in L2. Surprisingly, no significant effects of relative proficiency on processing the second word in the pair were found. These results indicate that the distribution of brain activity to the second of two words presented bilingually is affected differently during early and late processing by both semantic and phonologic priming by- and incongruence with the immediately preceding word.

The study determined how spatiotemporal distribution of cortical activity to words in first and second language is affected by language, proficiency, and linguistic setting. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late adult bilinguals listened to pairs of words presented in Arabic (L1), Hebrew (L2), or in mixed pairs and indicated whether both words had the same meaning or not. Source current densities of event-related potentials were estimated. Activity to first words in the pair lateralized to right hemisphere, higher to L1 than L2 during early processing (<300 ms) among both groups but only among late bilinguals during late processing (>300 ms). During early and late processing, activities were larger in mixed than monolinguistic settings among early bilinguals but lower in mixed than in monolinguistic settings among late bilinguals. Late processing in auditory regions was of larger magnitude in left than right hemispheres among both groups. Activity to second words in the pair was larger in mixed than in monolinguistic settings during both early and late processing among both groups. Early processing of second words in auditory regions lateralized to the right among early bilinguals and to the left among late bilinguals, whereas late processing did not differ between groups. Wernicke's area activity during late processing of L2 was larger on the right, while on the left no significant differences between languages were found. The results show that cortical language processing in bilinguals differs between early and late processing and these differences are modulated by linguistic proficiency and setting.

This study determined the effects of phonology and semantics on the distribution of cortical activity to the second of a pair of words in first and second language (mixed pairs). The effects of relative proficiency in the two languages and linguistic setting (monolinguistic or mixed) are reported in a companion paper. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late bilinguals listened to mixed pairs of words in Arabic (L1) and Hebrew (L2) and indicated whether both words in the pair had the same or different meanings. The spatio-temporal distribution of current densities of event-related potentials were estimated for each language and according to semantic and phonologic relationship (same or different) compared with the first word in the pair. During early processing (<300 ms), brain activity in temporal and temporoparietal auditory areas was enhanced by phonologic incongruence between words in the pair and in Wernicke's area by both phonologic and semantic priming. In contrast, brain activities during late processing (>300 ms) were enhanced by semantic incongruence between the two words, particularly in temporal areas and in left hemisphere Broca's and Wernicke's areas. The latter differences were greater when words were in L2. Surprisingly, no significant effects of relative proficiency on processing the second word in the pair were found. These results indicate that the distribution of brain activity to the second of two words presented bilingually is affected differently during early and late processing by both semantic and phonologic priming by- and incongruence with the immediately preceding word.

The purpose of this study was to compare cortical brain responses evoked by amplitude modulated acoustic beats of 3 and 6 Hz in tones of 250 and 1000 Hz with those evoked by their binaural beats counterparts in unmodulated tones to indicate whether the cortical processes involved differ. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded to 3- and 6-Hz acoustic and binaural beats in 2000 ms duration 250 and 1000 Hz tones presented with approximately 1 s intervals. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERP components to beats-evoked oscillations were determined and compared across beat types, beat frequencies and base (carrier) frequencies. All stimuli evoked tone-onset components followed by oscillations corresponding to the beat frequency, and a subsequent tone-offset complex. Beats-evoked oscillations were higher in amplitude in response to acoustic than to binaural beats, to 250 than to 1000 Hz base frequency and to 3 Hz than to 6 Hz beat frequency. Sources of the beats-evoked oscillations across all stimulus conditions located mostly to left temporal lobe areas. Differences between estimated sources of potentials to acoustic and binaural beats were not significant. The perceptions of binaural beats involve cortical activity that is not different than acoustic beats in distribution and in the effects of beat- and base frequency, indicating similar cortical processing.

The purpose of this study was to compare cortical brain responses evoked by amplitude modulated acoustic beats of 3 and 6 Hz in tones of 250 and 1000 Hz with those evoked by their binaural beats counterparts in unmodulated tones to indicate whether the cortical processes involved differ. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded to 3- and 6-Hz acoustic and binaural beats in 2000 ms duration 250 and 1000 Hz tones presented with approximately 1 s intervals. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERP components to beats-evoked oscillations were determined and compared across beat types, beat frequencies and base (carrier) frequencies. All stimuli evoked tone-onset components followed by oscillations corresponding to the beat frequency, and a subsequent tone-offset complex. Beats-evoked oscillations were higher in amplitude in response to acoustic than to binaural beats, to 250 than to 1000 Hz base frequency and to 3 Hz than to 6 Hz beat frequency. Sources of the beats-evoked oscillations across all stimulus conditions located mostly to left temporal lobe areas. Differences between estimated sources of potentials to acoustic and binaural beats were not significant. The perceptions of binaural beats involve cortical activity that is not different than acoustic beats in distribution and in the effects of beat- and base frequency, indicating similar cortical processing.

ObjectiveTo define brain activity corresponding to an auditory illusion of 3 and 6Hz binaural beats in 250Hz or 1000Hz base frequencies, and compare it to the sound onset response.MethodsEvent-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded in response to unmodulated tones of 250 or 1000Hz to one ear and 3 or 6Hz higher to the other, creating an illusion of amplitude modulations (beats) of 3Hz and 6Hz, in base frequencies of 250Hz and 1000Hz. Tones were 2000ms in duration and presented with approximately 1s intervals. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERP components to tone onset and subsequent beats-evoked oscillations were determined and compared across beat frequencies with both base frequencies.ResultsAll stimuli evoked tone-onset P(50), N(100) and P(200) components followed by oscillations corresponding to the beat frequency, and a subsequent tone-offset complex. Beats-evoked oscillations were higher in amplitude with the low base frequency and to the low beat frequency. Sources of the beats-evoked oscillations across all stimulus conditions located mostly to left lateral and inferior temporal lobe areas in all stimulus conditions. Onset-evoked components were not different across stimulus conditions; P(50) had significantly different sources than the beats-evoked oscillations; and N(100) and P(200) sources located to the same temporal lobe regions as beats-evoked oscillations, but were bilateral and also included frontal and parietal contributions.ConclusionsNeural activity with slightly different volley frequencies from left and right ear converges and interacts in the central auditory brainstem pathways to generate beats of neural activity to modulate activities in the left temporal lobe, giving rise to the illusion of binaural beats. Cortical potentials recorded to binaural beats are distinct from onset responses.SignificanceBrain activity corresponding to an auditory illusion of low frequency beats can be recorded from the scalp.

ObjectiveTo define cortical brain responses to large and small frequency changes (increase and decrease) of high- and low-frequency tones.MethodsEvent-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded in response to a 10% or a 50% frequency increase from 250 or 4000 Hz tones that were approximately 3 s in duration and presented at 500-ms intervals. Frequency increase was followed after 1 s by a decrease back to base frequency. Frequency changes occurred at least 1 s before or after tone onset or offset, respectively. Subjects were not attending to the stimuli. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERPs were compared across frequency changes.ResultsAll frequency changes evoked components P(50), N(100), and P(200). N(100) and P(200) had double peaks at bilateral and right temporal sites, respectively. These components were followed by a slow negativity (SN). The constituents of N(100) were predominantly localized to temporo-parietal auditory areas. The potentials and their intracranial distributions were affected by both base frequency (larger potentials to low frequency) and direction of change (larger potentials to increase than decrease), as well as by change magnitude (larger potentials to larger change). The differences between frequency increase and decrease depended on base frequency (smaller difference to high frequency) and were localized to frontal areas.ConclusionsBrain activity varies according to frequency change direction and magnitude as well as base frequency.SignificanceThe effects of base frequency and direction of change may reflect brain networks involved in more complex processing such as speech that are differentially sensitive to frequency modulations of high (consonant discrimination) and low (vowels and prosody) frequencies.

ObjectiveTo define cortical brain responses to large and small frequency changes (increase and decrease) of high- and low-frequency tones.MethodsEvent-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded in response to a 10% or a 50% frequency increase from 250 or 4000 Hz tones that were approximately 3 s in duration and presented at 500-ms intervals. Frequency increase was followed after 1 s by a decrease back to base frequency. Frequency changes occurred at least 1 s before or after tone onset or offset, respectively. Subjects were not attending to the stimuli. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERPs were compared across frequency changes.ResultsAll frequency changes evoked components P(50), N(100), and P(200). N(100) and P(200) had double peaks at bilateral and right temporal sites, respectively. These components were followed by a slow negativity (SN). The constituents of N(100) were predominantly localized to temporo-parietal auditory areas. The potentials and their intracranial distributions were affected by both base frequency (larger potentials to low frequency) and direction of change (larger potentials to increase than decrease), as well as by change magnitude (larger potentials to larger change). The differences between frequency increase and decrease depended on base frequency (smaller difference to high frequency) and were localized to frontal areas.ConclusionsBrain activity varies according to frequency change direction and magnitude as well as base frequency.SignificanceThe effects of base frequency and direction of change may reflect brain networks involved in more complex processing such as speech that are differentially sensitive to frequency modulations of high (consonant discrimination) and low (vowels and prosody) frequencies.

ObjectiveTo define brain activity corresponding to an auditory illusion of 3 and 6Hz binaural beats in 250Hz or 1000Hz base frequencies, and compare it to the sound onset response.MethodsEvent-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded in response to unmodulated tones of 250 or 1000Hz to one ear and 3 or 6Hz higher to the other, creating an illusion of amplitude modulations (beats) of 3Hz and 6Hz, in base frequencies of 250Hz and 1000Hz. Tones were 2000ms in duration and presented with approximately 1s intervals. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERP components to tone onset and subsequent beats-evoked oscillations were determined and compared across beat frequencies with both base frequencies.ResultsAll stimuli evoked tone-onset P(50), N(100) and P(200) components followed by oscillations corresponding to the beat frequency, and a subsequent tone-offset complex. Beats-evoked oscillations were higher in amplitude with the low base frequency and to the low beat frequency. Sources of the beats-evoked oscillations across all stimulus conditions located mostly to left lateral and inferior temporal lobe areas in all stimulus conditions. Onset-evoked components were not different across stimulus conditions; P(50) had significantly different sources than the beats-evoked oscillations; and N(100) and P(200) sources located to the same temporal lobe regions as beats-evoked oscillations, but were bilateral and also included frontal and parietal contributions.ConclusionsNeural activity with slightly different volley frequencies from left and right ear converges and interacts in the central auditory brainstem pathways to generate beats of neural activity to modulate activities in the left temporal lobe, giving rise to the illusion of binaural beats. Cortical potentials recorded to binaural beats are distinct from onset responses.SignificanceBrain activity corresponding to an auditory illusion of low frequency beats can be recorded from the scalp.

ObjectiveThe auditory Event-Related Potentials (ERP) of component P50 to sound onset and offset have been reported to be similar, but their magnetic homologue has been reported absent to sound offset. We compared the spatio-temporal distribution of cortical activity during P50 to sound onset and offset, without confounds of spectral change.MethodsERPs were recorded in response to onsets and offsets of silent intervals of 0.5 s (gaps) appearing randomly in otherwise continuous white noise and compared to ERPs to randomly distributed click pairs with half second separation presented in silence. Subjects were awake and distracted from the stimuli by reading a complicated text. Measures of P50 included peak latency and amplitude, as well as source current density estimates to the clicks and sound onsets and offsets.ResultsP50 occurred in response to noise onsets and to clicks, while to noise offset it was absent. Latency of P50 was similar to noise onset (56 ms) and to clicks (53 ms). Sources of P50 to noise onsets and clicks included bilateral superior parietal areas. In contrast, noise offsets activated left inferior temporal and occipital areas at the time of P50. Source current density was significantly higher to noise onset than offset in the vicinity of the temporo-parietal junction.ConclusionsP50 to sound offset is absent compared to the distinct P50 to sound onset and to clicks, at different intracranial sources. P50 to stimulus onset and to clicks appears to reflect preattentive arousal by a new sound in the scene. Sound offset does not involve a new sound and hence the absent P50.SignificanceStimulus onset activates distinct early cortical processes that are absent to offset.

ObjectiveThe auditory Event-Related Potentials (ERP) of component P50 to sound onset and offset have been reported to be similar, but their magnetic homologue has been reported absent to sound offset. We compared the spatio-temporal distribution of cortical activity during P50 to sound onset and offset, without confounds of spectral change.MethodsERPs were recorded in response to onsets and offsets of silent intervals of 0.5 s (gaps) appearing randomly in otherwise continuous white noise and compared to ERPs to randomly distributed click pairs with half second separation presented in silence. Subjects were awake and distracted from the stimuli by reading a complicated text. Measures of P50 included peak latency and amplitude, as well as source current density estimates to the clicks and sound onsets and offsets.ResultsP50 occurred in response to noise onsets and to clicks, while to noise offset it was absent. Latency of P50 was similar to noise onset (56 ms) and to clicks (53 ms). Sources of P50 to noise onsets and clicks included bilateral superior parietal areas. In contrast, noise offsets activated left inferior temporal and occipital areas at the time of P50. Source current density was significantly higher to noise onset than offset in the vicinity of the temporo-parietal junction.ConclusionsP50 to sound offset is absent compared to the distinct P50 to sound onset and to clicks, at different intracranial sources. P50 to stimulus onset and to clicks appears to reflect preattentive arousal by a new sound in the scene. Sound offset does not involve a new sound and hence the absent P50.SignificanceStimulus onset activates distinct early cortical processes that are absent to offset.

ObjectiveTo study the effects of duration and intensity of noise that precedes gaps in noise on the N-Complex (N(1a) and N(1b)) of Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) to the gaps.MethodsERPs were recorded from 13 normal subjects in response to 20 ms gaps in 2-4.5 s segments of binaural white noise. Within each segment, the gaps appeared after 500, 1500, 2500 or 4000 ms of noise. Noise intensity was either 75, 60 or 45 dBnHL. Analysis included waveform peak measurements and intracranial source current density estimations, as well as statistical assessment of the effects of pre-gap noise duration and intensity on N(1a) and N(1b) and their estimated intracranial source activity.ResultsThe N-Complex was detected at about 100 ms under all stimulus conditions. Latencies of N(1a) (at approximately 90 ms) and N(1b) (at approximately 150 ms) were significantly affected by duration of the preceding noise. Both their amplitudes and the latency of N(1b) were affected by the preceding noise intensity. Source current density was most prominent, under all stimulus conditions, in the vicinity of the temporo-parietal junction, with the first peak (N(1a)) lateralized to the left hemisphere and the second peak (N(1b)) - to the right. Additional sources with lower current density were more anterior, with a single peak spanning the duration of the N-Complex.ConclusionsThe N(1a) and N(1b) of the N-Complex of the ERPs to gaps in noise are affected by both duration and intensity of the pre-gap noise. The minimum noise duration required for the appearance of a double-peaked N-Complex is just under 500 ms, depending on noise intensity. N(1a) and N(1b) of the N-Complex are generated predominantly in opposite temporo-parietal brain areas: N(1a) on the left and N(1b) on the right.SignificanceDuration and intensity interact to define the dual peaked N-Complex, signaling the cessation of an ongoing sound.

ObjectiveTo study the effects of duration and intensity of noise that precedes gaps in noise on the N-Complex (N(1a) and N(1b)) of Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) to the gaps.MethodsERPs were recorded from 13 normal subjects in response to 20 ms gaps in 2-4.5 s segments of binaural white noise. Within each segment, the gaps appeared after 500, 1500, 2500 or 4000 ms of noise. Noise intensity was either 75, 60 or 45 dBnHL. Analysis included waveform peak measurements and intracranial source current density estimations, as well as statistical assessment of the effects of pre-gap noise duration and intensity on N(1a) and N(1b) and their estimated intracranial source activity.ResultsThe N-Complex was detected at about 100 ms under all stimulus conditions. Latencies of N(1a) (at approximately 90 ms) and N(1b) (at approximately 150 ms) were significantly affected by duration of the preceding noise. Both their amplitudes and the latency of N(1b) were affected by the preceding noise intensity. Source current density was most prominent, under all stimulus conditions, in the vicinity of the temporo-parietal junction, with the first peak (N(1a)) lateralized to the left hemisphere and the second peak (N(1b)) - to the right. Additional sources with lower current density were more anterior, with a single peak spanning the duration of the N-Complex.ConclusionsThe N(1a) and N(1b) of the N-Complex of the ERPs to gaps in noise are affected by both duration and intensity of the pre-gap noise. The minimum noise duration required for the appearance of a double-peaked N-Complex is just under 500 ms, depending on noise intensity. N(1a) and N(1b) of the N-Complex are generated predominantly in opposite temporo-parietal brain areas: N(1a) on the left and N(1b) on the right.SignificanceDuration and intensity interact to define the dual peaked N-Complex, signaling the cessation of an ongoing sound.

ObjectiveCompare brain potentials to consonant vowels (CVs) as a function of both voice onset times (VOTs) and consonant position; initial (CV) versus second (VCV).MethodsAuditory cortical potentials (N100, P200, N200, and a late slow negativity, (SN) were recorded from scalp electrodes in twelve normal hearing subjects to consonant vowels in initial position (CVs: /du/ and /tu/), in second position (VCVs: /udu/ and /utu/), and to vowels alone (V: /u/) and paired (VVs: /uu/) separated in time to simulate consonant voice onset times (VOTs).ResultsCVs evoked "acoustic onset" N100s of similar latency but larger amplitudes to /du/ than /tu/. CVs preceded by a vowel (VCVs) evoked "acoustic change" N100s with longer latencies to /utu/ than /udu/. Their absolute latency difference was less than the corresponding VOT difference. The SN following N100 to VCVs was larger to /utu/ than /udu/. Paired vowels (/uu/) separated by intervals corresponding to consonant VOTs evoked N100s with latency differences equal to the simulated VOT differences and SNs of similar amplitudes. Noise masking resulted in VCV N100 latency differences that were now equal to consonant VOT differences. Brain activations by CVs, VCVs, and VVs were maximal in right temporal lobe.ConclusionAuditory cortical activities to CVs are sensitive to: (1) position of the CV in the utterance; (2) VOTs of consonants; and (3) noise masking.SignificanceVOTs of stop consonants affect auditory cortical activities differently as a function of the position of the consonant in the utterance.

ObjectiveCompare brain potentials to consonant vowels (CVs) as a function of both voice onset times (VOTs) and consonant position; initial (CV) versus second (VCV).MethodsAuditory cortical potentials (N100, P200, N200, and a late slow negativity, (SN) were recorded from scalp electrodes in twelve normal hearing subjects to consonant vowels in initial position (CVs: /du/ and /tu/), in second position (VCVs: /udu/ and /utu/), and to vowels alone (V: /u/) and paired (VVs: /uu/) separated in time to simulate consonant voice onset times (VOTs).ResultsCVs evoked "acoustic onset" N100s of similar latency but larger amplitudes to /du/ than /tu/. CVs preceded by a vowel (VCVs) evoked "acoustic change" N100s with longer latencies to /utu/ than /udu/. Their absolute latency difference was less than the corresponding VOT difference. The SN following N100 to VCVs was larger to /utu/ than /udu/. Paired vowels (/uu/) separated by intervals corresponding to consonant VOTs evoked N100s with latency differences equal to the simulated VOT differences and SNs of similar amplitudes. Noise masking resulted in VCV N100 latency differences that were now equal to consonant VOT differences. Brain activations by CVs, VCVs, and VVs were maximal in right temporal lobe.ConclusionAuditory cortical activities to CVs are sensitive to: (1) position of the CV in the utterance; (2) VOTs of consonants; and (3) noise masking.SignificanceVOTs of stop consonants affect auditory cortical activities differently as a function of the position of the consonant in the utterance.

ObjectivesAuditory cortical N100s were examined in ten auditory neuropathy (AN) subjects as objective measures of impaired hearing.MethodsLatencies and amplitudes of N100 in AN to increases of frequency (4-50%) or intensity (4-8 dB) of low (250 Hz) or high (4000 Hz) frequency tones were compared with results from normal-hearing controls. The sites of auditory nerve dysfunction were pre-synaptic (n=3) due to otoferlin mutations causing temperature sensitive deafness, post-synaptic (n=4) affecting other cranial and/or peripheral neuropathies, and undefined (n=3).ResultsAN consistently had N100s only to the largest changes of frequency or intensity whereas controls consistently had N100s to all but the smallest frequency and intensity changes. N100 latency in AN was significantly delayed compared to controls, more so for 250 than for 4000 Hz and more so for changes of intensity compared to frequency. N100 amplitudes to frequency change were significantly reduced in ANs compared to controls, except for pre-synaptic AN in whom amplitudes were greater than controls. N100 latency to frequency change of 250 but not of 4000 Hz was significantly related to speech perception scores.ConclusionsAs a group, AN subjects' N100 potentials were abnormally delayed and smaller, particularly for low frequency. The extent of these abnormalities differed between pre- and post-synaptic forms of the disorder.SignificanceAbnormalities of auditory cortical N100 in AN reflect disorders of both temporal processing (low frequency) and neural adaptation (high frequency). Auditory N100 latency to the low frequency provides an objective measure of the degree of impaired speech perception in AN.

ObjectivesAuditory cortical N100s were examined in ten auditory neuropathy (AN) subjects as objective measures of impaired hearing.MethodsLatencies and amplitudes of N100 in AN to increases of frequency (4-50%) or intensity (4-8 dB) of low (250 Hz) or high (4000 Hz) frequency tones were compared with results from normal-hearing controls. The sites of auditory nerve dysfunction were pre-synaptic (n=3) due to otoferlin mutations causing temperature sensitive deafness, post-synaptic (n=4) affecting other cranial and/or peripheral neuropathies, and undefined (n=3).ResultsAN consistently had N100s only to the largest changes of frequency or intensity whereas controls consistently had N100s to all but the smallest frequency and intensity changes. N100 latency in AN was significantly delayed compared to controls, more so for 250 than for 4000 Hz and more so for changes of intensity compared to frequency. N100 amplitudes to frequency change were significantly reduced in ANs compared to controls, except for pre-synaptic AN in whom amplitudes were greater than controls. N100 latency to frequency change of 250 but not of 4000 Hz was significantly related to speech perception scores.ConclusionsAs a group, AN subjects' N100 potentials were abnormally delayed and smaller, particularly for low frequency. The extent of these abnormalities differed between pre- and post-synaptic forms of the disorder.SignificanceAbnormalities of auditory cortical N100 in AN reflect disorders of both temporal processing (low frequency) and neural adaptation (high frequency). Auditory N100 latency to the low frequency provides an objective measure of the degree of impaired speech perception in AN.

ObjectivesAuditory cortical N100s were examined in ten auditory neuropathy (AN) subjects as objective measures of impaired hearing.MethodsLatencies and amplitudes of N100 in AN to increases of frequency (4-50%) or intensity (4-8 dB) of low (250 Hz) or high (4000 Hz) frequency tones were compared with results from normal-hearing controls. The sites of auditory nerve dysfunction were pre-synaptic (n=3) due to otoferlin mutations causing temperature sensitive deafness, post-synaptic (n=4) affecting other cranial and/or peripheral neuropathies, and undefined (n=3).ResultsAN consistently had N100s only to the largest changes of frequency or intensity whereas controls consistently had N100s to all but the smallest frequency and intensity changes. N100 latency in AN was significantly delayed compared to controls, more so for 250 than for 4000 Hz and more so for changes of intensity compared to frequency. N100 amplitudes to frequency change were significantly reduced in ANs compared to controls, except for pre-synaptic AN in whom amplitudes were greater than controls. N100 latency to frequency change of 250 but not of 4000 Hz was significantly related to speech perception scores.ConclusionsAs a group, AN subjects' N100 potentials were abnormally delayed and smaller, particularly for low frequency. The extent of these abnormalities differed between pre- and post-synaptic forms of the disorder.SignificanceAbnormalities of auditory cortical N100 in AN reflect disorders of both temporal processing (low frequency) and neural adaptation (high frequency). Auditory N100 latency to the low frequency provides an objective measure of the degree of impaired speech perception in AN.

ObjectivesTo examine auditory cortical potentials in normal-hearing subjects to intensity increments in a continuous pure tone at low, mid, and high frequency.MethodsElectrical scalp potentials were recorded in response to randomly occurring 100 ms intensity increments of continuous 250, 1000, and 4000 Hz tones every 1.4 s. The magnitude of intensity change varied between 0, 2, 4, 6, and 8 dB above the 80 dB SPL continuous tone.ResultsPotentials included N100, P200, and a slow negative (SN) wave. N100 latencies were delayed whereas amplitudes were not affected for 250 Hz compared to 1000 and 4000 Hz. Functions relating the magnitude of the intensity change and N100 latency/amplitude did not differ in their slope among the three frequencies. No consistent relationship between intensity increment and SN was observed. Cortical dipole sources for N100 did not differ in location or orientation between the three frequencies.ConclusionsThe relationship between intensity increments and N100 latency/amplitude did not differ between tonal frequencies. A cortical tonotopic arrangement was not observed for intensity increments. Our results are in contrast to prior studies of brain activities to brief frequency changes showing cortical tonotopic organization.SignificanceThese results suggest that intensity and frequency discrimination employ distinct central processes.

ObjectivesTo examine auditory cortical potentials in normal-hearing subjects to intensity increments in a continuous pure tone at low, mid, and high frequency.MethodsElectrical scalp potentials were recorded in response to randomly occurring 100 ms intensity increments of continuous 250, 1000, and 4000 Hz tones every 1.4 s. The magnitude of intensity change varied between 0, 2, 4, 6, and 8 dB above the 80 dB SPL continuous tone.ResultsPotentials included N100, P200, and a slow negative (SN) wave. N100 latencies were delayed whereas amplitudes were not affected for 250 Hz compared to 1000 and 4000 Hz. Functions relating the magnitude of the intensity change and N100 latency/amplitude did not differ in their slope among the three frequencies. No consistent relationship between intensity increment and SN was observed. Cortical dipole sources for N100 did not differ in location or orientation between the three frequencies.ConclusionsThe relationship between intensity increments and N100 latency/amplitude did not differ between tonal frequencies. A cortical tonotopic arrangement was not observed for intensity increments. Our results are in contrast to prior studies of brain activities to brief frequency changes showing cortical tonotopic organization.SignificanceThese results suggest that intensity and frequency discrimination employ distinct central processes.

ObjectiveWe examined auditory cortical potentials in normal hearing subjects to spectral changes in continuous low and high frequency pure tones.MethodsCortical potentials were recorded to increments of frequency from continuous 250 or 4000Hz tones. The magnitude of change was random and varied from 0% to 50% above the base frequency.ResultsPotentials consisted of N100, P200 and a slow negative wave (SN). N100 amplitude, latency and dipole magnitude with frequency increments were significantly greater for low compared to high frequencies. Dipole amplitudes were greater in the right than left hemisphere for both base frequencies. The SN amplitude to frequency changes between 4% and 50% was not significantly related to the magnitude of spectral change.ConclusionsModulation of N100 amplitude and latency elicited by spectral change is more pronounced with low compared to high frequencies.SignificanceThese data provide electrophysiological evidence that central processing of spectral changes in the cortex differs for low and high frequencies. Some of these differences may be related to both temporal- and spectral-based coding at the auditory periphery. Central representation of frequency change may be related to the different temporal windows of integration across frequencies.

ObjectiveWe examined auditory cortical potentials in normal hearing subjects to spectral changes in continuous low and high frequency pure tones.MethodsCortical potentials were recorded to increments of frequency from continuous 250 or 4000Hz tones. The magnitude of change was random and varied from 0% to 50% above the base frequency.ResultsPotentials consisted of N100, P200 and a slow negative wave (SN). N100 amplitude, latency and dipole magnitude with frequency increments were significantly greater for low compared to high frequencies. Dipole amplitudes were greater in the right than left hemisphere for both base frequencies. The SN amplitude to frequency changes between 4% and 50% was not significantly related to the magnitude of spectral change.ConclusionsModulation of N100 amplitude and latency elicited by spectral change is more pronounced with low compared to high frequencies.SignificanceThese data provide electrophysiological evidence that central processing of spectral changes in the cortex differs for low and high frequencies. Some of these differences may be related to both temporal- and spectral-based coding at the auditory periphery. Central representation of frequency change may be related to the different temporal windows of integration across frequencies.