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In the 1950s British newspapers made a concerted effort to increase their circulation in the Irish state. Using records held at the National Archives of Ireland this article examines the key political, social and cultural issues that emerged as the newspapers were scrutinised by government and lay-religious bodies for what was perceived as anti-Irish and indecent content. Whereas the files reveal acute sensitivity to such content, they also illustrate very differing reactions among interest groups. While religious bodies demanded a stricter censorship regime, political actors were becoming more attuned to a changing post-war environment in which protectionism had no place.

Recognizing the imperative to evaluate species recovery and conservation impact, in 2012 the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) called for development of a “Green List of Species” (now the IUCN Green Status of Species). A draft Green Status framework for assessing species’ progress toward recovery, published in 2018, proposed 2 separate but interlinked components: a standardized method (i.e., measurement against benchmarks of species’ viability, functionality, and preimpact distribution) to determine current species recovery status (herein species recovery score) and application of that method to estimate past and potential future impacts of conservation based on 4 metrics (conservation legacy, conservation dependence, conservation gain, and recovery potential). We tested the framework with 181 species representing diverse taxa, life histories, biomes, and IUCN Red List categories (extinction risk). Based on the observed distribution of species’ recovery scores, we propose the following species recovery categories: fully recovered, slightly depleted, moderately depleted, largely depleted, critically depleted, extinct in the wild, and indeterminate. Fifty-nine percent of tested species were considered largely or critically depleted. Although there was a negative relationship between extinction risk and species recovery score, variation was considerable. Some species in lower risk categories were assessed as farther from recovery than those at higher risk. This emphasizes that species recovery is conceptually different from extinction risk and reinforces the utility of the IUCN Green Status of Species to more fully understand species conservation status. Although extinction risk did not predict conservation legacy, conservation dependence, or conservation gain, it was positively correlated with recovery potential. Only 1.7% of tested species were categorized as zero across all 4 of these conservation impact metrics, indicating that conservation has

Between 1935 and 1979 the importation and sale of contraception and the publication of information about birth control was illegal in Ireland. Political discourse on the issue was grounded in religious doctrine and the issue was virtually invisible in terms of media content. But in the 1960s as the state embraced free trade and introduced free second level education, the nature of the women’s pages of the national newspapers changed. Amid the international rise of feminism, the pages moved away from an exclusive focus on domestic-related concerns to make visible the demand for bodily autonomy and the legalisation of contraception. Such a change not only had the effect of making these long ignored issues visible in public debate, it also helped to frame those issues as a political rather than a moral issue. Such an approach incurred the wrath of those who viewed contraception as a moral evil and saw those who advocated its legalisation as a threat to the existing order. This article assesses the media invisibility of the issue in the early decades of the Irish state, examines the changing nature of the women’s pages in the 1960s, and assesses their contribution to the development of public discussion of birth control and its legalisation in 1979.

In 1929 the Irish state banned the publication of any information that advocated the prevention of conception. While much research has examined the cleansing of sexual matters from motion pictures and literature, the mechanics of how aspects of sexuality, in this instance birth control information, was excised from the most affordable, most widely available, and most easily purchased medium – the press – have received scant attention. This article examines the origins of, the implementation of, and the controversies that arose from the banning of birth control information from the press in Ireland. Through an examination of state and ecclesiastical archives – as well as contemporaneous press coverage – it outlines the mechanics utilised by state and religious actors to cleanse the press of such content. The archives demonstrate an acute sensitivity on the part of Catholic moral entrepreneurs to any mention, as distinct from advocacy, of birth control in the press. This sensitivity led to those tasked with implementing censorship going beyond their remit in terms of imposing official and unofficial bans on various publications. Such actions delayed for decades any meaningful public discussion of birth control with the inevitable consequences this had for women in pre-1970’s Ireland.

Recognizing the imperative to evaluate species recovery and conservation impact, in 2012 the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) called for development of a “Green List of Species” (now the IUCN Green Status of Species). A draft Green Status framework for assessing species’ progress toward recovery, published in 2018, proposed 2 separate but interlinked components: a standardized method (i.e., measurement against benchmarks of species’ viability, functionality, and preimpact distribution) to determine current species recovery status (herein species recovery score) and application of that method to estimate past and potential future impacts of conservation based on 4 metrics (conservation legacy, conservation dependence, conservation gain, and recovery potential). We tested the framework with 181 species representing diverse taxa, life histories, biomes, and IUCN Red List categories (extinction risk). Based on the observed distribution of species’ recovery scores, we propose the following species recovery categories: fully recovered, slightly depleted, moderately depleted, largely depleted, critically depleted, extinct in the wild, and indeterminate. Fifty-nine percent of tested species were considered largely or critically depleted. Although there was a negative relationship between extinction risk and species recovery score, variation was considerable. Some species in lower risk categories were assessed as farther from recovery than those at higher risk. This emphasizes that species recovery is conceptually different from extinction risk and reinforces the utility of the IUCN Green Status of Species to more fully understand species conservation status. Although extinction risk did not predict conservation legacy, conservation dependence, or conservation gain, it was positively correlated with recovery potential. Only 1.7% of tested species were categorized as zero across all 4 of these conservation impact metrics, indicating that conservation has

The relationship between the Roman Catholic Church and news journalism in Ireland has long been problematic. This article provides a structured reconnaissance of the relationship over the course of the twentieth-century and seeks to provide a framework for thinking about the primary forces that were in play within the relationship. While acknowledging that the relationship between social change and media change is complex, not always amenable to quantification or metrification, and open to continuous debate, the article conceptualizes the changing Church–media relationship in terms of: 1) the establishment of a national television station, required by law to be objective and impartial in terms of its news and current affairs output; 2) the increased prevalence of “outsider” journalism—that is content produced by non-native journalists for Irish publications, content produced by Irish journalists for overseas publications, and content produced by exile Irish journalists for overseas publications, all of which cast a cold eye on the nature of Irish society; 3) the emergence of new discourses that challenged the teachings of the Church and which were adopted by the mainstream press; and 4) the impact of new technology that, for a brief period, resulted in a flourishing, independent-minded periodical press. By itemizing such change, one gets a fuller picture of the evolving nature of the Church–media relationship as it entered the contentious decade of the 1990s. The advantages of such conceptualization are that: 1) it invites use to take the “long view” of social change, thereby providing context to social debate; 2) it encourages us to consider the current situation in light of fuller rather than partial context; and, 3) it may help in thinking about the future trajectory of the relationship in the knowledge that hindsight is often the best form of foresight.

The relationship between the Roman Catholic Church and news journalism in Ireland has long been problematic. This article provides a structured reconnaissance of the relationship over the course of the twentieth-century and seeks to provide a framework for thinking about the primary forces that were in play within the relationship. While acknowledging that the relationship between social change and media change is complex, not always amenable to quantification or metrification, and open to continuous debate, the article conceptualizes the changing Church–media relationship in terms of: 1) the establishment of a national television station, required by law to be objective and impartial in terms of its news and current affairs output; 2) the increased prevalence of “outsider” journalism—that is content produced by non-native journalists for Irish publications, content produced by Irish journalists for overseas publications, and content produced by exile Irish journalists for overseas publications, all of which cast a cold eye on the nature of Irish society; 3) the emergence of new discourses that challenged the teachings of the Church and which were adopted by the mainstream press; and 4) the impact of new technology that, for a brief period, resulted in a flourishing, independent-minded periodical press. By itemizing such change, one gets a fuller picture of the evolving nature of the Church–media relationship as it entered the contentious decade of the 1990s. The advantages of such conceptualization are that: 1) it invites use to take the “long view” of social change, thereby providing context to social debate; 2) it encourages us to consider the current situation in light of fuller rather than partial context; and, 3) it may help in thinking about the future trajectory of the relationship in the knowledge that hindsight is often the best form of foresight.

Between 1935 and 1979 the importation and sale of contraception and the publication of information about birth control was illegal in Ireland. Political discourse on the issue was grounded in religious doctrine and the issue was virtually invisible in terms of media content. But in the 1960s as the state embraced free trade and introduced free second level education, the nature of the women’s pages of the national newspapers changed. Amid the international rise of feminism, the pages moved away from an exclusive focus on domestic-related concerns to make visible the demand for bodily autonomy and the legalisation of contraception. Such a change not only had the effect of making these long ignored issues visible in public debate, it also helped to frame those issues as a political rather than a moral issue. Such an approach incurred the wrath of those who viewed contraception as a moral evil and saw those who advocated its legalisation as a threat to the existing order. This article assesses the media invisibility of the issue in the early decades of the Irish state, examines the changing nature of the women’s pages in the 1960s, and assesses their contribution to the development of public discussion of birth control and its legalisation in 1979.

As with the United States and Great Britain there has been a marked increase in the prevalence of political sex scandal themed stories reported on by Irish media since the 1990s. This article considers the concept of the political sex scandal, and its relationship with media in the Irish case. It argues that political sex scandal was a frequent part of Irish journalism pre-independence but that, post-independence, this approach was replaced with a reticence to report such scandal until the 1990s. It finds that, today, Irish media avoid reporting on the private lives of politicians and instead focus on incidents wherein politicians intervene in sex-related court cases, when politicians are caught acting inappropriately on camera and on when politicians engage in matters sexual on social media. Thus, unlike the US and Britain, the key structural characteristic of contemporary Irish political sex scandals is not media intrusion into the private lives of politicians but rather media oversight of when and how politicians engage in sex-related issues in public fora such as the judicial system and social media.

Between 1935 and 1979 the importation and sale of contraception and the publication of information about birth control was illegal in Ireland. Political discourse on the issue was grounded in religious doctrine and the issue was virtually invisible in terms of media content. But in the 1960s as the state embraced free trade and introduced free second level education, the nature of the women’s pages of the national newspapers changed. Amid the international rise of feminism, the pages moved away from an exclusive focus on domestic-related concerns to make visible the demand for bodily autonomy and the legalisation of contraception. Such a change not only had the effect of making these long ignored issues visible in public debate, it also helped to frame those issues as a political rather than a moral issue. Such an approach incurred the wrath of those who viewed contraception as a moral evil and saw those who advocated its legalisation as a threat to the existing order. This article assesses the media invisibility of the issue in the early decades of the Irish state, examines the changing nature of the women’s pages in the 1960s, and assesses their contribution to the development of public discussion of birth control and its legalisation in 1979.

In 1929 the Irish state banned the publication of any information that advocated the prevention of conception. While much research has examined the cleansing of sexual matters from motion pictures and literature, the mechanics of how aspects of sexuality, in this instance birth control information, was excised from the most affordable, most widely available, and most easily purchased medium – the press – have received scant attention. This article examines the origins of, the implementation of, and the controversies that arose from the banning of birth control information from the press in Ireland. Through an examination of state and ecclesiastical archives – as well as contemporaneous press coverage – it outlines the mechanics utilised by state and religious actors to cleanse the press of such content. The archives demonstrate an acute sensitivity on the part of Catholic moral entrepreneurs to any mention, as distinct from advocacy, of birth control in the press. This sensitivity led to those tasked with implementing censorship going beyond their remit in terms of imposing official and unofficial bans on various publications. Such actions delayed for decades any meaningful public discussion of birth control with the inevitable consequences this had for women in pre-1970’s Ireland.

In 1929 the Irish state banned the publication of any information that advocated the prevention of conception. While much research has examined the cleansing of sexual matters from motion pictures and literature, the mechanics of how aspects of sexuality, in this instance birth control information, was excised from the most affordable, most widely available, and most easily purchased medium – the press – have received scant attention. This article examines the origins of, the implementation of, and the controversies that arose from the banning of birth control information from the press in Ireland. Through an examination of state and ecclesiastical archives – as well as contemporaneous press coverage – it outlines the mechanics utilised by state and religious actors to cleanse the press of such content. The archives demonstrate an acute sensitivity on the part of Catholic moral entrepreneurs to any mention, as distinct from advocacy, of birth control in the press. This sensitivity led to those tasked with implementing censorship going beyond their remit in terms of imposing official and unofficial bans on various publications. Such actions delayed for decades any meaningful public discussion of birth control with the inevitable consequences this had for women in pre-1970’s Ireland.

The relationship between the Roman Catholic Church and news journalism in Ireland has long been problematic. This article provides a structured reconnaissance of the relationship over the course of the twentieth-century and seeks to provide a framework for thinking about the primary forces that were in play within the relationship. While acknowledging that the relationship between social change and media change is complex, not always amenable to quantification or metrification, and open to continuous debate, the article conceptualizes the changing Church–media relationship in terms of: 1) the establishment of a national television station, required by law to be objective and impartial in terms of its news and current affairs output; 2) the increased prevalence of “outsider” journalism—that is content produced by non-native journalists for Irish publications, content produced by Irish journalists for overseas publications, and content produced by exile Irish journalists for overseas publications, all of which cast a cold eye on the nature of Irish society; 3) the emergence of new discourses that challenged the teachings of the Church and which were adopted by the mainstream press; and 4) the impact of new technology that, for a brief period, resulted in a flourishing, independent-minded periodical press. By itemizing such change, one gets a fuller picture of the evolving nature of the Church–media relationship as it entered the contentious decade of the 1990s. The advantages of such conceptualization are that: 1) it invites use to take the “long view” of social change, thereby providing context to social debate; 2) it encourages us to consider the current situation in light of fuller rather than partial context; and, 3) it may help in thinking about the future trajectory of the relationship in the knowledge that hindsight is often the best form of foresight.

As with the United States and Great Britain there has been a marked increase in the prevalence of political sex scandal themed stories reported on by Irish media since the 1990s. This article considers the concept of the political sex scandal, and its relationship with media in the Irish case. It argues that political sex scandal was a frequent part of Irish journalism pre-independence but that, post-independence, this approach was replaced with a reticence to report such scandal until the 1990s. It finds that, today, Irish media avoid reporting on the private lives of politicians and instead focus on incidents wherein politicians intervene in sex-related court cases, when politicians are caught acting inappropriately on camera and on when politicians engage in matters sexual on social media. Thus, unlike the US and Britain, the key structural characteristic of contemporary Irish political sex scandals is not media intrusion into the private lives of politicians but rather media oversight of when and how politicians engage in sex-related issues in public fora such as the judicial system and social media.

Recognizing the imperative to evaluate species recovery and conservation impact, in 2012 the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) called for development of a “Green List of Species” (now the IUCN Green Status of Species). A draft Green Status framework for assessing species’ progress toward recovery, published in 2018, proposed 2 separate but interlinked components: a standardized method (i.e., measurement against benchmarks of species’ viability, functionality, and preimpact distribution) to determine current species recovery status (herein species recovery score) and application of that method to estimate past and potential future impacts of conservation based on 4 metrics (conservation legacy, conservation dependence, conservation gain, and recovery potential). We tested the framework with 181 species representing diverse taxa, life histories, biomes, and IUCN Red List categories (extinction risk). Based on the observed distribution of species’ recovery scores, we propose the following species recovery categories: fully recovered, slightly depleted, moderately depleted, largely depleted, critically depleted, extinct in the wild, and indeterminate. Fifty-nine percent of tested species were considered largely or critically depleted. Although there was a negative relationship between extinction risk and species recovery score, variation was considerable. Some species in lower risk categories were assessed as farther from recovery than those at higher risk. This emphasizes that species recovery is conceptually different from extinction risk and reinforces the utility of the IUCN Green Status of Species to more fully understand species conservation status. Although extinction risk did not predict conservation legacy, conservation dependence, or conservation gain, it was positively correlated with recovery potential. Only 1.7% of tested species were categorized as zero across all 4 of these conservation impact metrics, indicating that conservation has

This is the second of a two-volume study of the dynamics of the MT version of the Book of Jeremiah. The first volume was Discerning the Dynamics of Jeremiah 1-25 (MT). As with the first volume this one aims to show how, by paying attention to the 'Dynamics of the Text', namely how individual passages relate to their immediate and wider contexts, a new understanding of the book emerges. Rather than a loose collection of material assembled over a period of time by various hands, one can discern how the parts of the book combine to portray the dramatic unfolding of Jeremiahs' prophetic vocation, and how his relationship with God and God's people form an integral part of the book's presentation of the Word of God

The relationships between the constituent nations of Great Britain and Ireland have complex histories. One key element of these relationships has been the longstanding connections between the press cultures of both islands which often manifested itself in the ease with which journalists migrated between capital cities and secured employment in their new homeland. The intricate web of connections within the press industry linking Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales at the turn of the nineteenth century was, unsurprisingly, a by-product of the political union of the four countries that was buttressed by the rise of the Irish Parliamentary Party as a potent political force from the 1880s onwards and the development of its associated press presence in Ireland and Britain.

The relationships between the constituent nations of Great Britain and Ireland have complex histories. One key element of these relationships has been the longstanding connections between the press cultures of both islands which often manifested itself in the ease with which journalists migrated between capital cities and secured employment in their new homeland. The intricate web of connections within the press industry linking Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales at the turn of the nineteenth century was, unsurprisingly, a by-product of the political union of the four countries that was buttressed by the rise of the Irish Parliamentary Party as a potent political force from the 1880s onwards and the development of its associated press presence in Ireland and Britain.

The relationships between the constituent nations of Great Britain and Ireland have complex histories. One key element of these relationships has been the longstanding connections between the press cultures of both islands which often manifested itself in the ease with which journalists migrated between capital cities and secured employment in their new homeland. The intricate web of connections within the press industry linking Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales at the turn of the nineteenth century was, unsurprisingly, a by-product of the political union of the four countries that was buttressed by the rise of the Irish Parliamentary Party as a potent political force from the 1880s onwards and the development of its associated press presence in Ireland and Britain.

The relationships between the constituent nations of Great Britain and Ireland have complex histories. One key element of these relationships has been the longstanding connections between the press cultures of both islands which often manifested itself in the ease with which journalists migrated between capital cities and secured employment in their new homeland. The intricate web of connections within the press industry linking Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales at the turn of the nineteenth century was, unsurprisingly, a by-product of the political union of the four countries that was buttressed by the rise of the Irish Parliamentary Party as a potent political force from the 1880s onwards and the development of its associated press presence in Ireland and Britain.

The relationships between the constituent nations of Great Britain and Ireland have complex histories. One key element of these relationships has been the longstanding connections between the press cultures of both islands which often manifested itself in the ease with which journalists migrated between capital cities and secured employment in their new homeland. The intricate web of connections within the press industry linking Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales at the turn of the nineteenth century was, unsurprisingly, a by-product of the political union of the four countries that was buttressed by the rise of the Irish Parliamentary Party as a potent political force from the 1880s onwards and the development of its associated press presence in Ireland and Britain.

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The relationship between journalists and the Irish rebellion of Easter 1916 is a complex one. While the Rising was led in large part by a miscellany of poets, editors and journalists (many of whom feature prominently in the Rising’s historiography) many lesser-known journalists acted as planners and participants in the insurrection. As well as assessing the contribution of these lesser-known journalists to the events of 1916 and the Rising’s impact on journalistic life in Dublin, it explores how a representative organisation – the Irish Journalists’ Association – acted as a cover for the clandestine insurgent-related activities of many journalists. It finds that the IJA played a key role in facilitating the expression of radical views by this cohort of journalists who could not express their radicalism through their everyday posts on the mainstream media and, by so doing, it played a key, though hitherto unacknowledged, role in the events of Easter 1916.

Australia, New Zealand, New Guinea, Wallacea, and the islands of the Pacific Ocean collectively possess 42% of the world’s parrot species, including half of all Critically Endangered species. We used comparative methods to review the factors related to extinction risk of 167 extant and 5 extinct parrot species from this region, subsequently referred to as ‘Oceania’. We tested a range of ecological and socio-economic variables as predictors of extinction risk for parrots in the region while controlling for phylogeny. Parrot species were most likely to be threatened if they had small historical ranges, large bodies, or a high dependency on forest, or if they were endemic to a single country, or native to a country with high unemployment. Our analysis identifies invasive species as an especially severe threat to the parrots of Oceania. We present maps of parrot species’ diversity and draw attention to regions of conservation concern. Our comparative analysis presents an important overview of the factors contributing to the decline of parrots in Oceania, and provides a strong basis for comparison with other parts of the world.

The relationship between journalists and the Irish rebellion of Easter 1916 is a complex one. While the Rising was led in large part by a miscellany of poets, editors and journalists (many of whom feature prominently in the Rising’s historiography) many lesser-known journalists acted as planners and participants in the insurrection. As well as assessing the contribution of these lesser-known journalists to the events of 1916 and the Rising’s impact on journalistic life in Dublin, it explores how a representative organisation – the Irish Journalists’ Association – acted as a cover for the clandestine insurgent-related activities of many journalists. It finds that the IJA played a key role in facilitating the expression of radical views by this cohort of journalists who could not express their radicalism through their everyday posts on the mainstream media and, by so doing, it played a key, though hitherto unacknowledged, role in the events of Easter 1916.

The relationship between journalists and the Irish rebellion of Easter 1916 is a complex one. While the Rising was led in large part by a miscellany of poets, editors and journalists (many of whom feature prominently in the Rising’s historiography) many lesser-known journalists acted as planners and participants in the insurrection. As well as assessing the contribution of these lesser-known journalists to the events of 1916 and the Rising’s impact on journalistic life in Dublin, it explores how a representative organisation – the Irish Journalists’ Association – acted as a cover for the clandestine insurgent-related activities of many journalists. It finds that the IJA played a key role in facilitating the expression of radical views by this cohort of journalists who could not express their radicalism through their everyday posts on the mainstream media and, by so doing, it played a key, though hitherto unacknowledged, role in the events of Easter 1916.

The relationship between journalists and the Irish rebellion of Easter 1916 is a complex one. While the Rising was led in large part by a miscellany of poets, editors and journalists (many of whom feature prominently in the Rising’s historiography) many lesser-known journalists acted as planners and participants in the insurrection. As well as assessing the contribution of these lesser-known journalists to the events of 1916 and the Rising’s impact on journalistic life in Dublin, it explores how a representative organisation – the Irish Journalists’ Association – acted as a cover for the clandestine insurgent-related activities of many journalists. It finds that the IJA played a key role in facilitating the expression of radical views by this cohort of journalists who could not express their radicalism through their everyday posts on the mainstream media and, by so doing, it played a key, though hitherto unacknowledged, role in the events of Easter 1916.

The Sunday Tribune’s 30-year-story starts with Hibernia’s demise, as an attempt to continue by other means that magazine’s dissenting journalism. Set up by an unlikely partnership of John Mulcahy, proprietor-editor of Hibernia, and Hugh McLaughlin, commercial magazine publisher and Sunday World co-founder, the Sunday Tribune went through several distinct phases in its three decades: 1980- 82, under the control of McLaughlin, with various associates; 1983-94, under the editorship and partial control of Vincent Browne, with changing investment partners, finally Independent Newspapers; 1994-2011, under the effective control of Independent Newspapers, with a succession of four editors. This chapter concentrates on the first two phases, from the founding years through Vincent Browne’s editorship. In these 13 years, the Tribune sought to maintain a structure and perspective that was independent and distinct within the mass-market media of the time. We review several key features of the Sunday Tribune of that period, and present a portrait of a newspaper that has a particular place in the history of Irish journalism and newspaper publishing. But we also describe the pervasive uncertainty about the Tribune’s commercial potential and even its survival, as investors and senior executives came and went frequently, with unsettling effects on the continuing production of the newspaper.

The Sunday Tribune’s 30-year-story starts with Hibernia’s demise, as an attempt to continue by other means that magazine’s dissenting journalism. Set up by an unlikely partnership of John Mulcahy, proprietor-editor of Hibernia, and Hugh McLaughlin, commercial magazine publisher and Sunday World co-founder, the Sunday Tribune went through several distinct phases in its three decades: 1980- 82, under the control of McLaughlin, with various associates; 1983-94, under the editorship and partial control of Vincent Browne, with changing investment partners, finally Independent Newspapers; 1994-2011, under the effective control of Independent Newspapers, with a succession of four editors. This chapter concentrates on the first two phases, from the founding years through Vincent Browne’s editorship. In these 13 years, the Tribune sought to maintain a structure and perspective that was independent and distinct within the mass-market media of the time. We review several key features of the Sunday Tribune of that period, and present a portrait of a newspaper that has a particular place in the history of Irish journalism and newspaper publishing. But we also describe the pervasive uncertainty about the Tribune’s commercial potential and even its survival, as investors and senior executives came and went frequently, with unsettling effects on the continuing production of the newspaper.

The Sunday Tribune’s 30-year-story starts with Hibernia’s demise, as an attempt to continue by other means that magazine’s dissenting journalism. Set up by an unlikely partnership of John Mulcahy, proprietor-editor of Hibernia, and Hugh McLaughlin, commercial magazine publisher and Sunday World co-founder, the Sunday Tribune went through several distinct phases in its three decades: 1980- 82, under the control of McLaughlin, with various associates; 1983-94, under the editorship and partial control of Vincent Browne, with changing investment partners, finally Independent Newspapers; 1994-2011, under the effective control of Independent Newspapers, with a succession of four editors. This chapter concentrates on the first two phases, from the founding years through Vincent Browne’s editorship. In these 13 years, the Tribune sought to maintain a structure and perspective that was independent and distinct within the mass-market media of the time. We review several key features of the Sunday Tribune of that period, and present a portrait of a newspaper that has a particular place in the history of Irish journalism and newspaper publishing. But we also describe the pervasive uncertainty about the Tribune’s commercial potential and even its survival, as investors and senior executives came and went frequently, with unsettling effects on the continuing production of the newspaper.