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Differences of opinion between family members are familiar narratives for many people. When family tensions involve racist talk, how do family members navigate this? This paper asks: (1) What strategies do family members use to challenge racist talk within their own family? and (2) What effects do these strategies have on (a) on-going racist talk, (b) family practices and (c) broader social change around racism? In Australia, where this project was based, anti-racism campaigns often advocate for individual contestations of racism, but their effects on the structures of racism are not well known. This paper identifies four strategies used to challenge racist talk in families including (1) undertaking safe critique, (2) humour, (3) direct confrontation or violence and (4) reference to personal / familial experiences of racism. I found that individual contestations of racist talk within families may, at times, shift family practices (Morgan 2011) away from expressions of racism, or further the development of race literacy amongst some family members. However, this was very much a minority response to individual contestations of racist talk. To create social change, this paper highlights the critical need for activity that much more broadly seeks to dismantle racist structures and institutionalized racism.

Differences of opinion between family members are familiar narratives for many people. When family tensions involve racist talk, how do family members navigate this? This paper asks: (1) What strategies do family members use to challenge racist talk within their own family? and (2) What effects do these strategies have on (a) on-going racist talk, (b) family practices and (c) broader social change around racism? In Australia, where this project was based, anti-racism campaigns often advocate for individual contestations of racism, but their effects on the structures of racism are not well known. This paper identifies four strategies used to challenge racist talk in families including (1) undertaking safe critique, (2) humour, (3) direct confrontation or violence and (4) reference to personal / familial experiences of racism. I found that individual contestations of racist talk within families may, at times, shift family practices (Morgan 2011) away from expressions of racism, or further the development of race literacy amongst some family members. However, this was very much a minority response to individual contestations of racist talk. To create social change, this paper highlights the critical need for activity that much more broadly seeks to dismantle racist structures and institutionalized racism.

© 2020 Elsevier Ltd Racism in Australia has been both present and pervasive since invasion one potentially important setting where work against racism might occur is within families. Responses to racist talk within families have received little attention within the anti-racism literature. The first aim of this paper is to explore how families negotiate racist talk, taking the view that the rules and practices that guide familial interactions are unique. Intimate relations and the emotional connections therein both create spaces for and constrain race related conversations. Secondly, the paper contrasts responses to racist talk within families to those in public or quasi-public spaces, often occurring amongst strangers. Within families, affective relationships between members are primary, as are the dynamics of family practices. Interviews conducted as the first stage of a larger study show that families are a site for the reproduction of racism, as well as performances of anti-racism. This paper identifies White capacities to maintain family relationships amidst racist talk.

Faced with unresolved tensions between neutrino interaction measurements at few-GeV neutrino energies, current experiments are forced to accept large systematic uncertainties to cover discrepancies between their data and model predictions. In this paper, the widely used pion production model in GENIE is compared to four MINERvA charged current pion production measurements using NUISANCE. Tunings, ie, adjustments of model parameters, to help match GENIE to MINERvA and older bubble chamber data are presented here. We find that scattering off nuclear targets as measured in MINERvA is not in good agreement with scattering off nucleon (hydrogen or deuterium) targets in the bubble chamber data. An additional ad hoc correction for the low-$Q^2$ region, where collective effects are expected to be large, is also presented. While these tunings and corrections improve the agreement of GENIE with the data, the modeling is imperfect. The development of these tunings within the NUISANCE frameworkallows for straightforward extensions to other neutrino event generators and models, and allows omitting and including new data sets as they become available.

Faced with unresolved tensions between neutrino interaction measurements at few-GeV neutrino energies, current experiments are forced to accept large systematic uncertainties to cover discrepancies between their data and model predictions. In this paper, the widely used pion production model in GENIE is compared to four MINERvA charged current pion production measurements using NUISANCE. Tunings, ie, adjustments of model parameters, to help match GENIE to MINERvA and older bubble chamber data are presented here. We find that scattering off nuclear targets as measured in MINERvA is not in good agreement with scattering off nucleon (hydrogen or deuterium) targets in the bubble chamber data. An additional ad hoc correction for the low-$Q^2$ region, where collective effects are expected to be large, is also presented. While these tunings and corrections improve the agreement of GENIE with the data, the modeling is imperfect. The development of these tunings within the NUISANCE frameworkallows for straightforward extensions to other neutrino event generators and models, and allows omitting and including new data sets as they become available.

© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. In a national survey of witnessing racism, ten per cent of respondents reported an event where they perceived a white Australian had been the target of racism. We discuss the social and political context in which claims of anti-white ‘racism’ have come to the fore. The paper introduces three analytical entry points from which to approach the problem of anti-white ‘racism’: an individual analysis, an analysis of power and its effects, and a historical and structural analysis. These entry points cascade into each other, revealing both divergence in how these reported experiences might be understood and the tensions between different ways of approaching the analytical problem of claims of anti-white ‘racism’. We explore the characteristics of those who report witnessing anti-white ‘racism’ and examine the contexts within which anti-white ‘racism’ is perceived to have occurred. The racialised incidents reported are analysed in their specificities; we attend to the individuals involved and their social positioning, the historical context and how the event relates to structures and histories of domination. The paper highlights the asymmetry of claims to race based victimhood, emphasising the differences between anti-white ‘racism’ and other experiences of racism.

© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. In a national survey of witnessing racism, ten per cent of respondents reported an event where they perceived a white Australian had been the target of racism. We discuss the social and political context in which claims of anti-white ‘racism’ have come to the fore. The paper introduces three analytical entry points from which to approach the problem of anti-white ‘racism’: an individual analysis, an analysis of power and its effects, and a historical and structural analysis. These entry points cascade into each other, revealing both divergence in how these reported experiences might be understood and the tensions between different ways of approaching the analytical problem of claims of anti-white ‘racism’. We explore the characteristics of those who report witnessing anti-white ‘racism’ and examine the contexts within which anti-white ‘racism’ is perceived to have occurred. The racialised incidents reported are analysed in their specificities; we attend to the individuals involved and their social positioning, the historical context and how the event relates to structures and histories of domination. The paper highlights the asymmetry of claims to race based victimhood, emphasising the differences between anti-white ‘racism’ and other experiences of racism.

The US neutrino community gathered at the Workshop on the Intermediate Neutrino Program (WINP) at Brookhaven National Laboratory February 4-6, 2015 to explore opportunities in neutrino physics over the next five to ten years. Scientists from particle, astroparticle and nuclear physics participated in the workshop. The workshop examined promising opportunities for neutrino physics in the intermediate term, including possible new small to mid-scale experiments, US contributions to large experiments, upgrades to existing experiments, R&D plans and theory. The workshop was organized into two sets of parallel working group sessions, divided by physics topics and technology. Physics working groups covered topics on Sterile Neutrinos, Neutrino Mixing, Neutrino Interactions, Neutrino Properties and Astrophysical Neutrinos. Technology sessions were organized into Theory, Short-Baseline Accelerator Neutrinos, Reactor Neutrinos, Detector R&D and Source, Cyclotron and Meson Decay at Rest sessions.This report summarizes discussion and conclusions from the workshop.

© 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Possibilities for anti-racism within the spaces of family life have not yet been contemplated in any depth in the extant anti-racism literature. To address this, the first section of this paper demonstrates that families are a potentially critical site for anti-racism, reviewing a large body of evidence demonstrating the key role families play in socialisation processes and in the development of racial attitudes. I also look at what can be gleaned from the literature on interethnic intimacy. The second section turns to the possibilities for anti-racism within families, suggesting that too little is known about how members of families negotiate instances of racism, or the strategies used to restage or subvert racist discourses and practices within the family. The potential for anti-racist performances to challenge expressions of racism in families has largely been overlooked in the international literature. I argue that the framework of performativity has utility for analysing responses to racism in families. Performativity theories conceptualise individual acts/utterances of racism and anti-racism as enacting broader cultural values and structures. Viewing racism in families through theories of performativity directs us to consider how racist speech can be disrupted or strategically rejected and, hence, identify possibilities for anti-racism.

© 2014 Taylor & Francis. ‘Speaking’ racism is the explicit use of the terms racism and anti-racism, rather than more palatable or ‘positive’ alternatives. To address racism, using the language of racism and anti-racism is critical, as it acknowledges the presence of racism and, in doing so, overcomes denial. Dispositions to speaking racism and anti-racism are positioned within the historical context of racism and the discourse of tolerance in Australia. Interviews with individuals working in local anti-racism in two sites were the primary data source for exploring dispositions to the language of racism and anti-racism. Reticence to speak racism was prevalent, largely driven by fear of inducing defensiveness and sensitivity to the highly emotive nature of racism. A similar ambivalence around the term anti-racism was found, in line with the ‘positive turn’ in anti-racism policy. Alongside this discomfort, some local anti-racism actors recognized the role that speaking racism could play in challenging denial.

© 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Possibilities for anti-racism within the spaces of family life have not yet been contemplated in any depth in the extant anti-racism literature. To address this, the first section of this paper demonstrates that families are a potentially critical site for anti-racism, reviewing a large body of evidence demonstrating the key role families play in socialisation processes and in the development of racial attitudes. I also look at what can be gleaned from the literature on interethnic intimacy. The second section turns to the possibilities for anti-racism within families, suggesting that too little is known about how members of families negotiate instances of racism, or the strategies used to restage or subvert racist discourses and practices within the family. The potential for anti-racist performances to challenge expressions of racism in families has largely been overlooked in the international literature. I argue that the framework of performativity has utility for analysing responses to racism in families. Performativity theories conceptualise individual acts/utterances of racism and anti-racism as enacting broader cultural values and structures. Viewing racism in families through theories of performativity directs us to consider how racist speech can be disrupted or strategically rejected and, hence, identify possibilities for anti-racism.

© 2014 Taylor & Francis. ‘Speaking’ racism is the explicit use of the terms racism and anti-racism, rather than more palatable or ‘positive’ alternatives. To address racism, using the language of racism and anti-racism is critical, as it acknowledges the presence of racism and, in doing so, overcomes denial. Dispositions to speaking racism and anti-racism are positioned within the historical context of racism and the discourse of tolerance in Australia. Interviews with individuals working in local anti-racism in two sites were the primary data source for exploring dispositions to the language of racism and anti-racism. Reticence to speak racism was prevalent, largely driven by fear of inducing defensiveness and sensitivity to the highly emotive nature of racism. A similar ambivalence around the term anti-racism was found, in line with the ‘positive turn’ in anti-racism policy. Alongside this discomfort, some local anti-racism actors recognized the role that speaking racism could play in challenging denial.

Literature on modern racism identifies denial as one of its key features. This article examines the discourses of denial that feature in the talk of local anti-racism actors in Australia, and asks what drives these discourses. The research draws on qualitative interviews undertaken with participants involved in local anti-racism in two case study areas, one in South Australia and the other in New South Wales. This article explores the way local participants in the case study areas deployed four discourses to deny or minimise racism: temporal deflections; spatial deflections; deflections from the mainstream; and absence discourses. Place defending and the desire to protect one's local area from being branded a racist space is discussed as a driver of those local denial discourses. Local denial of racism is also linked to national politics of racism and anti-racism. In particular, the Australian government's retreat from multiculturalism, and the preference for 'harmony' rather than 'anti-racism' initiatives, was linked to the avoidance of the language of racism within participants' responses. The way denial discourses narrow the range of possibilities for local anti-racism is discussed, as is the importance of acknowledgement of racism, particularly institutional and systemic racism. Public acknowledgement of these forms of racism will broaden the scope of local anti-racism. © The Author(s) 2013.

Literature on modern racism identifies denial as one of its key features. This article examines the discourses of denial that feature in the talk of local anti-racism actors in Australia, and asks what drives these discourses. The research draws on qualitative interviews undertaken with participants involved in local anti-racism in two case study areas, one in South Australia and the other in New South Wales. This article explores the way local participants in the case study areas deployed four discourses to deny or minimise racism: temporal deflections; spatial deflections; deflections from the mainstream; and absence discourses. Place defending and the desire to protect one's local area from being branded a racist space is discussed as a driver of those local denial discourses. Local denial of racism is also linked to national politics of racism and anti-racism. In particular, the Australian government's retreat from multiculturalism, and the preference for 'harmony' rather than 'anti-racism' initiatives, was linked to the avoidance of the language of racism within participants' responses. The way denial discourses narrow the range of possibilities for local anti-racism is discussed, as is the importance of acknowledgement of racism, particularly institutional and systemic racism. Public acknowledgement of these forms of racism will broaden the scope of local anti-racism. © The Author(s) 2013.

The parties contributing to the Freedom of Religion and Belief in Australia Inquiry had a strong interest in the role of religion in society. Those making submissions were parochial about the status and importance of their own faith, less positive about religious diversity, more likely to be culturally supremacist, and more likely to independently express anti-Islamic sentiment than the general population. A large proportion of submissions (40 per cent) included the religio-centric assertion that Australia is a Christian nation. Alternative voices - that Australia is a multi-faith country or those that saw Australia as secular - were much less 'present' in the submissions. Most submissions argued for the retention of religious exemptions from anti-discrimination laws and against anti-religious-vilification legislation that would protect religious minorities. Christian-centric voices purposefully undermined movement towards more inclusive social policy and protection of rights. The Christian majority insisted that their position of dominance be affirmed in Australia. The failure of the inquiry to advocate for policy and legislative change to expand religious freedoms (especially to minorities) was a performance of professed 'state neutrality' that reproduced substantive inequality. The public submission process was an effective mechanism for reinforcing a privileged relation between the state and Christian organisations, and fails the tests of both fairness and more substantively equality.

The parties contributing to the Freedom of Religion and Belief in Australia Inquiry had a strong interest in the role of religion in society. Those making submissions were parochial about the status and importance of their own faith, less positive about religious diversity, more likely to be culturally supremacist, and more likely to independently express anti-Islamic sentiment than the general population. A large proportion of submissions (40 per cent) included the religio-centric assertion that Australia is a Christian nation. Alternative voices - that Australia is a multi-faith country or those that saw Australia as secular - were much less 'present' in the submissions. Most submissions argued for the retention of religious exemptions from anti-discrimination laws and against anti-religious-vilification legislation that would protect religious minorities. Christian-centric voices purposefully undermined movement towards more inclusive social policy and protection of rights. The Christian majority insisted that their position of dominance be affirmed in Australia. The failure of the inquiry to advocate for policy and legislative change to expand religious freedoms (especially to minorities) was a performance of professed 'state neutrality' that reproduced substantive inequality. The public submission process was an effective mechanism for reinforcing a privileged relation between the state and Christian organisations, and fails the tests of both fairness and more substantively equality.

This review of literature on anti-racist prosocial action points to the strong and largely untapped policy potential of bystander anti-racism. Bystander anti-racism is conceptualized as action taken by "ordinary" people in response to incidents of interpersonal or systemic racism. The utility of bystander anti-racism is also demonstrated, with evidence suggesting productive effects for targets and bystanders, as well as perpetrators. The relative merits of confrontational or diplomatic action are reviewed, as is the delicate balance between communicating disapproval and maintaining interpersonal relations. The potential of bystander anti-racism will be enhanced where there are social norms that are intolerant of racism. The literature has paid little attention to the influence of context or to affective drivers of bystander anti-racism. We recommend changes to Ashburn-Nardo's five-stage Confronting Prejudice Model, to better facilitate anti-racism policy and practice. The additions adapt the model to organizational settings, and more strongly acknowledge the importance of social norms and contexts, as well as the specific functions of racism. Through these changes, there is a scope to increase the prominence of bystander anti-racism as a vital element of anti-racism policy. © 2011 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues.

The further development of Australian multiculturalism must squarely address racism, and a primary step must be the acknowledgement of racism. The Challenging Racism Project (2001-2008) data provide a clear picture of the acknowledgement of racism and of Anglo cultural privilege among Australians. Encouragingly, most Australians recognise that racism is a problem in Australian society. A little under half, however, deny that there is Anglo cultural privilege. Perhaps surprisingly, respondents from non-Anglo-Australian backgrounds, including those born in the Middle East and South Asia, were significantly more likely than those from Anglo backgrounds and Australian-born respondents to deny that racial prejudice exists in Australia. Cultural hierarchies of citizenship regulate the acknowledgement of racism, encouraging denial and deflection, and punishing 'complaint' from those more exposed to racism. The broader social pathology identified by this paper is an unevenness in the sense of citizenship across ethnic groups, and addressing this social weakness must be a macro-level ambition for the further development of Australian multiculturalism. © 2011 Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

This review of literature on anti-racist prosocial action points to the strong and largely untapped policy potential of bystander anti-racism. Bystander anti-racism is conceptualized as action taken by "ordinary" people in response to incidents of interpersonal or systemic racism. The utility of bystander anti-racism is also demonstrated, with evidence suggesting productive effects for targets and bystanders, as well as perpetrators. The relative merits of confrontational or diplomatic action are reviewed, as is the delicate balance between communicating disapproval and maintaining interpersonal relations. The potential of bystander anti-racism will be enhanced where there are social norms that are intolerant of racism. The literature has paid little attention to the influence of context or to affective drivers of bystander anti-racism. We recommend changes to Ashburn-Nardo's five-stage Confronting Prejudice Model, to better facilitate anti-racism policy and practice. The additions adapt the model to organizational settings, and more strongly acknowledge the importance of social norms and contexts, as well as the specific functions of racism. Through these changes, there is a scope to increase the prominence of bystander anti-racism as a vital element of anti-racism policy. © 2011 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues.

The further development of Australian multiculturalism must squarely address racism, and a primary step must be the acknowledgement of racism. The Challenging Racism Project (2001-2008) data provide a clear picture of the acknowledgement of racism and of Anglo cultural privilege among Australians. Encouragingly, most Australians recognise that racism is a problem in Australian society. A little under half, however, deny that there is Anglo cultural privilege. Perhaps surprisingly, respondents from non-Anglo-Australian backgrounds, including those born in the Middle East and South Asia, were significantly more likely than those from Anglo backgrounds and Australian-born respondents to deny that racial prejudice exists in Australia. Cultural hierarchies of citizenship regulate the acknowledgement of racism, encouraging denial and deflection, and punishing 'complaint' from those more exposed to racism. The broader social pathology identified by this paper is an unevenness in the sense of citizenship across ethnic groups, and addressing this social weakness must be a macro-level ambition for the further development of Australian multiculturalism. © 2011 Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

To evaluate a suite of species distribution models for their utility as predictors of suitable habitat and as tools for new population discovery of six rare plant species that have both narrow geographical ranges and specialized habitat requirements. Location The Rattlesnake Creek Terrane (RCT) of the Shasta-Trinity National Forest in the northern California Coast Range of the United States. Methods We used occurrence records from 25 years of US Forest Service botanical surveys, environmental and remotely sensed climate data to model the distributions of the target species across the RCT. The models included generalized linear models (GLM), artificial neural networks (ANN), random forests (RF) and maximum entropy (ME). From the results we generated predictive maps that were used to identify areas of high probability occurrence. We made field visits to the top-ranked sites to search for new populations of the target species. Results Random forests gave the best results according to area under the curve and Kappa statistics, although ME was in close agreement. While GLM and ANN also gave good results, they were less restrictive and more varied than RF and ME. Cross-model correlations were the highest for species with the most records and declined with record numbers. Model assessment using a separate dataset confirmed that RF provided the best predictions of appropriate habitat. Use of RF output to prioritize search areas resulted in the discovery of 16 new populations of the target species. Main conclusions Species distribution models, such as RF and ME, which use presence data and information about the background matrix where species do not occur, may be an effective tool for new population discovery of rare plant species, but there does appear to be a lower threshold in the number of occurrences required to build a good model. © 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

We have searched for neutrinoless decays into three charged particles. Evidence of such decays would demonstrate nonconservation of lepton flavor and, in some cases, lepton number. We see no signal for any such neutrinoless decays and set upper limits on their branching fractions. © 1990 The American Physical Society.

Using the CLEO detector at the Cornell Electron Storage Ring, we have found evidence for L=1 charmed mesons in e+e- annihilations. We observe a D**0 state at mass 2461±3±1 MeV/c2 and width 20-12-10+9+9 MeV/c2 decaying to D+-. We also see an enhancement in the m(D*+-)-m(D*+) mass-difference spectrum and by examining D*+ decay-angle dependence, we see structure consistent with two states decaying to D*+-. We observe a lower-mass state, at mass (2428±3±2) MeV/c2 and width (23-6-4+8+10) MeV/c2, assuming that the higher-mass component is from the decay D**0(2461)D*+-. We present arguments for the spin-parity assignments of these states. We also report observation of candidate L=1 cs» state decaying to D*+Ks0. © 1990 The American Physical Society.

Using the CLEO detector at the Cornell Electron Storage Ring, we have found evidence for L=1 charmed mesons in e+e- annihilations. We observe a D**0 state at mass 2461±3±1 MeV/c2 and width 20-12-10+9+9 MeV/c2 decaying to D+-. We also see an enhancement in the m(D*+-)-m(D*+) mass-difference spectrum and by examining D*+ decay-angle dependence, we see structure consistent with two states decaying to D*+-. We observe a lower-mass state, at mass (2428±3±2) MeV/c2 and width (23-6-4+8+10) MeV/c2, assuming that the higher-mass component is from the decay D**0(2461)D*+-. We present arguments for the spin-parity assignments of these states. We also report observation of candidate L=1 cs» state decaying to D*+Ks0. © 1990 The American Physical Society.

We have searched for neutrinoless decays into three charged particles. Evidence of such decays would demonstrate nonconservation of lepton flavor and, in some cases, lepton number. We see no signal for any such neutrinoless decays and set upper limits on their branching fractions. © 1990 The American Physical Society.