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This book casts new light on the struggle over reform in Britain following the French Revolution by studying how Georgians from across the social spectrum sought to enlist popular passions, either in defence of the established order – or in order to subvert and challenge it. Inspired by the history of emotions, practice theory, and social movements theory it introduces the concept of ‘emotional tactics’, defined as the language, material objects, and practices used to encourage emotions for political purposes. Using a wide range of source material including controverted election cases, campaign material, newspapers, letters, ballads and prints, this book analyses events of political mobilisation in three English cities: the rapidly industrialising textile town of Nottingham, the imperial capital of London, and Liverpool, Europe’s largest slave trading port. It asks what emotional tactics were used to encourage or discourage political mobilisation, and how they were adapted and deployed depending on local context. The results of this analysis are organised into four ideal types of emotional tactics that were crucial to late Georgian popular politics: 1) Tactics fostering anger; 2) terror tactics; 3) shaming tactics; and 4) tactics fostering loyalty, love and community. This book shows that people in Georgian England were aware that emotions could be manipulated for political gain. It was an established part of the political game. For those who engaged in politics, knowledge about how to influence feelings and passions was a crucial skill, as was the ability to adapt their emotional tactics to the demands of the local community. To the persons studied in this book, contemporary understandings of emotionality were the go-to frame of reference to make sense of the political convulsions of their time. Radicals and government loyalists alike viewed the struggle over reform as a fight to control the hurricane of passions unleashed by the French Revolution. While emotion

This book casts new light on the struggle over reform in Britain following the French Revolution by studying how Georgians from across the social spectrum sought to enlist popular passions, either in defence of the established order – or in order to subvert and challenge it. Inspired by the history of emotions, practice theory, and social movements theory it introduces the concept of ‘emotional tactics’, defined as the language, material objects, and practices used to encourage emotions for political purposes. Using a wide range of source material including controverted election cases, campaign material, newspapers, letters, ballads and prints, this book analyses events of political mobilisation in three English cities: the rapidly industrialising textile town of Nottingham, the imperial capital of London, and Liverpool, Europe’s largest slave trading port. It asks what emotional tactics were used to encourage or discourage political mobilisation, and how they were adapted and deployed depending on local context. The results of this analysis are organised into four ideal types of emotional tactics that were crucial to late Georgian popular politics: 1) Tactics fostering anger; 2) terror tactics; 3) shaming tactics; and 4) tactics fostering loyalty, love and community. This book shows that people in Georgian England were aware that emotions could be manipulated for political gain. It was an established part of the political game. For those who engaged in politics, knowledge about how to influence feelings and passions was a crucial skill, as was the ability to adapt their emotional tactics to the demands of the local community. To the persons studied in this book, contemporary understandings of emotionality were the go-to frame of reference to make sense of the political convulsions of their time. Radicals and government loyalists alike viewed the struggle over reform as a fight to control the hurricane of passions unleashed by the French Revolution. While emotion

This book casts new light on the struggle over reform in Britain following the French Revolution by studying how Georgians from across the social spectrum sought to enlist popular passions, either in defence of the established order – or in order to subvert and challenge it. Inspired by the history of emotions, practice theory, and social movements theory it introduces the concept of ‘emotional tactics’, defined as the language, material objects, and practices used to encourage emotions for political purposes. Using a wide range of source material including controverted election cases, campaign material, newspapers, letters, ballads and prints, this book analyses events of political mobilisation in three English cities: the rapidly industrialising textile town of Nottingham, the imperial capital of London, and Liverpool, Europe’s largest slave trading port. It asks what emotional tactics were used to encourage or discourage political mobilisation, and how they were adapted and deployed depending on local context. The results of this analysis are organised into four ideal types of emotional tactics that were crucial to late Georgian popular politics: 1) Tactics fostering anger; 2) terror tactics; 3) shaming tactics; and 4) tactics fostering loyalty, love and community. This book shows that people in Georgian England were aware that emotions could be manipulated for political gain. It was an established part of the political game. For those who engaged in politics, knowledge about how to influence feelings and passions was a crucial skill, as was the ability to adapt their emotional tactics to the demands of the local community. To the persons studied in this book, contemporary understandings of emotionality were the go-to frame of reference to make sense of the political convulsions of their time. Radicals and government loyalists alike viewed the struggle over reform as a fight to control the hurricane of passions unleashed by the French Revolution. While emotion

This book casts new light on the struggle over reform in Britain following the French Revolution by studying how Georgians from across the social spectrum sought to enlist popular passions, either in defence of the established order – or in order to subvert and challenge it. Inspired by the history of emotions, practice theory, and social movements theory it introduces the concept of ‘emotional tactics’, defined as the language, material objects, and practices used to encourage emotions for political purposes. Using a wide range of source material including controverted election cases, campaign material, newspapers, letters, ballads and prints, this book analyses events of political mobilisation in three English cities: the rapidly industrialising textile town of Nottingham, the imperial capital of London, and Liverpool, Europe’s largest slave trading port. It asks what emotional tactics were used to encourage or discourage political mobilisation, and how they were adapted and deployed depending on local context. The results of this analysis are organised into four ideal types of emotional tactics that were crucial to late Georgian popular politics: 1) Tactics fostering anger; 2) terror tactics; 3) shaming tactics; and 4) tactics fostering loyalty, love and community. This book shows that people in Georgian England were aware that emotions could be manipulated for political gain. It was an established part of the political game. For those who engaged in politics, knowledge about how to influence feelings and passions was a crucial skill, as was the ability to adapt their emotional tactics to the demands of the local community. To the persons studied in this book, contemporary understandings of emotionality were the go-to frame of reference to make sense of the political convulsions of their time. Radicals and government loyalists alike viewed the struggle over reform as a fight to control the hurricane of passions unleashed by the French Revolution. While emotion

This book casts new light on the struggle over reform in Britain following the French Revolution by studying how Georgians from across the social spectrum sought to enlist popular passions, either in defence of the established order – or in order to subvert and challenge it. Inspired by the history of emotions, practice theory, and social movements theory it introduces the concept of ‘emotional tactics’, defined as the language, material objects, and practices used to encourage emotions for political purposes. Using a wide range of source material including controverted election cases, campaign material, newspapers, letters, ballads and prints, this book analyses events of political mobilisation in three English cities: the rapidly industrialising textile town of Nottingham, the imperial capital of London, and Liverpool, Europe’s largest slave trading port. It asks what emotional tactics were used to encourage or discourage political mobilisation, and how they were adapted and deployed depending on local context. The results of this analysis are organised into four ideal types of emotional tactics that were crucial to late Georgian popular politics: 1) Tactics fostering anger; 2) terror tactics; 3) shaming tactics; and 4) tactics fostering loyalty, love and community. This book shows that people in Georgian England were aware that emotions could be manipulated for political gain. It was an established part of the political game. For those who engaged in politics, knowledge about how to influence feelings and passions was a crucial skill, as was the ability to adapt their emotional tactics to the demands of the local community. To the persons studied in this book, contemporary understandings of emotionality were the go-to frame of reference to make sense of the political convulsions of their time. Radicals and government loyalists alike viewed the struggle over reform as a fight to control the hurricane of passions unleashed by the French Revolution. While emotion

Women’s tanci, or “plucking rhymes,” are chantefable narratives written by upper-class educated women from seventeenth-century to early twentieth-century China. Writing Gender in Early Modern Chinese Women’s Tanci Fiction offers a timely study on early modern Chinese women’s representations of gender, nation, and political activism in their tanci works before and after the Taiping Rebellion (1850 to 1864), as well as their depictions of warfare and social unrest. Women tanci authors’ redefinition of female exemplarity within the Confucian orthodox discourses of virtue, talent, chastity, and political integrity could be bourgeoning expressions of female exceptionalism and could have foreshadowed protofeminist ideals of heroism. They establish a realistic tenor in affirming feminine domestic authority, and open up spaces for discussions of “womanly becoming,” female exceptionalism, and shifting family power structures. The vernacular mode underlying these texts yields productive possibilities of gendered self-representations, bodily valences, and dynamic performances of sexual roles. The result is a vernacular discursive frame that enables women’s appropriation and refashioning of orthodox moral values as means of self-affirmation and self-realization. Validations of women’s political activism and loyalism to the nation attest to tanci as a premium vehicle for disseminating progressive social incentives to popular audiences. Women’s tanci marks early modern writers’ endeavors to carve out a space of feminine becoming, a discursive arena of feminine appropriation, reinvention, and boundary-crossings. In this light, women’s tanci portrays gendered mobility through depictions of a heroine’s voyages or social ascent, and entails a forward-moving historical progression toward a more autonomous and vested model of feminine subjectivity., https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/ccs/1003/thumbnail.jpg

Women’s tanci, or “plucking rhymes,” are chantefable narratives written by upper-class educated women from seventeenth-century to early twentieth-century China. Writing Gender in Early Modern Chinese Women’s Tanci Fiction offers a timely study on early modern Chinese women’s representations of gender, nation, and political activism in their tanci works before and after the Taiping Rebellion (1850 to 1864), as well as their depictions of warfare and social unrest. Women tanci authors’ redefinition of female exemplarity within the Confucian orthodox discourses of virtue, talent, chastity, and political integrity could be bourgeoning expressions of female exceptionalism and could have foreshadowed protofeminist ideals of heroism. They establish a realistic tenor in affirming feminine domestic authority, and open up spaces for discussions of “womanly becoming,” female exceptionalism, and shifting family power structures. The vernacular mode underlying these texts yields productive possibilities of gendered self-representations, bodily valences, and dynamic performances of sexual roles. The result is a vernacular discursive frame that enables women’s appropriation and refashioning of orthodox moral values as means of self-affirmation and self-realization. Validations of women’s political activism and loyalism to the nation attest to tanci as a premium vehicle for disseminating progressive social incentives to popular audiences. Women’s tanci marks early modern writers’ endeavors to carve out a space of feminine becoming, a discursive arena of feminine appropriation, reinvention, and boundary-crossings. In this light, women’s tanci portrays gendered mobility through depictions of a heroine’s voyages or social ascent, and entails a forward-moving historical progression toward a more autonomous and vested model of feminine subjectivity., https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/ccs/1003/thumbnail.jpg

In Ireland, the Protestant missionary impetus of the early 19th century, known as the 'Second Reformation', coincided with Daniel O’Connell’s movement for the emancipation of Catholics and the Repeal of the Union which concurrently met with resounding success. As the Irish nationalist movement was becoming more and more catholicised, The Irish Society for Promoting the Education of the Native Irish through the Medium of Their Own Language promoted access to the Bible in “the pure Gaelic language and the Irish character” for both the spiritual salvation of “the [poorer] sons of Erin” and “the political repose and moral amelioration of Ireland.” Even if the Second Reformation has often been considered as an attempt at anglicising the Irish through conversion, a reassessment of the reciprocal influences of Protestant missions and Irish nationalism is timely. Therefore, this paper, relying on a wide range of archival material, intends to examine how the discourse of this Protestant society disrupted the status quo of Irish and British identities. Was the Society’s redefinition of Irish identity, which combined a shared Irish culture with loyalty to the British state, perceived by O’Connell’s nationalist movement as a threat or an opportunity? This exploration of the relationship between Christianity and nationalism highlights the complex ties that can be found between several layered identities and disrupts the binaries of the vernacular being promoted by the champions of independence and of native languages being erased by the advocates of imperial rule.

In Ireland, the Protestant missionary impetus of the early 19th century, known as the 'Second Reformation', coincided with Daniel O’Connell’s movement for the emancipation of Catholics and the Repeal of the Union which concurrently met with resounding success. As the Irish nationalist movement was becoming more and more catholicised, The Irish Society for Promoting the Education of the Native Irish through the Medium of Their Own Language promoted access to the Bible in “the pure Gaelic language and the Irish character” for both the spiritual salvation of “the [poorer] sons of Erin” and “the political repose and moral amelioration of Ireland.” Even if the Second Reformation has often been considered as an attempt at anglicising the Irish through conversion, a reassessment of the reciprocal influences of Protestant missions and Irish nationalism is timely. Therefore, this paper, relying on a wide range of archival material, intends to examine how the discourse of this Protestant society disrupted the status quo of Irish and British identities. Was the Society’s redefinition of Irish identity, which combined a shared Irish culture with loyalty to the British state, perceived by O’Connell’s nationalist movement as a threat or an opportunity? This exploration of the relationship between Christianity and nationalism highlights the complex ties that can be found between several layered identities and disrupts the binaries of the vernacular being promoted by the champions of independence and of native languages being erased by the advocates of imperial rule.

In Ireland, the Protestant missionary impetus of the early 19th century, known as the 'Second Reformation', coincided with Daniel O’Connell’s movement for the emancipation of Catholics and the Repeal of the Union which concurrently met with resounding success. As the Irish nationalist movement was becoming more and more catholicised, The Irish Society for Promoting the Education of the Native Irish through the Medium of Their Own Language promoted access to the Bible in “the pure Gaelic language and the Irish character” for both the spiritual salvation of “the [poorer] sons of Erin” and “the political repose and moral amelioration of Ireland.” Even if the Second Reformation has often been considered as an attempt at anglicising the Irish through conversion, a reassessment of the reciprocal influences of Protestant missions and Irish nationalism is timely. Therefore, this paper, relying on a wide range of archival material, intends to examine how the discourse of this Protestant society disrupted the status quo of Irish and British identities. Was the Society’s redefinition of Irish identity, which combined a shared Irish culture with loyalty to the British state, perceived by O’Connell’s nationalist movement as a threat or an opportunity? This exploration of the relationship between Christianity and nationalism highlights the complex ties that can be found between several layered identities and disrupts the binaries of the vernacular being promoted by the champions of independence and of native languages being erased by the advocates of imperial rule.

In Ireland, the Protestant missionary impetus of the early 19th century, known as the 'Second Reformation', coincided with Daniel O’Connell’s movement for the emancipation of Catholics and the Repeal of the Union which concurrently met with resounding success. As the Irish nationalist movement was becoming more and more catholicised, The Irish Society for Promoting the Education of the Native Irish through the Medium of Their Own Language promoted access to the Bible in “the pure Gaelic language and the Irish character” for both the spiritual salvation of “the [poorer] sons of Erin” and “the political repose and moral amelioration of Ireland.” Even if the Second Reformation has often been considered as an attempt at anglicising the Irish through conversion, a reassessment of the reciprocal influences of Protestant missions and Irish nationalism is timely. Therefore, this paper, relying on a wide range of archival material, intends to examine how the discourse of this Protestant society disrupted the status quo of Irish and British identities. Was the Society’s redefinition of Irish identity, which combined a shared Irish culture with loyalty to the British state, perceived by O’Connell’s nationalist movement as a threat or an opportunity? This exploration of the relationship between Christianity and nationalism highlights the complex ties that can be found between several layered identities and disrupts the binaries of the vernacular being promoted by the champions of independence and of native languages being erased by the advocates of imperial rule.

Women’s tanci, or “plucking rhymes,” are chantefable narratives written by upper-class educated women from seventeenth-century to early twentieth-century China. Writing Gender in Early Modern Chinese Women’s Tanci Fiction offers a timely study on early modern Chinese women’s representations of gender, nation, and political activism in their tanci works before and after the Taiping Rebellion (1850 to 1864), as well as their depictions of warfare and social unrest. Women tanci authors’ redefinition of female exemplarity within the Confucian orthodox discourses of virtue, talent, chastity, and political integrity could be bourgeoning expressions of female exceptionalism and could have foreshadowed protofeminist ideals of heroism. They establish a realistic tenor in affirming feminine domestic authority, and open up spaces for discussions of “womanly becoming,” female exceptionalism, and shifting family power structures. The vernacular mode underlying these texts yields productive possibilities of gendered self-representations, bodily valences, and dynamic performances of sexual roles. The result is a vernacular discursive frame that enables women’s appropriation and refashioning of orthodox moral values as means of self-affirmation and self-realization. Validations of women’s political activism and loyalism to the nation attest to tanci as a premium vehicle for disseminating progressive social incentives to popular audiences. Women’s tanci marks early modern writers’ endeavors to carve out a space of feminine becoming, a discursive arena of feminine appropriation, reinvention, and boundary-crossings. In this light, women’s tanci portrays gendered mobility through depictions of a heroine’s voyages or social ascent, and entails a forward-moving historical progression toward a more autonomous and vested model of feminine subjectivity., https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/ccs/1003/thumbnail.jpg

34 p. -- Bibliogr.: p. 31-34, Europe has historically been a battleground for diverse communities, many of which fighting to achieve some form of power or sovereignty. Medieval battles between kingdoms lead to wars between empires and lastly to modern guerrilla based conflicts between armed organizations, which said to fight in the name of stateless nations, and their respective dominating states. These bloodsheds have drawn the geopolitical maps of modern Europe. The island of Ireland has not been exempt from this phenomenon. The lack of peace and political instability have caused numerous divisions in the Irish society, being even more profound in Northern Ireland. This paper argues the difficult Peace Process of Northern Ireland during the last two decades taking into account to do so the main clashing socio-political variables present in the area; The concept of modern state and national identities. First I will shed some light on the historical background of the Irish Peace Process emphasizing the importance of the Good Friday Agreement (1998). I will argue all the social work done in order to strengthen the foundations on which the Peace Process is built upon mainly focusing on social and the detrimental effects this has for the society. This paper points out the great influence of the last decades on the new historical chapter opened with the withdrawal process of the UK from the European Union. Lastly, I will try to note the great difficulties lying ahead in the near future for peace in Northern Ireland.

34 p. -- Bibliogr.: p. 31-34, Europe has historically been a battleground for diverse communities, many of which fighting to achieve some form of power or sovereignty. Medieval battles between kingdoms lead to wars between empires and lastly to modern guerrilla based conflicts between armed organizations, which said to fight in the name of stateless nations, and their respective dominating states. These bloodsheds have drawn the geopolitical maps of modern Europe. The island of Ireland has not been exempt from this phenomenon. The lack of peace and political instability have caused numerous divisions in the Irish society, being even more profound in Northern Ireland. This paper argues the difficult Peace Process of Northern Ireland during the last two decades taking into account to do so the main clashing socio-political variables present in the area; The concept of modern state and national identities. First I will shed some light on the historical background of the Irish Peace Process emphasizing the importance of the Good Friday Agreement (1998). I will argue all the social work done in order to strengthen the foundations on which the Peace Process is built upon mainly focusing on social and the detrimental effects this has for the society. This paper points out the great influence of the last decades on the new historical chapter opened with the withdrawal process of the UK from the European Union. Lastly, I will try to note the great difficulties lying ahead in the near future for peace in Northern Ireland.

34 p. -- Bibliogr.: p. 31-34, Europe has historically been a battleground for diverse communities, many of which fighting to achieve some form of power or sovereignty. Medieval battles between kingdoms lead to wars between empires and lastly to modern guerrilla based conflicts between armed organizations, which said to fight in the name of stateless nations, and their respective dominating states. These bloodsheds have drawn the geopolitical maps of modern Europe. The island of Ireland has not been exempt from this phenomenon. The lack of peace and political instability have caused numerous divisions in the Irish society, being even more profound in Northern Ireland. This paper argues the difficult Peace Process of Northern Ireland during the last two decades taking into account to do so the main clashing socio-political variables present in the area; The concept of modern state and national identities. First I will shed some light on the historical background of the Irish Peace Process emphasizing the importance of the Good Friday Agreement (1998). I will argue all the social work done in order to strengthen the foundations on which the Peace Process is built upon mainly focusing on social and the detrimental effects this has for the society. This paper points out the great influence of the last decades on the new historical chapter opened with the withdrawal process of the UK from the European Union. Lastly, I will try to note the great difficulties lying ahead in the near future for peace in Northern Ireland.

This article aims at shedding new light on ‎the salience of empire as a political idea even at the height of decolonisation. It discusses why and how colonial subjects—here Muslim Algerians—would continue, when faced with a choice, to look to empires rather than nation-states. The article focuses on six women and men who, during Algeria’s war of independence, rejected the nation-state as their political horizon and imagined a decolonised empire in which they could pursue their emancipation and that of their people. These individuals pursued various political projects that would reconcile their claims for equality and cultural distinctiveness. Though a great number of pro-French supporters fought with arms alongside the French army, others fought with ideas, producing laws that would establish civil and economic equality. While historians have conventionally focused on materialist reasons to explain the loyalty of colonised peoples to imperial polities, this article considers instead the ideas and ideals that inspired the claims expressed by Muslim Algerians. Only a focus on ideas allows us to understand why an ongoing support for the French imperial state people could be maintained despite being disastrous for these people’s material circumstances.

“The Border-seas of a New British Empire” explores the relationship between the rebellious thirteen colonies and the British Atlantic Islands of Bermuda and the Bahamas, and how the “on the ground” impact of the American Revolution explains not only why they did not join the rebellion—despite initial sympathy for the cause—but illustrates also the long-term political, cultural, commercial, and military transformation wrought by the war and its aftermath. To understand the British Atlantic islanders’ allegiances during the American Revolution and the impact of the islands’ loss on the United States, this dissertation employs Atlantic, borderlands and border-seas, and security interpretive methods of analysis. This work pays close attention to Bermudian and Bahamian colonial documents, trade records, newspaper reports, and correspondence to illuminate the pragmatic and fluid nature of the islanders’ loyalties during the conflict. Records from the Continental Congress, American patriot diplomats, British colonial administrators, and the Admiralty reveal how American and British officials came to understand the British Atlantic Islands as strategic assets in the post-revolutionary war Atlantic world. In 1775 and 1776, American patriots’ interactions with the neighboring British Atlantic Islands endeavored to solidify the revolutionary United States’ sovereignty and international security by pursuing plans to expand their territory beyond the North American mainland to avert future British military threats. The United States’ inability to wrest Bermuda and the Bahamas away from Britain through military force or diplomatic negotiations in 1783 constituted significant losses. Britain’s retention of both colonies enabled the Royal Navy and subversive British agents to challenge the nascent republic’s sovereignty in the western Atlantic and along its southeastern borderlands. British entrenchment at its Atlantic islands, and subsequent efforts to undermine American sovereign

OF THE DISSERTATION PENNSYLVANIA’S LOYALISTS AND DISAFFECTED IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTION: DEFINING THE TERRAIN OF REINTEGRATION, 1765-1800 by René José Silva Florida International University, 2018 Miami, Florida Professor Kirsten Wood, Major Professor This study examines the reintegration of loyalists and disaffected residents in Pennsylvania who opposed the American Revolution from the Stamp Act crisis in 1765 through the Age of Federalism in 1790s. The inquiry argues that postwar loyalist reintegration in Pennsylvania succeeded because of the attitudes, behavior, actions and contributions of both disaffected residents and patriot citizens. The focus is chiefly on the legal battle over citizenship, especially the responses of the disaffected to patriot legislative measures such as treason, oaths of allegiance, attainders, confiscation, and militia service laws that revolutionaries employed to sanction dissent in the state. Loyalists and the disaffected contributed to their own successful reintegration in three ways. First, the departure of loyalist militants at the British evacuation of occupied Philadelphia in June 1778 and later substantially lessened internal political tensions associated with the rebellion. Second, the overwhelming majority of the disaffected who stayed in Pennsylvania adopted non-threatening attitudes and behaviors towards republican rule. And third, the disaffected who remained ultimately chose to embrace the new republican form of government they had earlier resisted. Patriots contributed to the successful reintegration of the disaffected chiefly through the outcome of the factional struggle for internal political supremacy between revolutionary radicals and moderates. Pennsylvania radicals used the rule of law to deny citizenship to opponents of the Revolution and pushed for their permanent exclusion from the body politic. Moderates favored a reincorporation of those who had not supported the rebellion, utilizing the law to foster inc

This dissertation seeks to find new--and refine misplaced--representations of Catholic loyalty to produce a comprehensive study of Catholic loyalism in Ireland. The resulting work is an investigation into the political and cultural exigencies and into public discourse regarding ideas of allegiance within Catholic Ireland throughout the eighteenth and on into the nineteenth century. Despite nationalist histories to the contrary, the principles generated by Catholic loyalists helped both set and confound the foundation of modern Irish identity.

La propagande est une action par influence qui n’apparaît pas comme une violence dans la mesure où elle agit par persuasion. Toutefois la régression qu’elle instaure ou qu’elle renforce en substituant des objets de croyance à des objets de pensée constitue bien une violence, voire un viol, dans la mesure où elle infiltre dans le sujet des interprétations de la réalité qui vont avoir pour lui la valeur de faits. L’article est fondé sur l’exemple de l’utilisation de la propagande comme arme en tant de guerre et la manière dont, d’après l’ouvrage de David Galula « Contre-insurrection – Théorie et pratique », elle vient répondre en miroir à celle de l’ennemi considéré comme un insurgé., Propaganda, Insurrection and Counter-Insurrection Propaganda is a form of action which uses influence to exert itself and does not appear to be a form of violence in that persuasion is its mainspring. However, the regression it establishes and strengthens by substituting blind belief where free thought once stood is truly an act of violence, or violation even, as it pervades the subject with partial interpretations of reality which are presented as true facts. This article takes as its starting point the use of propaganda as a weapon in times of war and the way in which, in the light of David Galula’s work ‘Counter-Insurrection – Theory and Practice’, propaganda echoes back that promulgated by the enemy it always considers as an insurgent.