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In this article, the author examines some arguments for and against formal moral education. Regarding the arguments in favour of formal moral education, this examination focuses on two arguments: the 'sociological argument' –or the argument about the social benefits of moral education–, and the 'naturalistic argument'. As for the arguments against formal moral education, the analysis also focuses on two arguments: the 'argument about indoctrination', as well as the 'argument about academic priorities'. These two arguments against formal moral education will finally be rebutted to conclude that today formal moral education has more powerful reasons to be defended and promoted than to be relegated or rejected., En este artículo, su autor examina algunos argumentos a favor y en contra de la educación moral formal. En relación con los argumentos a favor de la educación moral formal, dicho examen se enfoca en dos argumentos: El ‘argumento sociológico’ –o argumento sobre los beneficios sociales de la educación moral–, y el ‘argumento naturalista’. En cuanto a los argumentos en contra de la educación moral formal, el análisis se centra también en dos argumentos: el ‘argumento sobre el adoctrinamiento’, así como en el ‘argumento sobre las prioridades académicas’. Estos dos argumentos contra la educación moral formal serán finalmente contestados para concluir que la educación moral formal cuenta hoy con razones más poderosas para ser defendida y fomentada que para ser relegada o rechazada.

This article analyses the children’s programmes which were made by, and broadcast on, Spanish television channel Televisión Española from the time when programme schedules were first published in the press (1958) until the end of the Franco era (1975). The programming is then linked to the evolution of Televisión Española as an institution, as well as with the social and political context of the nation. The study takes into account the days and times of transmission, programme duration, the number of new shows broadcast per year and the most common content/formats. Each programme’s structure, its characters, the role of the presenter, involvement of children and the values and ideas conveyed are also assessed. We will demonstrate that the dictatorship initially used these programmes to promote patriotic and religious feelings, and later on, to prepare children and young people for the new social and economic realities of the country (such as urbanisation and industrialisation)., Depto. de Periodismo y Comunicación Global, Fac. de Ciencias de la Información, TRUE, pub

The aim of this work is to analyze urban preaching, specifically in cathedrals, and the relationship that existed between regular clergy and secular clergy around sermons. Sacred oratory was the domain of the friars. To remedy this situation, a discourse was developed for the secular clergy about their obligation to preach to the parishioners. This was a fundamental for the transmission of Catholic doctrine. In this way, an ideological control over the population was exercised. So, preaching would serve to vindicate and shore up the preeminent position of the secular clergy in the social or ganization of the Ancien Regime., Se pretende analizar la predicación urbana realizada en las catedrales, y la relación que existió entre clero regular y secular en torno a los sermones. La oratoria sagrada era dominio de los frailes y para remediar esta situación se elaboró un discurso para el clero secular en el cual se insistía en la obligación que tenía de predicar a los fieles, fundamental para la transmisión de la doctrina católica y para ejercer un control ideológico sobre la población. Así, la predicación serviría para reivindicar y apuntalar la posición preeminente del clero secular en la organización social del Antiguo Régimen.

El presente artículo analiza la instrumentalización política del baile flamenco durante la dictadura franquista a través de la Sección Femenina de Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (en adelante, FET y de las JONS). Se ha empleado el método histórico a partir de un estudio sistemático de fuentes primarias consistentes principalmente en publicaciones periódicas, gráficas, audiovisuales y orales, así como en documentos oficiales de la época, además de las obras ya publicadas que han abordado de manera sucinta el folclore andaluz durante la etapa franquista. Los resultados muestran una primera etapa autárquica, la de los años cuarenta, en la que se instrumentaliza el baile flamenco bajo el mito de la unidad de la Patria, para a partir de los años cincuenta, como parte de la estrategia desarrollista en lo económico y aperturista en lo político, el flamenco se convierte en arma de adoctrinamiento político para reforzar y simbolizar la nueva identidad nacional. Se pone así en valor la idea de construcción identitaria del referente español (la españolidad) generado por el baile flamenco y sus mecanismos de adoctrinamiento., This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of identity construction of the spanish referent (spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued.

Di nak sagiden: how to eat with your hands and survive a baptism centers the concept of mimicry around Catholic objecthood in order to examine and ruminate the ways in which a visual language through repetition and seriality may sustain agency and resistance under the weight of Western Christianization. In acknowledging how Philippine culture persists to preserve and perpetuate colonial practices and the desire for whiteness, I interrogate the actuality of the ‘post’-colonial state of the Philippines and its diaspora. I then proceed to explore ways in which ritual Catholic objects may be distorted to subvert their sacred purpose, whilst simultaneously resuscitating a precolonial state and imagining a postcolonial one. These ideas and concepts were explored in the work of my Master’s Thesis Exhibition bearing the same title, Di nak sagiden: how to eat with your hands and survive a baptism, which took the form of a sculptural installation at the Contemporary Art Center Gallery, UC Irvine, in April of 2022. Thinking through the writings of Franz Fanon and Homi K. Bhabha, objects are situated at the confliction of Fanon’s colonized intellectual and Bhabha’s mimicry in order to locate the site in which distortion operates in service of a subversive potentiality. They are Bhabha’s the same but not quite, and it is from this un-likeness that colonized copies may realize their menacing potential to disrupt the homogeneity of the colonizing entity within a material framework. This arrangement of ritual objects – all quite, somewhat, in a repeated slippage, an excess of idiosyncrasy – borrow their likeness from Catholic objecthood.

This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historiographical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct Andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of identity construction of the Spanish referent (Spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued., El presente artículo analiza la instrumentalización política del baile flamenco durante la dictadura franquista a través de la Sección Femenina de Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (en adelante, FET y de las JONS). Se ha empleado el método histórico a partir de un estudio sistemático de fuentes primarias consistentes principalmente en publicaciones periódicas, gráficas, audiovisuales y orales, así como en documentos oficiales de la época, además de las obras ya publicadas que han abordado de manera sucinta el folclore andaluz durante la etapa franquista. Los resultados muestran una primera etapa autárquica, la de los años cuarenta, en la que se instrumentaliza el baile flamenco bajo el mito de la unidad de la Patria, para a partir de los años cincuenta, como parte de la estrategia desarrollista en lo económico y aperturista en lo político, el flamenco se convierte en arma de adoctrinamiento político para reforzar y simbolizar la nueva identidad nacional. Se pone así en valor la idea de construcción identitaria del referente español (la españolidad) generado por el baile flamenco y sus mecanismos de adoctrinamiento.

The use of images in education has received little attention despite the dual role of images in school textbooks, one aimed at the acquisition of knowledge (teaching function) and the other at the transmission of attitudes, values and norms (transforming function), that constitute a valuable source of historical, educational and communicative research. We will study, through the analysis of content, the characteristics of the catechisms, the legislation of the time related to the publication of school textbooks, the presence of images, types, the didactic function and the transmission of social models and ideology. The research suggests that the images of school catechisms are not simply reflections of a reality that facilitates the learning of the contents taught in schools, but that they also become an effective tool in the transformation of the values and ideological thinking of the social context in which they are produced., La utilización de la imagen en la educación ha recibido poca atención a pesar de la doble función que cumplen las imágenes en los manuales escolares, una vertiente dirigida a la adquisición de conocimiento (función instructora) y otra, a la transmisión de actitudes, valores y normas (función transformadora), que es una fuente valiosa de investigación histórica, educativa y comunicativa. Se estudian, mediante el análisis de contenido, las características de los catecismos, la legislación de la época relacionada con la publicación de manuales escolares, la presencia de las imágenes, los tipos, la función didáctica y la transmisión de modelos sociales e ideología. La investigación señala que las imágenes de los catecismos escolares no son simplemente reflejos de una realidad que facilita el aprendizaje de los contenidos que se imparten en las escuelas sino que, además, se convierten en una herramienta eficaz en la transformación de los valores y el pensamiento ideológico y religioso del contexto social en que se producen.

This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historiographical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct Andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of identity construction of the Spanish referent (Spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued., El presente artículo analiza la instrumentalización política del baile flamenco durante la dictadura franquista a través de la Sección Femenina de Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (en adelante, FET y de las JONS). Se ha empleado el método histórico a partir de un estudio sistemático de fuentes primarias consistentes principalmente en publicaciones periódicas, gráficas, audiovisuales y orales, así como en documentos oficiales de la época, además de las obras ya publicadas que han abordado de manera sucinta el folclore andaluz durante la etapa franquista. Los resultados muestran una primera etapa autárquica, la de los años cuarenta, en la que se instrumentaliza el baile flamenco bajo el mito de la unidad de la Patria, para a partir de los años cincuenta, como parte de la estrategia desarrollista en lo económico y aperturista en lo político, el flamenco se convierte en arma de adoctrinamiento político para reforzar y simbolizar la nueva identidad nacional. Se pone así en valor la idea de construcción identitaria del referente español (la españolidad) generado por el baile flamenco y sus mecanismos de adoctrinamiento.

This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historiographical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct Andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of identity construction of the Spanish referent (Spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued., El presente artículo analiza la instrumentalización política del baile flamenco durante la dictadura franquista a través de la Sección Femenina de Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (en adelante, FET y de las JONS). Se ha empleado el método histórico a partir de un estudio sistemático de fuentes primarias consistentes principalmente en publicaciones periódicas, gráficas, audiovisuales y orales, así como en documentos oficiales de la época, además de las obras ya publicadas que han abordado de manera sucinta el folclore andaluz durante la etapa franquista. Los resultados muestran una primera etapa autárquica, la de los años cuarenta, en la que se instrumentaliza el baile flamenco bajo el mito de la unidad de la Patria, para a partir de los años cincuenta, como parte de la estrategia desarrollista en lo económico y aperturista en lo político, el flamenco se convierte en arma de adoctrinamiento político para reforzar y simbolizar la nueva identidad nacional. Se pone así en valor la idea de construcción identitaria del referente español (la españolidad) generado por el baile flamenco y sus mecanismos de adoctrinamiento.

Academic freedom has two dimensions, one as a right of the teacher and the other as a guarantee of the universities. In both dimensions there is a risk that external interests could lead to indoctrination, which would harm the development of higher education. The first dimension is transgressed with teaching practices that lead the student towards some belief or ideology, and the second, when the university lends itself to joining a political agenda of others, with social responsibility actions and distancing themselves from academic objectives. The limits to protect both dimensions are the axiological principles that can combat indoctrination through its insertion into university policies., La libertad de cátedra tiene dos dimensiones, una como derecho del docente y otra como garantía de las universidades. En ambas dimensiones existe el riesgo de que intereses ajenos propicien formas de adoctrinamiento que dañen el desarrollo de la educación superior. La primera dimensión se transgrede con prácticas docentes que conminen al estudiante hacia alguna creencia o ideología, y, la segunda, cuando la universidad se presta para sumarse a una agenda política ajena, con acciones de responsabilidad social y distanciándose de los objetivos académicos. Los límites para proteger ambas dimensiones son los principios axiológicos que puedan combatir el adoctrinamiento a través de su inserción a las políticas universitarias. Fecha de recepción: 20/8/2021 Fecha de aceptación: 23/10/2021

Education is an essential element in the free development of the personality of the State of culture. However, although many works have been devoted to the study of the right to education, few have done so from this perspective. In this article I apply this approach to analyze the relationship between the different types of pluralism in education and the duty of neutrality. To do so, I will identify the types of pluralism, expose the most relevant constitutional conflicts for each type, and identify the role played by the cultural dimension or culture clause in the realization of the principle of neutrality., La educación es un elemento imprescindible en el libre desarrollo de la personalidad del Estado de cultura. Sin embargo, aunque se han dedicado muchos trabajos al estudio del derecho a la educación en la Constitución española, pocos lo han hecho desde esta perspectiva. En el artículo aplicó este enfoque para analizar la relación entre los distintos tipos de pluralismo que se dan en la educación y el deber de neutralidad del Estado. Para ello, identificará los tipos de pluralismo, expondré los conflictos constitucionales más relevantes para cada tipo e identificará el rol que juega la dimensión cultural o cláusula de cultura en la concreción del deber de neutralidad por parte del Estado.

Education is one of the key components in developing identity, personality and a sense of belonging in the time of peace. But when weaponized by the states as a tool of indoctrination, education becomes a highly effective instrument of war, contrary to the relevant rules prescribed by the international humanitarian and international human rights law. This weaponization of education was widely employed by the totalitarian regimes of the XXth century and is currently reinvented by the Russian Federation, which instills its “military-patriotic education” within the territory of the occupied Crimea. This thesis aims to fill a gap in the research on scope and implementation of the right to education in light of the military indoctrination techniques employed by the Occupying Powers towards civilian populations of occupied territories. The case study of the Russian Federation’s ongoing occupation of the Crimean Peninsula with its “military-patriotic” education instilled within local institutions is used to analyze the relevant provisions of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The main argument is built on three constitutive elements: 1) that the Crimean Peninsula is currently under belligerent occupation of the Russian Federation which exercises effective control over the peninsula; 2) consequently, the law of occupation (as a lex specialis) is applicable on its territory, together with international human rights law; the latter functions as an interpretative tool to help elucidate the specific scope of obligations of the Occupying Power towards civilian population of the Crimea, including the right to education; 3) therefore, Russia’s obligations as an Occupying Power include but are not limited to providing education consistent with the aims prescribed by the ICESCR; to ensure education consistent with the parents’ religious and philosophical convictions; and to refrain from pursuing indoctrination as a part of obligations under the right, Education is one of the key components of the development of identity, personality and a sense of belonging in the time of peace. But when weaponized by the states as a tool of indoctrination, education becomes a highly effective instrument of war, which goes beyond the traditional understanding of the relevant rules prescribed by the international humanitarian and international human rights law. Therefore, this thesis aims to fill in the gap in the research on scope and implementation of the right to education in light of the military indoctrination techniques employed by the Occupying Powers towards civilian population of the occupied territory. The case study of the Russian Federation’s ongoing occupation of the Crimean Peninsula with its “military-patriotic” education instilled within local institutions is used to analyze the relevant provisions of the international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The case study helps to evaluate their effectiveness and adequacy in formulating the Occupying Power’s scope of obligations, possibility of interferences into the educational process and seeking redress for the Occupying Power’s actions and inactions. The thesis establishes that the actions of the Occupying Power, such as in the Crimean example, which are aimed to instil military-patriotic component in the educational institutions of the occupied territory are contrary to international law and require effective and prompt instruments for redress.

During the Franco era, summer camps were conceived as the flagships of an ideological mass movement of children and adolescents. The object of this study is to inquire about the link between the II National Demonstration and the first summer camps of the Youth Organization (1937-1939) of FET and JONS. Based on the review of original documentary sources and other research material, a hermeneutical discourse is approached on the underlying message of the Youth Organization in the channelling and domination of childhood and youth. The summer camps are shown to have been used to train up the young generation by grouping inmates in militias and indoctrinating them in discipline, obedience and the sublimation of violence. They went through a system of open-air living to instil them with ideals before moving on into a process to select and indoctrinating fighters for the internal defence of an imagined community: a Spanish nation., En el franquismo, los campamentos de verano fueron configurados como el dispositivo más distintivo de la masiva movilización ideológica de la infancia y de la juventud adolescente. El objeto de estudio es el de indagar acerca del vínculo de la II Demostración Nacional y los primeros campamentos de verano de la Organización Juvenil (1937-1939) de FET y de las JONS. A partir de la revisión de fuentes documentales originales y de otras investigaciones se aborda un discurso hermenéutico sobre el mensaje subyacente de la Organización Juvenil en el encauzamiento y la dominación de la infancia y la juventud. El análisis declara que a través de los campamentos de verano se preparaba a las nuevas generaciones formando y adoctrinando milicias sobre un marco de disciplina autoritaria, de obediencia y de sublimación de la violencia. Los campamentos de verano ofrecían un sistema de vida al aire libre; toda una técnica de idealización y persuasión para encauzar a la juventud en un proceso de selección y de adoctrinamiento de combatientes en la defensa interior de una comunidad imaginada: la nación española.

In his play How to Explain the History of Communism to Mental Patients, Matéi Visniec stages an unusual psychiatric hospital. Using light effects and the contrast between speech and silence, the author makes us understand that the mentally sick are not those who we think they are. By combining reality and dreamlike imagery, he demonstrates that man's true freedom lies within himself and does not depend on external circumstances. Furthermore, he underlines the role of literature, which on the one hand can be used as a tool of indoctrination, but on the other hand, it allows the creation of a 'free zone', a last bulwark against brainwashing. In fact, through this grotesque allegory, Visniec denounces the totalitarian regime but also all kinds of manipulation in the name of great ideas., Dans sa pièce intitulée L’histoire du communisme racontée aux malades mentaux, Matéi Visniec met en scène un hôpital psychiatrique peu commun. Par des procédés de jeux de lumière et le contraste entre la parole et le silence, l’auteur nous fait comprendre que les malades ne sont pas ceux que l’on croit. Conjuguant la réalité et l’onirisme, il démontre que la vraie liberté de l’homme réside en lui-même et ne dépend donc pas de circonstances extérieures. De plus, il souligne le rôle de la littérature qui, d’un côté, peut être un outil d’endoctrinement, mais de l’autre, permet de créer une « zone libre », un dernier rempart contre le lavage de cerveau. De fait, par cette allégorie grotesque, Visniec dénonce le régime totalitaire mais aussi toute sorte de manipulation au nom de grandes idées.

En el tiempo reciente, Mauricio Vásquez ha desarrollado, en conjunto con un grupo activo de estudiantes de la Maestría en Comunicación Transmedia del Departamento de Comunicación Social de la Universidad EAFIT, un proyecto pedagógico singular el cual consiste en hacer un retrato de la fiesta barroca entre los siglo XVI y XIX. Esta celebración de origen colonial estaba constituida por una serie muy amplia de prácticas escénicas y artefactuales que resultan familiares a la variantología de los medios puestos que, temática y operativamente, hacen referencia a fenómenos mecánicos, ópticos y escénicos descritos por pensadores como el mallorquín Ramón Llull (1232-1315) o el alemán Athanasius Kircher (1602-1680). Algunos de los tópicos expuestos en los nueve capítulos del presente libro son : la curaduría del programa de la fiesta barroca, los jeroglíficos, la arquitectura temporal, los carros alegóricos, el teatro, los gabinetes ópticos, los espectáculos de variedades, las fantasmagorías y las sesiones de espiritismo. Este tipo de investigación es completamente relevante el día de hoy porque Colombia y buena parte de América Latina fueron fundadas como producto de la Contrarreforma, y este fue en buena medida un proceso instrumental, un proceso profundamente mediático que es necesario diseccionar y discutir, para conocer y decolonizar (Mignolo, 2003)., Prólogo : variantoscopios / Andrés Burbano -- Imaginación mediática en Hispanoamérica. Variantología de lo transmedial entre los siglo XVI y XIX / Mauricio Vásquez Arias -- Variantología : relaciones de tiempo profundo entre artes, ciencias y tecnologías : una entrevista (ficticia) / Siegfried Zielinski -- Siglo XVI al XVIII : comisariado, organización e invención del programa simbólico de las fiestas barrocas entre los siglos XVI y XVIII en Hispanoamérica / José Luis Acosta Sáenz, María Camila Borrás Santiago, Manuela González Cabrera, Andrés Naranjo Ortiz ; relaciones entre jeroglíficos, concursos, oralidad, arquitectura y arte performativo en la fiesta barroca entre los siglos XVI y XIX / Isabel Cristina Castaño Preciado, Alejandro Gómez Valencia, Juan Felipe Mejía García, Natalia Moreno Londoño, Ángela Tobón Ospina ; claves mediáticas de la arquitectura efímera en la fiesta barroca hispanoamericana / Ángela María Salazar Restrepo, Deicy Johana Pareja Montoya, Juan Gabriel Jaramillo Vásquez, Manuel Alejandro Valencia Zapata ; el carro alegórico como elemento simbólico en la fiesta barroca / Estefanía Jiménez Tamayo, Nicolás Arbeláez Rivera, Alejandra Henao Quiroz, Manuel Recio Gómez ; el teatro en la fiesta barroca : entre la celebración, la conmemoración y el espectáculo / Paula Andrea Álvarez Patiño, Ana María Bolívar Noreña, Yuliola Ximena Flórez Castillón, Kelly Marcela Velásquez Amaya -- Siglo XIX : el gabinete óptico en la España del siglo XIX / Sara Melissa Gallego Quiroz, Elizabeth Montoya Vélez ; manifestaciones del espectáculo de variedades en Iberoamérica durante el siglo XIX / Jennifer Ballestas Avilez, Valeria Zapata Giraldo, Ana Isabel Restrepo Patiño ; la fantasmagoría como espectáculo en la España del siglo XIX / Johny Galvis, Alejandro Agudelo, Johan Sebastián Morales ; uno para "sí", dos para "no" : el montaje de las sesiones espiritistas en la Argentina decimonónica / Daniel Garcíatoro, Juan Fernando Jaramillo Montoya, 266 p.

Education is one of the key components in developing identity, personality and a sense of belonging in the time of peace. But when weaponized by the states as a tool of indoctrination, education becomes a highly effective instrument of war, contrary to the relevant rules prescribed by the international humanitarian and international human rights law. This weaponization of education was widely employed by the totalitarian regimes of the XXth century and is currently reinvented by the Russian Federation, which instills its “military-patriotic education” within the territory of the occupied Crimea. This thesis aims to fill a gap in the research on scope and implementation of the right to education in light of the military indoctrination techniques employed by the Occupying Powers towards civilian populations of occupied territories. The case study of the Russian Federation’s ongoing occupation of the Crimean Peninsula with its “military-patriotic” education instilled within local institutions is used to analyze the relevant provisions of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The main argument is built on three constitutive elements: 1) that the Crimean Peninsula is currently under belligerent occupation of the Russian Federation which exercises effective control over the peninsula; 2) consequently, the law of occupation (as a lex specialis) is applicable on its territory, together with international human rights law; the latter functions as an interpretative tool to help elucidate the specific scope of obligations of the Occupying Power towards civilian population of the Crimea, including the right to education; 3) therefore, Russia’s obligations as an Occupying Power include but are not limited to providing education consistent with the aims prescribed by the ICESCR; to ensure education consistent with the parents’ religious and philosophical convictions; and to refrain from pursuing indoctrination as a part of obligations under the right, Education is one of the key components of the development of identity, personality and a sense of belonging in the time of peace. But when weaponized by the states as a tool of indoctrination, education becomes a highly effective instrument of war, which goes beyond the traditional understanding of the relevant rules prescribed by the international humanitarian and international human rights law. Therefore, this thesis aims to fill in the gap in the research on scope and implementation of the right to education in light of the military indoctrination techniques employed by the Occupying Powers towards civilian population of the occupied territory. The case study of the Russian Federation’s ongoing occupation of the Crimean Peninsula with its “military-patriotic” education instilled within local institutions is used to analyze the relevant provisions of the international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The case study helps to evaluate their effectiveness and adequacy in formulating the Occupying Power’s scope of obligations, possibility of interferences into the educational process and seeking redress for the Occupying Power’s actions and inactions. The thesis establishes that the actions of the Occupying Power, such as in the Crimean example, which are aimed to instil military-patriotic component in the educational institutions of the occupied territory are contrary to international law and require effective and prompt instruments for redress.

In recent years, historiography has addressed the building process of the Francoist regime through the analysis of the war experience of Rebel soldiers during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This has produced two main interpretations: that coercion was the primary role played by the army, being the indoctrination significantly subordinated to it. And, consequently, that a relevant ideologisation experience among Rebel soldiers didn’t take place. From this frame, the article aims to question these two ideas, arguing that there was indeed a process of ideologisation of Rebel soldiers in which, moreover, the army played a crucial role. Therefore, this allows to rethink the importance of the army’s indoctrination policies. By analysing military sources concerning these policies at a general and divisional level, and incorporating soldiers’ perspectives through their war diaries, I will delve into the forms and topics of this propaganda, arguing that the pragmatic approach, more than the ideological one, was ultimately what attracted combatants to the New State. Moreover, this interpretation would allow to understand how social support towards the dictatorship was built among war veterans, and more generally among the whole Spanish society., En los últimos años, la historiografía ha abordado el proceso constructivo del régimen franquista a través del estudio de la experiencia bélica de los combatientes sublevados durante la guerra civil española (1936-1939). Esto ha conducido a dos interpretaciones fundamentales: que la principal función del Ejército fue eminentemente coercitiva, y que el adoctrinamiento estaba subordinado a ella. Consecuentemente, no se dio una experiencia de ideologización significativa entre los combatientes rebeldes. Partiendo de este marco, el artículo busca cuestionar ambas ideas, sosteniendo que sí existió un proceso de ideologización de los soldados sublevados en el que además el Ejército tuvo un papel crucial, lo que permite reconsiderar la relevancia de sus políticas de adoctrinamiento. A través de un análisis de la documentación militar referida a estas políticas, tanto a nivel general como descendiendo a casos divisionales específicos, e incorporando también la perspectiva de los propios combatientes a través de sus diarios de guerra, se ahondará en las formas y temas de dicha propaganda, argumentando que fue la vía pragmática, más que la ideológica, la que favoreció la atracción de los combatientes hacia el nuevo Estado. Un enfoque que permitiría entender cómo se construyeron los apoyos sociales a la dictadura entre el colectivo de los excombatientes, y en general en el conjunto de la sociedad española.

This article addresses the purposes of formative and loyalty inspiring actions carried out by the organisations of the civic-military Chilean dictatorship: Frente Juvenil de Unidad Nacional (Youth Front of National Unity) and Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud (National Secretariat of Youth). By examining the political and organizational references of said entities and through diverse documental sources and life narrations, it is sought to reconstruct the main instances of indoctrination of young people considering the ideological principles and the palingenetic myths of the regime. In addition to the above, and making special emphasis on the effects of said educational instances on the production and experimentation of young subjects, this work analyses the implications of the documental evidence as well as the memories and biographical narratives, in order to understand this objective inscribed in, what we sustain, was a real process of fascistisation that took place in the first years of the Chilean dictatorship., Cet article s’intéresse aux buts les plus importants poursuivis par le Front des Jeunes pour l’Unité National et par le Secrétariat National de la Jeunesse pendant la dictature civico-militaire chilienne en ce qui concerne la formation et la fidelisation. Notre propos est de reconstruire les principales instances d’endoctriment des jeunes dans les principes idéologiques et les mythes paligénésiques du régime à partir tant des modèles politiques et organisationnels de ces entités que des sources diverses et des récits de vie. De plus, en examinant les effets de ces instances éducatives dans la production et l’expérimentation des subjectivités des jeunes, notre texte s’intéresse aux implications des évidences documentaires et des mémoires et récits biographiques afin de comprendre ce qui, d’après nous, a été un vrai processus de fascisation pendant les premières années de la dictature chilienne., Este artículo aborda los cometidos de mayor envergadura formativa y fidelizadora llevados a cabo por las orgánicas de la dictadura cívico-militar chilena Frente Juvenil de Unidad Nacional y Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud. Examinando los referentes políticos y organizacionales de estas entidades y a través de diversas fuentes documentales y Relatos de Vida, se reconstruyen aquí las principales instancias de adoctrinamiento de las y los jóvenes en los principios ideológicos y mitos palingenésicos del régimen. Junto a ello y poniendo especial atención en los efectos de estas instancias educativas en la producción y experimentación de subjetividades juveniles, el trabajo analiza las implicancias tanto de las evidencias documentales como de las memorias y narrativas biográficas para entender este cometido inscrito en lo que, sostenemos, fue un proceso real de fascistización acaecido en los primeros años de la dictadura chilena.

In recent years, historiography has addressed the building process of the Francoist regime through the analysis of the war experience of Rebel soldiers during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This has produced two main interpretations: that coercion was the primary role played by the army, being the indoctrination significantly subordinated to it. And, consequently, that a relevant ideologisation experience among Rebel soldiers didn’t take place. From this frame, the article aims to question these two ideas, arguing that there was indeed a process of ideologisation of Rebel soldiers in which, moreover, the army played a crucial role. Therefore, this allows to rethink the importance of the army’s indoctrination policies. By analysing military sources concerning these policies at a general and divisional level, and incorporating soldiers’ perspectives through their war diaries, I will delve into the forms and topics of this propaganda, arguing that the pragmatic approach, more than the ideological one, was ultimately what attracted combatants to the New State. Moreover, this interpretation would allow to understand how social support towards the dictatorship was built among war veterans, and more generally among the whole Spanish society., En los últimos años, la historiografía ha abordado el proceso constructivo del régimen franquista a través del estudio de la experiencia bélica de los combatientes sublevados durante la guerra civil española (1936-1939). Esto ha conducido a dos interpretaciones fundamentales: que la principal función del Ejército fue eminentemente coercitiva, y que el adoctrinamiento estaba subordinado a ella. Consecuentemente, no se dio una experiencia de ideologización significativa entre los combatientes rebeldes. Partiendo de este marco, el artículo busca cuestionar ambas ideas, sosteniendo que sí existió un proceso de ideologización de los soldados sublevados en el que además el Ejército tuvo un papel crucial, lo que permite reconsiderar la relevancia de sus políticas de adoctrinamiento. A través de un análisis de la documentación militar referida a estas políticas, tanto a nivel general como descendiendo a casos divisionales específicos, e incorporando también la perspectiva de los propios combatientes a través de sus diarios de guerra, se ahondará en las formas y temas de dicha propaganda, argumentando que fue la vía pragmática, más que la ideológica, la que favoreció la atracción de los combatientes hacia el nuevo Estado. Un enfoque que permitiría entender cómo se construyeron los apoyos sociales a la dictadura entre el colectivo de los excombatientes, y en general en el conjunto de la sociedad española.

In recent years, historiography has addressed the building process of the Francoist regime through the analysis of the war experience of Rebel soldiers during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This has produced two main interpretations: that coercion was the primary role played by the army, being the indoctrination significantly subordinated to it. And, consequently, that a relevant ideologisation experience among Rebel soldiers didn’t take place. From this frame, the article aims to question these two ideas, arguing that there was indeed a process of ideologisation of Rebel soldiers in which, moreover, the army played a crucial role. Therefore, this allows to rethink the importance of the army’s indoctrination policies. By analysing military sources concerning these policies at a general and divisional level, and incorporating soldiers’ perspectives through their war diaries, I will delve into the forms and topics of this propaganda, arguing that the pragmatic approach, more than the ideological one, was ultimately what attracted combatants to the New State. Moreover, this interpretation would allow to understand how social support towards the dictatorship was built among war veterans, and more generally among the whole Spanish society., En los últimos años, la historiografía ha abordado el proceso constructivo del régimen franquista a través del estudio de la experiencia bélica de los combatientes sublevados durante la guerra civil española (1936-1939). Esto ha conducido a dos interpretaciones fundamentales: que la principal función del Ejército fue eminentemente coercitiva, y que el adoctrinamiento estaba subordinado a ella. Consecuentemente, no se dio una experiencia de ideologización significativa entre los combatientes rebeldes. Partiendo de este marco, el artículo busca cuestionar ambas ideas, sosteniendo que sí existió un proceso de ideologización de los soldados sublevados en el que además el Ejército tuvo un papel crucial, lo que permite reconsiderar la relevancia de sus políticas de adoctrinamiento. A través de un análisis de la documentación militar referida a estas políticas, tanto a nivel general como descendiendo a casos divisionales específicos, e incorporando también la perspectiva de los propios combatientes a través de sus diarios de guerra, se ahondará en las formas y temas de dicha propaganda, argumentando que fue la vía pragmática, más que la ideológica, la que favoreció la atracción de los combatientes hacia el nuevo Estado. Un enfoque que permitiría entender cómo se construyeron los apoyos sociales a la dictadura entre el colectivo de los excombatientes, y en general en el conjunto de la sociedad española.

This article addresses the purposes of formative and loyalty inspiring actions carried out by the organisations of the civic-military Chilean dictatorship: Frente Juvenil de Unidad Nacional (Youth Front of National Unity) and Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud (National Secretariat of Youth). By examining the political and organizational references of said entities and through diverse documental sources and life narrations, it is sought to reconstruct the main instances of indoctrination of young people considering the ideological principles and the palingenetic myths of the regime. In addition to the above, and making special emphasis on the effects of said educational instances on the production and experimentation of young subjects, this work analyses the implications of the documental evidence as well as the memories and biographical narratives, in order to understand this objective inscribed in, what we sustain, was a real process of fascistisation that took place in the first years of the Chilean dictatorship., Cet article s’intéresse aux buts les plus importants poursuivis par le Front des Jeunes pour l’Unité National et par le Secrétariat National de la Jeunesse pendant la dictature civico-militaire chilienne en ce qui concerne la formation et la fidelisation. Notre propos est de reconstruire les principales instances d’endoctriment des jeunes dans les principes idéologiques et les mythes paligénésiques du régime à partir tant des modèles politiques et organisationnels de ces entités que des sources diverses et des récits de vie. De plus, en examinant les effets de ces instances éducatives dans la production et l’expérimentation des subjectivités des jeunes, notre texte s’intéresse aux implications des évidences documentaires et des mémoires et récits biographiques afin de comprendre ce qui, d’après nous, a été un vrai processus de fascisation pendant les premières années de la dictature chilienne., Este artículo aborda los cometidos de mayor envergadura formativa y fidelizadora llevados a cabo por las orgánicas de la dictadura cívico-militar chilena Frente Juvenil de Unidad Nacional y Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud. Examinando los referentes políticos y organizacionales de estas entidades y a través de diversas fuentes documentales y Relatos de Vida, se reconstruyen aquí las principales instancias de adoctrinamiento de las y los jóvenes en los principios ideológicos y mitos palingenésicos del régimen. Junto a ello y poniendo especial atención en los efectos de estas instancias educativas en la producción y experimentación de subjetividades juveniles, el trabajo analiza las implicancias tanto de las evidencias documentales como de las memorias y narrativas biográficas para entender este cometido inscrito en lo que, sostenemos, fue un proceso real de fascistización acaecido en los primeros años de la dictadura chilena.

In this brief essay there is matter of describing two enslavement ways, we should be attentive in the education process. The enslavement of the ideas and lifestyles of modernity until the end of the 20th century imposed rigid, socialized and revolutionary ways of social coexistence, liberalism first and socialism later. Postmodernism has currently psychologized lifestyles and it enslaves by seducing. Seduction by being selfish is not a violent process, but a pleasant one and it always seems to leave us a margin of freedom; for this reason it turns out to be a socially and morally perhaps more dangerous process, since it tries to enslave without the crowds noticing it; even more so that one can feel satisfied, Este breve ensaio trata de descrever formas de escravidão das que se deve estar atento no processo de educação. A escravidão das ideias e formas de vida da modernidade até fins do século XX impuseram formas rígidas, socializadas e revolucionárias de convivência social: liberalismo primeiro e socialismo depois. Atualmente, pós-modernidade psicologizou as formas de vida e escraviza seduzindo. A sedução, o selfish, não é um processo violento, mas agradável e parece deixar-nos sempre uma margem de liberdade; por esse motivo é um processo socialmente e moralmente, talvez, mais perigoso, pois objetiva escravizar sem que a multidão o advirta; ainda mais para que se sintam satisfeitos., El objeto de este trabajo se describen dos formas de dominación: el adoctrinamiento y la seducción, con el objetivo de hacer ver que su actual vigencia. En este contexto, se aporta el advertir como la población es mayoritariamente seducida e impone las condiciones. El método es el propio de los ensayos filosóficos y la reflexión sobre los acontecimiento de actualidad. Se utilizan las fuentes de los sociólogos y filósofos de mayor prestigio actual como lo son G. Lipovetzsky y Z. Bauman, G., P. Sibilia, O. Reboul. La estrategia de análisis utilizada es la que pone de manifiesto y critica, con originalidad el mecanismo de seducción: el seducido está en la condición de necesidad, primero y, después, de placenteramente esclavizado, por lo que no advertirá la dominación que se ejerce sobre él, perdiéndose sutilmente la libertad humana. La adicción a la propia imagen (selfish) y al celular o teléfono móvil es un claro ejemplo, que los adictos difícilmente querrán admitir. En conclusión se ponen de manifiesto las estrategias narcisistas de supervivencia: retirarse en el presente, reciclando la juventud. El narcisismo neutraliza el universo social, vaciando las instituciones de sus in­versio­nes emocionales y el yo se vacía de su identidad, por eso requiere constantemente de las selfishes para reírse de sí mismo. El yo pierde su referencia de unidad por exceso de información insus­tantiva.

In recent years, historiography has addressed the building process of the Francoist regime through the analysis of the war experience of Rebel soldiers during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This has produced two main interpretations: that coercion was the primary role played by the army, being the indoctrination significantly subordinated to it. And, consequently, that a relevant ideologisation experience among Rebel soldiers didn’t take place. From this frame, the article aims to question these two ideas, arguing that there was indeed a process of ideologisation of Rebel soldiers in which, moreover, the army played a crucial role. Therefore, this allows to rethink the importance of the army’s indoctrination policies. By analysing military sources concerning these policies at a general and divisional level, and incorporating soldiers’ perspectives through their war diaries, I will delve into the forms and topics of this propaganda, arguing that the pragmatic approach, more than the ideological one, was ultimately what attracted combatants to the New State. Moreover, this interpretation would allow to understand how social support towards the dictatorship was built among war veterans, and more generally among the whole Spanish society., En los últimos años, la historiografía ha abordado el proceso constructivo del régimen franquista a través del estudio de la experiencia bélica de los combatientes sublevados durante la guerra civil española (1936-1939). Esto ha conducido a dos interpretaciones fundamentales: que la principal función del Ejército fue eminentemente coercitiva, y que el adoctrinamiento estaba subordinado a ella. Consecuentemente, no se dio una experiencia de ideologización significativa entre los combatientes rebeldes. Partiendo de este marco, el artículo busca cuestionar ambas ideas, sosteniendo que sí existió un proceso de ideologización de los soldados sublevados en el que además el Ejército tuvo un papel crucial, lo que permite reconsiderar la relevancia de sus políticas de adoctrinamiento. A través de un análisis de la documentación militar referida a estas políticas, tanto a nivel general como descendiendo a casos divisionales específicos, e incorporando también la perspectiva de los propios combatientes a través de sus diarios de guerra, se ahondará en las formas y temas de dicha propaganda, argumentando que fue la vía pragmática, más que la ideológica, la que favoreció la atracción de los combatientes hacia el nuevo Estado. Un enfoque que permitiría entender cómo se construyeron los apoyos sociales a la dictadura entre el colectivo de los excombatientes, y en general en el conjunto de la sociedad española.

Analysis of the speech of the President of the Generalitat of Catalonia. Using the models of Rodríguez-Carballeira (1992) and McCauley and Moskalenko (2008) with the aim to study the presence of factors and mechanisms of indoctrination and radicalization. Finding these factors especially those of the cognitive sphere. Concluding that the message emitted is similar to those that can be observed in the sects., Análisis del discurso del presidente de la Generalidad de Cataluña. Empleándose los modelos propuestos de Rodríguez-Carballeira (1992) y McCauley y Moskalenko (2008) con el fin de estudiar la presencia de factores y mecanismos de adoctrinamiento y radicalización. Hallándose dichos factores especialmente los de la esfera cognitiva. Concluyendo que el mensaje emitido es semejante a aquellos que se pueden observar en las sectas.

How do the labels left and right take on meaning in new democracies? Existing explanations point to the universality of the left-right scheme or, reversely, emphasize regionally dominant social cleavages. We propose an alternative legacy-focused theory based on two observations: Dictatorships are not ideologically neutral and are negatively evaluated by most citizens and elites after democratization. These premises lead us to expect that when the authoritarian regime is associated with the left (right), the citizens of a new democracy will display an antileft (antiright) bias in their left-right self-identification. We test this hypothesis across Latin American and European new democracies. We find significant bias, which in the case of new democracies following left-wing regimes is concealed due to intercohort heterogeneity. Although older cohorts denote a positive bias, cohorts born after Stalin's era denote negative bias against the left. Consistent with our expectations, repression exacerbates this bias whereas indoctrination mitigates it. Finally, we look at how these biases apply to party preferences. The findings have important implications for understanding authoritarian legacies and party system development in new democracies.

In recent years, historiography has addressed the building process of the Francoist regime through the analysis of the war experience of Rebel soldiers during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). This has produced two main interpretations: that coercion was the primary role played by the army, being the indoctrination significantly subordinated to it. And, consequently, that a relevant ideologisation experience among Rebel soldiers didn’t take place. From this frame, the article aims to question these two ideas, arguing that there was indeed a process of ideologisation of Rebel soldiers in which, moreover, the army played a crucial role. Therefore, this allows to rethink the importance of the army’s indoctrination policies. By analysing military sources concerning these policies at a general and divisional level, and incorporating soldiers’ perspectives through their war diaries, I will delve into the forms and topics of this propaganda, arguing that the pragmatic approach, more than the ideological one, was ultimately what attracted combatants to the New State. Moreover, this interpretation would allow to understand how social support towards the dictatorship was built among war veterans, and more generally among the whole Spanish society., En los últimos años, la historiografía ha abordado el proceso constructivo del régimen franquista a través del estudio de la experiencia bélica de los combatientes sublevados durante la guerra civil española (1936-1939). Esto ha conducido a dos interpretaciones fundamentales: que la principal función del Ejército fue eminentemente coercitiva, y que el adoctrinamiento estaba subordinado a ella. Consecuentemente, no se dio una experiencia de ideologización significativa entre los combatientes rebeldes. Partiendo de este marco, el artículo busca cuestionar ambas ideas, sosteniendo que sí existió un proceso de ideologización de los soldados sublevados en el que además el Ejército tuvo un papel crucial, lo que permite reconsiderar la relevancia de sus políticas de adoctrinamiento. A través de un análisis de la documentación militar referida a estas políticas, tanto a nivel general como descendiendo a casos divisionales específicos, e incorporando también la perspectiva de los propios combatientes a través de sus diarios de guerra, se ahondará en las formas y temas de dicha propaganda, argumentando que fue la vía pragmática, más que la ideológica, la que favoreció la atracción de los combatientes hacia el nuevo Estado. Un enfoque que permitiría entender cómo se construyeron los apoyos sociales a la dictadura entre el colectivo de los excombatientes, y en general en el conjunto de la sociedad española.

Through numerous Establishment Clause cases, the Supreme Court has concluded that when public educators promote or denigrate religious views in the K-12 classroom, they violate the First Amendment. The Court has found that the protection of ‘freedom of conscience’ is embedded in the purpose of the Establishment Clause, which applies most strictly to the public school setting. This is because the sphere of conscience is most vulnerable to invasion in developing minds, and children are in a captive environment at school - they cannot escape from State instruction. Thus, states, school systems, and teachers who impose their religious beliefs onto students are using State funds to invade the freedom of conscience that the Establishment Clause is designed to protect. The moral egregiousness and unconstitutionality of public educators advancing their religion in the classroom have been absorbed into the public consciousness. The Court has found that the First Amendment, not just the Establishment Clause, is designed to protect the sphere of intellect and conscience, especially of K-12 public school students. However, the constitutional prohibitions on advancing beliefs and opinions in the classroom only cover the category of religion, due to the relevant cases’ Establishment Clause jurisdiction. But even if there are constitutional and perhaps policy differences, there seems to be no meaningful philosophical difference between the reasons why schools and teachers should not advance their religion or ideology in the classroom. When views stemming from either area are imposed on students, we say that someone is being instructed “what to think” rather than “how to think,” constituting an attempt at indoctrination, which the court system recognizes is inimical to the purposes of public education. Through analyzing the Court’s language this paper synthesizes a Court-created conceptual schema that demonstrates the Court’s recognition of the equivalence between advancing religio

The industrialization and its consequential imperialism and colonialism have impacted this world for three centuries. India has been a colony of the British Empire for two centuries. These eventful two centuries of Indian history did see the influence of not only the political and economical might of the “great” Britain, but its influence on every milieu of Indian life. India’s indigenous education system was gradually displaced and the colonial model of education pervaded under the patronage from the colonial-state. The language, pedagogy, evaluation and knowledge of the colonizer became naturalis obligato for the population of the colony. India got independence in 1947 and took to the task of decolonizing education immediately. The attempts to decolonize education from various standpoints of political activism, universalism and religious nationalism are charted in this article. What decolonizing education should entail and how India has responded to this question in the last century and how the neo-liberal order has supported a particular ideology to have a dominant say in this process are concerns of this article. We analyse how re-schooling and indoctrination are projected as the most nationalist response for methodical decolonizing of education., La industrialización, y el imperialismo y colonialismo que trajo consigo, ha tenido impacto en el mundo. En el caso de la India, esta se convirtió en una colonia del imperio británico durante dos siglos, periodo en el cual no solo predominó la fuerza política y económica de la “Gran” Bretaña, sino su influencia en cada espacio de la vida indígena. El sistema de educación indígena fue desplazado poco a poco y el modelo colonial de educación se extendió bajo el resguardo del Estado colonial. El lenguaje, la pedagogía, la evaluación y el conocimiento del colonizador fueron impuestos a la población hasta 1947, año en que la colonia se independizó y emprendió la tarea de descolonizar la educación. En este artículo abordamos los intentos de descolonizar la educación desde varias perspectivas del activismo político, el universalismo y el nacionalismo religioso. Qué implica descolonizar la educación, cómo la India ha respondido a esta cuestión y cómo el orden neoliberal ha promovido una ideología específica para dominar el proceso de descolonización educativa son los ejes que guían nuestro trabajo. Los resultados revelan que la reescolarización y el adoctrinamiento se proyectan como una respuesta más nacionalista para una descolonización metódica de la educación.

The industrialization and its consequential imperialism and colonialism have impacted this world for three centuries. India has been a colony of the British Empire for two centuries. These eventful two centuries of Indian history did see the influence of not only the political and economical might of the “great” Britain, but its influence on every milieu of Indian life. India’s indigenous education system was gradually displaced and the colonial model of education pervaded under the patronage from the colonial-state. The language, pedagogy, evaluation and knowledge of the colonizer became naturalis obligato for the population of the colony. India got independence in 1947 and took to the task of decolonizing education immediately. The attempts to decolonize education from various standpoints of political activism, universalism and religious nationalism are charted in this article. What decolonizing education should entail and how India has responded to this question in the last century and how the neo-liberal order has supported a particular ideology to have a dominant say in this process are concerns of this article. We analyse how re-schooling and indoctrination are projected as the most nationalist response for methodical decolonizing of education., La industrialización, y el imperialismo y colonialismo que trajo consigo, ha tenido impacto en el mundo. En el caso de la India, esta se convirtió en una colonia del imperio británico durante dos siglos, periodo en el cual no solo predominó la fuerza política y económica de la “Gran” Bretaña, sino su influencia en cada espacio de la vida indígena. El sistema de educación indígena fue desplazado poco a poco y el modelo colonial de educación se extendió bajo el resguardo del Estado colonial. El lenguaje, la pedagogía, la evaluación y el conocimiento del colonizador fueron impuestos a la población hasta 1947, año en que la colonia se independizó y emprendió la tarea de descolonizar la educación. En este artículo abordamos los intentos de descolonizar la educación desde varias perspectivas del activismo político, el universalismo y el nacionalismo religioso. Qué implica descolonizar la educación, cómo la India ha respondido a esta cuestión y cómo el orden neoliberal ha promovido una ideología específica para dominar el proceso de descolonización educativa son los ejes que guían nuestro trabajo. Los resultados revelan que la reescolarización y el adoctrinamiento se proyectan como una respuesta más nacionalista para una descolonización metódica de la educación.

В статье рассматривается проблема оправданного и излишнего присутствия идеологической составляющей в структуре исторического знания и образования, а также пути предотвращения или преодоления отрицательных последствий индоктринации исторического знания с помощью рефлексивных процедур и открытых форм коммуникации.

Conscientious objections by parents that their children receive training in certain subjects within the official educational curriculum are increasingly common in plural societies. Such objections are justified by the parents’ right to orient the education of their children according to their convictions. In the present study we analyse the recent judgment of the European Court of Human Rights of January 10th, 2017, to study what rights are in conflict in cases where parents do not want their children to attend swimming classes, sex education, religion, or be instructed about Darwinism. With this in mind, we analyze other relevant judgments of the Court of Strasbourg, the US Supreme Court and the Spanish Constitutional Court., Las objeciones de conciencia por parte de los padres a que sus hijos reciban formación en determinadas materias del currículo educativo oficial es cada vez más habitual en sociedades plurales como las nuestras. El derecho al que se apela para justificar tales objeciones es el derecho de los padres a orientar la educación de sus hijos conforme a sus convicciones. En el presente estudio acudimos al análisis de la reciente Sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 10 de enero de 2017, para estudiar qué derechos entran en conflicto en los supuestos en que los padres no quieren que sus hijos acudan a clases de natación, como en el presente caso, o de educación sexual, religión o darwinismo. Y para ello nos servimos del análisis otras sentencias de la Corte de Estrasburgo, del Tribunal Supremo norteamericano y del Tribunal Constitucional español.

In the past decade, the psychology of terrorism has paid a special attention to individual-group interaction in an attempt to better understand how processes of violent radicalization occur. The objective of this research is to determine whether the members of a group of Jihadi terrorists were psychologically manipulated and abused during the process which indoctrinated and radicalized them. Towards that end, we have used the trustworthy documentation of the testimonies about “Operation NOVA I, II and III”, found in a judicial ruling by the Spanish National Court, since it offers a solid base of empirical material which allows for an analysis of the indicators of the coercive and psychological abuse used against the members of the terrorist cell. The results may be regarded as evidence for the practice of thought reform and psychological abuse in a Jihadist terrorist group. We conclude that these results should be taken into account in efforts to proactively prevent these techniques of recruitment in general and of radicalization in particular, and thus of the consequent terrorist actions., RESUMO Na última década, a psicologia do terrorismo tem prestado especial atenção à interação indivíduo-grupo, na tentativa de compreender melhor como são produzidos os processos de radicalização violenta. O objetivo desta pesquisa é avaliar se os membros de um grupo terrorista jihadista foram manipulados psicologicamente em seu processo de doutrinamento para a radicalização, mediante a aplicação de técnicas de coerção e abuso psicológico. Para isso, foi utilizada documentação contrastada de uma sentença judicial da Audiência Nacional espanhola sobre os atestados da “Operação NOVA I, II e III”, por entender que esta constitui uma base sólida de material empírico que permite realizar uma análise dos indicadores de manipulação e abuso psicológico aplicados sobre os membros da célula. Os resultados podem ser interpretados como evidências de reforma do pensamento e abuso psicológico no seio de um grupo terrorista jihadista. Conclui-se que esses resultados deveriam ter sido considerados a fim de prevenir de forma proativa os processos de recrutamento em geral e de radicalização em particular, e, assim, os processos das ações terroristas consequentes., RESUMEN En la última década, la psicología del terrorismo ha prestado especial atención a la interacción individuo-grupo, en el intento de comprender mejor cómo se producen los procesos de radicalización violenta. El objetivo de esta investigación es evaluar si los miembros de un grupo de terroristas yihadistas fueron manipulados psicológicamente en su proceso de adoctrinamiento para la radicalización, mediante la aplicación de técnicas coercitivas y abuso psicológico. Para tal fin se ha utilizado la documentación contrastada de una sentencia judicial de la Audiencia Nacional española sobre los atestados de la “Operación NOVA I, II y III”, por entender que esta constituye una base sólida de material empírico que permite realizar un análisis de los indicadores de manipulación y abuso psicológico aplicados sobre los miembros de la célula. Los resultados obtenidos pueden interpretarse como evidencias de reforma del pensamiento y abuso psicológico en el seno de un grupo terrorista yihadista. Se concluye que estos resultados deberían ser tenidos en cuenta con el fin de prevenir proactivamente estos procesos de reclutamiento en general y de radicalización en particular, y, así, de las acciones terroristas consecuentes.

This article aims to analyze the construction of thought dominated and without criticality, acquired by educational institutions molded and used as instruments for the purposes of the market economy and globalization. From Paulo Freire’s approach to banking education and Noam Chomsky’s illustration, education is approached as a tool that allows emancipation and the proper word of the educator and the learner. With this purpose, the works of these authors and others that reinforce their approaches are analyzed. The conclusions reached are that globalization suggests appropriate models of education that standardize and grid institutional thinking and implicitly the entire educational community. To change this reality, a reflective education is necessary and in search of the discovery of reality through research, creation and questioning that allows creating new knowledge that is meaningful and the more so to others., Este artículo pretende analizar la construcción del pensamiento dominado y sin criticidad, adquirido por parte de las instituciones educativas moldeadas y utilizadas como instrumentos para los fines de la economía demercado y la globalización. Desde el enfoque de la educación bancaria de Paulo Freire y la ilustración de Noam Chomsky se aborda la educación como una herramienta que permite la emancipación y la palabra propia del educador y el educando. Con este propósito se analizan las obras de estos autores y de otros que refuerzan sus planteamientos. Las conclusiones a las que se llegan es que la mundialización sugiere modelos idóneos de educación que uniforman y cuadriculan el pensamiento institucional e implícitamente a toda la comunidad educativa. Para cambiar esta realidad es necesaria una educación de carácter reflexiva, edificadora y en busca del descubrimiento de la realidad a través de la investigación, creación y cuestionamiento que permita crear nuevo conocimiento que le sea significativo y cuanto más a otros.

Conscientious objections by parents that their children receive training in certain subjects within the official educational curriculum are increasingly common in plural societies. Such objections are justified by the parents’ right to orient the education of their children according to their convictions. In the present study we analyse the recent judgment of the European Court of Human Rights of January 10th, 2017, to study what rights are in conflict in cases where parents do not want their children to attend swimming classes, sex education, religion, or be instructed about Darwinism. With this in mind, we analyze other relevant judgments of the Court of Strasbourg, the US Supreme Court and the Spanish Constitutional Court., Las objeciones de conciencia por parte de los padres a que sus hijos reciban formación en determinadas materias del currículo educativo oficial es cada vez más habitual en sociedades plurales como las nuestras. El derecho al que se apela para justificar tales objeciones es el derecho de los padres a orientar la educación de sus hijos conforme a sus convicciones. En el presente estudio acudimos al análisis de la reciente Sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 10 de enero de 2017, para estudiar qué derechos entran en conflicto en los supuestos en que los padres no quieren que sus hijos acudan a clases de natación, como en el presente caso, o de educación sexual, religión o darwinismo. Y para ello nos servimos del análisis otras sentencias de la Corte de Estrasburgo, del Tribunal Supremo norteamericano y del Tribunal Constitucional español.

In this article I analyze the representation of the role of the family in the Dominican films Nueba Yol 1, finally arrived Balbuena (1995), by Ángel Muñiz, and Yuniol 2 (2007), by Alfonso Rodríguez. I start from the theoretical postulates of the French sociologist Louis Althusser (1974), who includes the family within the ideological apparatuses of the State, since in it the identity of men and women is constructed through an ideological discourse expressed through verbal exchanges and non-verbal. The applied methodology is hermeneutic-triangular. Three control groups composed, respectively, by sociologists, filmmakers and film students participated. I conclude affirming that in the first film a weak ideological apparatus is represented, lacking family discourse. This is a very common feature in some immigrant families in the United States of America, whose parents devote almost all their time to work, delegating their responsibility to cyberfriends, television, their teachers and classmates. In the second film, the discursive aspects of family ideology are more evident. In both productions, families are represented in order to develop a plot of social denunciation, which is why these films can be ideal to foster reflection among members of the postmodern family., En este artículo analizo la representación del rol de la familia en las películas dominicanas Nueba Yol 1, por fin llegó Balbuena (1995), de Ángel Muñiz, y Yuniol 2 (2007), de Alfonso Rodríguez. Parto de los postulados teóricos del sociólogo francés Louis Althusser (1974), quien incluye la familia dentro de los aparatos ideológicos de Estado, ya que en esta se construye la identidad de los hombres y las mujeres mediante un discurso ideologizante expresado a través de intercambios verbales y no verbales. La metodología aplicada es hermenéutica-triangular. Participaron tres grupos controles compuestos, respectivamente, por sociólogos, cineastas y estudiantes de cine. Concluyo afirmando que en la primera película se representa un aparato ideológico débil, carente de discurso familiar. Esta es una característica muy común en algunas familias de inmigrantes en los Estados Unidos de América, cuyos padres dedican casi todo su tiempo al trabajo, delegando su responsabilidad a los ciberamigos, a la televisión, a sus profesores y a los compañeros de aula. En la segunda película los aspectos discursivos de ideología familiar son más evidentes. En ambas producciones se representan las familias para desarrollar una trama de denuncia social, por lo que estas fílmicas pueden resultar idóneas para potenciar la reflexión entre los miembros de la familia posmoderna.

In the past decade, the psychology of terrorism has paid a special attention to individual-group interaction in an attempt to better understand how processes of violent radicalization occur. The objective of this research is to determine whether the members of a group of Jihadi terrorists were psychologically manipulated and abused during the process which indoctrinated and radicalized them. Towards that end, we have used the trustworthy documentation of the testimonies about “Operation NOVA I, II and III”, found in a judicial ruling by the Spanish National Court, since it offers a solid base of empirical material which allows for an analysis of the indicators of the coercive and psychological abuse used against the members of the terrorist cell. The results may be regarded as evidence for the practice of thought reform and psychological abuse in a Jihadist terrorist group. We conclude that these results should be taken into account in efforts to proactively prevent these techniques of recruitment in general and of radicalization in particular, and thus of the consequent terrorist actions., RESUMO Na última década, a psicologia do terrorismo tem prestado especial atenção à interação indivíduo-grupo, na tentativa de compreender melhor como são produzidos os processos de radicalização violenta. O objetivo desta pesquisa é avaliar se os membros de um grupo terrorista jihadista foram manipulados psicologicamente em seu processo de doutrinamento para a radicalização, mediante a aplicação de técnicas de coerção e abuso psicológico. Para isso, foi utilizada documentação contrastada de uma sentença judicial da Audiência Nacional espanhola sobre os atestados da “Operação NOVA I, II e III”, por entender que esta constitui uma base sólida de material empírico que permite realizar uma análise dos indicadores de manipulação e abuso psicológico aplicados sobre os membros da célula. Os resultados podem ser interpretados como evidências de reforma do pensamento e abuso psicológico no seio de um grupo terrorista jihadista. Conclui-se que esses resultados deveriam ter sido considerados a fim de prevenir de forma proativa os processos de recrutamento em geral e de radicalização em particular, e, assim, os processos das ações terroristas consequentes., RESUMEN En la última década, la psicología del terrorismo ha prestado especial atención a la interacción individuo-grupo, en el intento de comprender mejor cómo se producen los procesos de radicalización violenta. El objetivo de esta investigación es evaluar si los miembros de un grupo de terroristas yihadistas fueron manipulados psicológicamente en su proceso de adoctrinamiento para la radicalización, mediante la aplicación de técnicas coercitivas y abuso psicológico. Para tal fin se ha utilizado la documentación contrastada de una sentencia judicial de la Audiencia Nacional española sobre los atestados de la “Operación NOVA I, II y III”, por entender que esta constituye una base sólida de material empírico que permite realizar un análisis de los indicadores de manipulación y abuso psicológico aplicados sobre los miembros de la célula. Los resultados obtenidos pueden interpretarse como evidencias de reforma del pensamiento y abuso psicológico en el seno de un grupo terrorista yihadista. Se concluye que estos resultados deberían ser tenidos en cuenta con el fin de prevenir proactivamente estos procesos de reclutamiento en general y de radicalización en particular, y, así, de las acciones terroristas consecuentes.

Conscientious objections by parents that their children receive training in certain subjects within the official educational curriculum are increasingly common in plural societies. Such objections are justified by the parents’ right to orient the education of their children according to their convictions. In the present study we analyse the recent judgment of the European Court of Human Rights of January 10th, 2017, to study what rights are in conflict in cases where parents do not want their children to attend swimming classes, sex education, religion, or be instructed about Darwinism. With this in mind, we analyze other relevant judgments of the Court of Strasbourg, the US Supreme Court and the Spanish Constitutional Court., Las objeciones de conciencia por parte de los padres a que sus hijos reciban formación en determinadas materias del currículo educativo oficial es cada vez más habitual en sociedades plurales como las nuestras. El derecho al que se apela para justificar tales objeciones es el derecho de los padres a orientar la educación de sus hijos conforme a sus convicciones. En el presente estudio acudimos al análisis de la reciente Sentencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos de 10 de enero de 2017, para estudiar qué derechos entran en conflicto en los supuestos en que los padres no quieren que sus hijos acudan a clases de natación, como en el presente caso, o de educación sexual, religión o darwinismo. Y para ello nos servimos del análisis otras sentencias de la Corte de Estrasburgo, del Tribunal Supremo norteamericano y del Tribunal Constitucional español.

This chapter takes as its starting point discussions about the concept of indoctrination in the philosophy of education and provides an overview of the use of the concept in relation to science education. The chapter then focuses on indoctrination through the hidden curriculum. Messages about the nature of science communicated in the classroom, which are not in line with the formal curriculum, are part of this hidden curriculum. It is suggested that widespread views about science (e.g. associating science with positivistic, scientistic, atheistic and modernistic views) could be viewed as a result of an indoctrination of students. Since these views are not necessary for science, science becomes distorted for students. Thus, indoctrination could have unfortunate consequences for students’ possibilities of identifying with science and therefore, for the possibility to achieve a desirable pluralism in science.

Важную роль в советизации сознания младших школьников в СССР играли детские журналы. В статье проанализированы структура, содержание и динамика визуальных образов «советскости», представленных на страницах популярного советского детского журнала «Мурзилка»., Magazines for children played an important role in the ‘sovietization’ of school children’s consciousness in the USSR. The article analyzes the structure, content and dynamics of visual representations of ‘Sovietness’ in magazine ‘Murzilka’.

The argument being made here is that democratic life is more likely if educators actually ‘educate’, rather than comply with quality of teaching approaches as promoted by the Australian federal government. Engaging with some philosophy of education can assist educators to resist being seduced by notions such as ‘quality teaching’, ‘evidence-based’ practices and ‘impact’ and to exercise the intellectual and political resolve necessary to ensure educational practices promote democracy (Biesta, 2010a) and are not surrendered to the control of non-educators. Blake et al. (2000, p. xiii) identify that philosophy is usually avoided in discussions regarding quality, evidence-based approaches and accountability because bureaucrats are “intolerant of philosophical debate”. By drawing largely upon the works of Dewey and his notions of education, democracy and the science of education, it is argued that what is needed is for teacher-educators to focus on ‘educating’ teachers, as professionals, to be critically scientific and democratic.

The processes of radicalization in certain environments and the rise of Jihadist Salafist ideology are nowadays present realities. Prisons have become one of the areas where there is a higher rate of indoctrination with respect to the most radical Islamist ideology. The passage by them of some of the current leaders of jihadist organizations, as well as of terrorists who have committed attacks on their release from European prisons, exemplify some of the evidence on the internal processes of radicalization that occur in these environments. In order to deal with this threat, pioneering deradicalisation programs in prisons in several countries have recently begun to emerge, obtaining different results to date., Los procesos de radicalización en determinados entornos y el auge de la ideología salafista yihadista son dos realidades muy presentes en la actualidad. Las prisiones se han convertido en uno de los ámbitos donde se da un mayor índice de adoctrinamiento en lo que concierne al ideario islamista más radical. El paso por ellas de algunos de los actuales líderes de organizaciones yihadistas, así como de terroristas que a su salida de las cárceles europeas han cometido atentados, ejemplifican algunas de las evidencias existentes sobre los procesos de radicalización internos que se producen en estos entornos. Para hacer frente a esta amenaza han comenzado a surgir recientemente programas pioneros de desradicalización en prisiones de varios países, obteniendo distintos resultados hasta la fecha

The processes of radicalization in certain environments and the rise of Jihadist Salafist ideology are nowadays present realities. Prisons have become one of the areas where there is a higher rate of indoctrination with respect to the most radical Islamist ideology. The passage by them of some of the current leaders of jihadist organizations, as well as of terrorists who have committed attacks on their release from European prisons, exemplify some of the evidence on the internal processes of radicalization that occur in these environments. In order to deal with this threat, pioneering deradicalisation programs in prisons in several countries have recently begun to emerge, obtaining different results to date., Los procesos de radicalización en determinados entornos y el auge de la ideología salafista yihadista son dos realidades muy presentes en la actualidad. Las prisiones se han convertido en uno de los ámbitos donde se da un mayor índice de adoctrinamiento en lo que concierne al ideario islamista más radical. El paso por ellas de algunos de los actuales líderes de organizaciones yihadistas, así como de terroristas que a su salida de las cárceles europeas han cometido atentados, ejemplifican algunas de las evidencias existentes sobre los procesos de radicalización internos que se producen en estos entornos. Para hacer frente a esta amenaza han comenzado a surgir recientemente programas pioneros de desradicalización en prisiones de varios países, obteniendo distintos resultados hasta la fecha

The argument being made here is that democratic life is more likely if educators actually ‘educate’, rather than comply with quality of teaching approaches as promoted by the Australian federal government. Engaging with some philosophy of education can assist educators to resist being seduced by notions such as ‘quality teaching’, ‘evidence-based’ practices and ‘impact’ and to exercise the intellectual and political resolve necessary to ensure educational practices promote democracy (Biesta, 2010a) and are not surrendered to the control of non-educators. Blake et al. (2000, p. xiii) identify that philosophy is usually avoided in discussions regarding quality, evidence-based approaches and accountability because bureaucrats are “intolerant of philosophical debate”. By drawing largely upon the works of Dewey and his notions of education, democracy and the science of education, it is argued that what is needed is for teachereducators to focus on ‘educating’ teachers, as professionals, to be critically scientific and democratic.

The argument being made here is that democratic life is more likely if educators actually ‘educate’, rather than comply with quality of teaching approaches as promoted by the Australian federal government. Engaging with some philosophy of education can assist educators to resist being seduced by notions such as ‘quality teaching’, ‘evidence-based’ practices and ‘impact’ and to exercise the intellectual and political resolve necessary to ensure educational practices promote democracy (Biesta, 2010a) and are not surrendered to the control of non-educators. Blake et al. (2000, p. xiii) identify that philosophy is usually avoided in discussions regarding quality, evidence-based approaches and accountability because bureaucrats are “intolerant of philosophical debate”. By drawing largely upon the works of Dewey and his notions of education, democracy and the science of education, it is argued that what is needed is for teacher-educators to focus on ‘educating’ teachers, as professionals, to be critically scientific and democratic.

What should we do if climate change or global injustice require radical policy changes not supported by the majority of citizens? And what if science shows that the lacking support is largely due to shortcomings in citizens’ individual psychology such as cognitive biases that lead to temporal and geographical parochialism? Could then a plausible case for enhancing the morality of the electorate—even against their will –be made? But can a democratic government manipulate the will of the people without losing democratic legitimacy? This paper explores the problems that governmental manipulation of voters pose for democratic legitimacy and the tensions between non-manipulated input and morally acceptable output. These venerable issues of political theory resurface in light of recent suggestions to tackle today’s global mega-problems by Ingmar Persson and Julian Savulescu. They suggest that to avert the looming catastrophe, governments should alter psychological traits of the citizenry through biomedical means, from pharmaceuticals to genetics. However, we argue that a government cannot rule with democratic legitimacy if elected by a will of the people it manipulated before. Normatively, conferring power from the governed onto governors is a one-directional relation that is incompatible with manipulation. But while it is tempting to rebut suggestions to morally enhance the people as antithetical to essential ideas of democracy, swift rebuttals tend to overlook the deeper challenge: Majoritarian decision-making may lead to inacceptable outcomes. The dilemma between input and output runs through major works in political theory. Rather than wishfully ignoring the dangers of democracy, democratic theory has to provide answers.

The article takes a worldview perspective and discusses students, science and scientism with the starting point in empirical data. The aim is to shed light on the kinds of worldviews students associate with science, and how these worldviews are related to the worldviews of the students. Data consist of answers to a questionnaire (N=47) and interviews (N=26) with upper secondary students. The results show that it is common that students associate science with scientism. A possible consequence if science teaching communicate an image of science which the students interpret as science being connected to scientism, is that the teaching of science functions as a way to socialize/indoctrinate students into scientism. However the results show that many students are resisting indoctrination into scientism. These students describe their own views in ways that differ from the ones they associate with science. E.g. students frequently associate science with scientism, but state that they themselves do not agree with these kinds of views. The results are also discussed in relation to students’ identity and inclusion/exclusion in relation to science teaching.

In an analysis about Spanish cinema of the Transition (1973-1984) from the perspective of its ability to show the history and the contemporary reality of Spain, it was essential to understand the figure of the director Manuel Gutierrez Aragon, him being the author of a few significant films of the period. Despite valuing, first and foremost, the poetic or metaphorical dimensions of his film language, we suspected that his work is deeply rooted in Spanish society and history since the Civil War. Thus, we were interested in establishing a link between these roots’ realism and the more poetic, inventive side of a filmography always elusive to categorisations.Starting from an analysis of each film (Sánchez Noriega, ed., 2014), we carried out a cross approximation to inquire about the constants of his filmography, constants that are better grasped - in our view - from this "dialectical reality / inventiveness". In order to mitigate the subjectivity inherent in our discourse, we have allowed for scholarly essays and the filmmaker’s testimonies, in addition to our cinematic analyses.The core ideas of this cinematic discourse include: a realism nuanced by distortions which add a poetic quality to Gutierrez Aragon’s filmography; family memories since childhood and the natural spaces linked to them; the representation of the Spanish social and political situation, beginning in the Francoist forties and leading all the way into the tensions arising from the transition to democracy of the seventies; and the creation of characters when developing the figure of the traitor/hero and examining the acquisition of knowledge and persuasion., En un estudio sobre el cine español de la Transición (1973-1984) desde la perspectiva de su capacidad para mostrar la historia y la realidad española contemporánea era indispensable profundizar en la figura del director Manuel Gutiérrez Aragón, pues es autor de algunas de las películas más significativas de ese período. A pesar de que de este cineasta se valora más la dimensión poética o metafórica de su lenguaje cinematográfico, teníamos la intuición de que su obra posee unas fuertes raíces en la sociedad española y en su historia desde la Guerra Civil. Nos interesaba poner en relación el realismo de estas raíces con la vertiente más poética o fabuladora de una filmografía siempre esquiva a las categorizaciones. A partir de un trabajo de análisis de cada una de las películas (Sánchez Noriega, ed., 2014) hemos realizado una aproximación transversal para indagar en las constantes de esta filmografía, constantes que se aprehenden mejor –a nuestro juicio- desde esta “dialéctica realidad / fabulación”. A fin de mitigar la subjetividad inherente a un discurso de este tipo, además de nuestros análisis fílmicos hemos tenido en cuenta ensayos de estudiosos y los propios testimonios del cineasta. Hay que subrayar como ejes de este discurso fílmico el realismo muy matizado por distorsiones que proporcionan al cine de Gutiérrez Aragón una notable cualidad poética; la memoria familiar desde la infancia y los espacios naturales vinculados a ella; la representación del marco social y político desde la España franquista de los cuarenta a las tensiones de la transición a la democracia; y la construcción de los personajes donde son relevantes la figura del traidor/ héroe y el tema de la adquisición del conocimiento y el adoctrinamiento.

Almost two thirds of home economics teachers in Sweden are formally unqualified. Historically, home economics has focused more on fostering and prescribing the “right” choices whereas the modern (2011-) curriculum focuses on teaching consequences of choices and giving students tools for assessing alternatives. Restraining from prescribing norms requires a high degree of professionalism. The objective of this study was to empirically investigate the prevalence of intentions of formally unqualified teachers to prescribe consumption norms not supported by the curriculum. Furthermore, to investigate to what extent these intentions are correlated with years of experience as a teacher, personal preferences, or personal consumption. The intention to transfer norms were measured using the concept of intentional misalignment applied to a survey distributed to a sample of formally unqualified teachers attending complementary teacher education. A two part survey was used. The first part consisted of multiple choice questions asking the teachers how important they saw it to transfer different consumption norms to their students (e.g. to consume local or organic food). These responses were evaluated quantitatively (Spearman rank correlation, Wilcoxon rank sum test and Kruskal-Wallis analysis of variance). The second part consisted of an open-ended question asking teachers to describe what they saw as the most important take-home message for students in home economics. The answers were compared to the national curriculum to identify intentions to transfer unsupported norms. The study indicates that more than a third of the formally unqualified home economics teachers in Sweden express the intention to prescribe specific types of consumption or to transfer consumption norms that are not supported by the curriculum. The prevalence is correlated to personal preferences and thus indicates difficulties with keeping a professional perspective. These teachers must be given collegial sup