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In dem Bundesland Tirol gibt es seit 2014 nur einen (privaten) Arzt der Schwangerschaftsabbrüche durchführt. Die seit 2022 gestellte Landesregierung formulierte das Ziel ein niederschwelliges und bedarfsgerechtes Angebot zu Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen zu schaffen. Dazu sollen zukünftig drei Ärzt:innen Schwangerschaftsabbrüche anbieten, die Kosten für einen solchen Eingriff sind nach wie vor privat zu finanzieren, auch beschränkt sich dieses Angebot auf die Stadt Innsbruck. Kritik und Forderungen durch Feminist:innen zu den gesetzlichen Rahmenbedingungen, aber auch der Umsetzung und Durchführung der Fristenlösung gibt es bereits seit Einführung dieser gesetzlichen Änderung im Jahr 1975. Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es, zu beantworten, wie sich Feminist:innen ab 1975 in Kämpfen um einen verbesserten Zugang zu Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen einsetz(t)en, um in Bezug auf dieses Thema Erfolge in Tirol zu erzielen. Dazu wird folgende Forschungsfrage gestellt: ‚Welche Strategien entwickel(t)en Feminist:innen in Kämpfen für einen verbesserten Zugang zu Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen in Tirol seit 1975?‘ Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage wurde zuerst mittels Literaturrecherche die Thematik Schwangerschaftsabbrüche beziehungsweise reproduktive Gerechtigkeit im Gesamtstaat Österreich aus einer materialistisch-feministischen Perspektive reflektiert. Unter Bezugnahme auf Silvia Federicis Erkenntnisse zur ursprünglichen Akkumulation konnte gezeigt werden, wie eng ökonomische und staatliche Verhältnisse miteinander verwoben sind. Danach fand in Form einer qualitativen Forschung, konkret im Rahmen von Expert:inneninterviews, eine Erhebung der Strategien von ausgewählten Feminist:innen in Tirol für einen verbesserten Zugang zu Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen statt. Anschließend wurden die Erkenntnisse der Interviews durch die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse ausgewertet und mit Hilfe des Theorieteils dieser Arbeit interpretiert. Im Zuge der Auswertung der Interviews wurden die Grenzen der gewähl, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2024

The article discusses the feature documentary Panorama do cinema brasileiro (1968), by Jurandyr Noronha, a film that tells the history of national cinema from its be-ginnings to the mid-1960s Through film analysis, the main stylistic characteristics of the work are highlighted, the way it is structured and its ideological perspective., L’article traite du long métrage documentaire Panorama do cinema brasileiro (1968), de Jurandyr Noronha, un film qui raconte l’histoire du cinéma national de ses débuts au milieu des années 1960. À travers son analyse filmique, les principales caractéristiques stylistiques de l’œuvre sont mises en évidence, sa structuration et sa perspective idéologi-que., O artigo discute o documentário de longa-metragem Panorama do cinema brasi-leiro (1968), de Jurandyr Noronha, filme que narra a história do cinema nacional desde os seus primórdios até meados dos anos 1960. Por meio da análise fílmica, são destacadas as principais características estilísticas da obra, o modo como ela se estrutura e sua perspectiva ideológica., El artículo analiza el largometraje documental Panorama do cinema brasileiro (1968), de Jurandyr Noronha, película que narra la historia del cine nacional desde sus ini-cios hasta mediados de la década de 1960. A través del análisis fílmico, se resaltarán las principales características estilísticas de la obra, la forma en que está estructurada y su perspectiva ideológica.

Comedians play an important role in society and public debate. While comedians have been considered important cultural critics for quite some time, comedy has acquired a new social and political significance in recent years, with humour taking centre stage in political and social debates around issues of identity, social justice, and freedom of speech. To understand the shifting meanings and political implications of humour within a Dutch context, this PhD thesis examines the political and aesthetic workings of humour in the highly popular Dutch cabaret genre, focusing on cabaret performances from the 1960s to the present. The central questions of the thesis are: how do comedians use humour to deliver social critique, and how does their humour resonate with political ideologies? These questions are answered by adopting a cultural studies approach to humour, which is used to analyse Dutch cabaret performances, and by studying related materials such as reviews and media interviews with comedians. This thesis shows that, from the 1960s onwards, Dutch comedians have been considered ‘progressive rebels’ – politically engaged, subversive, and carrying a left-wing political agenda – but that this image is in need of correction. While we tend to look for progressive political messages in the work of comedians who present themselves as being anti-establishment rebels – such as Youp van ‘t Hek, Hans Teeuwen, and Theo Maassen – this thesis demonstrates that their transgressive and provocative humour tends to protect social hierarchies and relationships of power. Moreover, it shows that, paradoxically, both the deliberately moderate and nuanced humour of Wim Kan and Claudia de Breij, and the seemingly past-oriented nostalgia of Alex Klaasen, are more radical and progressive than the transgressive humour of van ‘t Hek, Teeuwen and Maassen. Finally, comedians who present absurdist or deconstructionist forms of humour, such as the early student cabarets, Freek de Jonge, and Micha

Ungarns Verfassung von 2012 steht als symbolträchtigstes rechtliches Dokument der Ära Orbán seit seiner Verabschiedung europaweit im Kreuzfeuer der Kritik. Die Vorwürfe beziehen sich auf das ausgrenzende Verfahren der Verfassungsgebung, die ideologische Aufladung und auf die Aushebelung der Gewaltenteilung. Das Werk sucht rechtsdogmatisch begründete Antworten auf diese Kritikpunkte und verwendet hierfür die Errungenschaften der europäischen und der ungarischen Verfassungstradition als Maßstab. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit widmet der Autor den Höhen und Tiefen der ungarischen Rechtsgeschichte, der Zeit ab 1989/90 und letzten Endes der Frage, ob mit einer langen Lebensdauer des Grundgesetzes in einem demokratischen Europa gerechnet werden kann., Hungary's 2012 Basic Law, the most symbolic legal document of the Orbán era, has been in the crossfire of criticism throughout Europe from the moment it has been adopted. The objections refer to the exclusionary procedure of constitution-making, the ideological bias, and the undermining of the separation of powers. This study seeks well-founded legal dogmatic answers to these criticisms, using the achievements of the European and Hungarian constitutional traditions as a yardstick. Special attention is paid to the ups and downs of Hungarian legal history, to the period after 1989/90, and finally to the question of whether the Fundamental Law can be expected to have a long life in a democratic Europe.

Past approaches to ideological commemorative street naming have taken for granted the concept of ideology, focusing on the policy decisions and the debates surrounding individual and more concerted resemioticisations. In this paper, we demonstrate that the concept of ideology in the context of commemorative street renaming is by no means unequivocal by illustrating how different decisions on what is or is not an ideological street name change influences the shape and the scope of 'the ideological robe of the city' (Zieliński, 1994). More specifically, we report on methodological decisions and their implications for representational politics in two towns, Zbąszyń in Poland and Annaberg-Buchholz in Germany, during consecutive waves of regime changes since the First World War. We rely on a complex data-set consisting of maps, town hall documents, street directories, newspapers and interviews with administrative officials. Visualisation of geographical patterns allows us to illustrate the outcomes of different definitions of ideology and explore how these definitions affect our analysis. Our primary aim is to arrive at systematic, and thus supra-locally operationalizable, analytical procedure for distinguishing ideological from non-ideological street naming practices.

Carbon taxes are frequently advocated as a means of reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, yet their political feasibility remains a challenge. To enhance their political appeal, carbon tax proponents have proposed revenue recycling as a means of alleviating public concern with this instrument's visible costs. Analyzing data from identical survey-experiments administered in the United States, Canada, and Germany, we examine the extent to which returning revenues to the public has the potential to broaden the political acceptability of carbon taxes across ideological and national contexts. While public opinion is sensitive to the cost attributes of carbon taxes, we find that in some cases, opposition to carbon taxes can be offset by a reduction in income taxes. However, these effects tend to be modest in size, limited to some ideological groups, and varied across countries. Moreover, we demonstrate that fairness perceptions are a crucial mechanism linking revenue recycling to carbon tax support in all countries examined.

Conceptually, "group-focused enmity" (GFE, long-term project in Germany, duration: 2002-2011) consists of several different attitudes that constitute a syndrome of group-focused enmity. These attitudes are empirically related to each other and share a common core which is the ideology of inequality. But is GFE really a one-dimensional homogeneous ideology? Over the years there have been considerable doubts about this fundamental assumption. We have two central theoretical argumentations for explicating and revising the concept of GFE. The first is based on the social psychological literature regarding differences between ideologies, attitudes, stereotypes and social prejudices. The second arises from one of the basic conceptual ideas of the GFE project, which states that depending on the respective societies different specific groups become targets of devaluation and discrimination. Therefore, we propose a revised version of the GFE syndrome as a two-dimensional concept: an ideology of inequality (generalized attitudes) and social prejudice (specific attitudes). The measurement models are strictly empirically tested using data from the GFE panel (waves 2006, 2008) as well as the representative GFE-surveys (cross-sections 2003, 2011) conducted in Germany. To test for discriminant and external validity, we have also included social dominance orientation (SDO). Additionally, within this framework, the methodological focus of the study is to test for several forms of measurement invariance in the context of higher-order factor models considering the issue of multidimensionality of latent variables. Our empirical results support the idea that GFE is a bi-dimensional concept consisting of an ideology of inequality and social prejudice. Moreover, SDO is demonstrated to be empirically distinct from both dimensions and correlates more strongly with the ideology of inequality in comparison to social prejudice. Additionally, the bi-dimensional GFE conceptualization proves to b

The article deals with resonance, development, and changes in various forms of atheism in the works of Czech, especially Marxist, intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century. Attention is also paid to their influence on public opinion, especially in connection with a rise in negative attitude of a large part of the Czech public towards religion. The study is based primarily on historical and discursive analyses of the works of principal authors from the 1950s to 1989. Among the authors discussed are important figures such as Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec, and Vítězslav Gardavský.

This paper deals with attitudes, values and ideologies as potentials in influencing cultural change toward more environmentally and socially sustainable socio-political system. The main framework of the discussion is the degrowth paradigm and the results of analyses are based on the two modules of the International Social Survey Program (2017). The main indicator of the (social) degrowth potentiality is the 'degrowth scale', consisting of dimensions related the end of economic growth and the need for social change. Those dimensions are (statistically) contextualised within respondents' socio-demographic characteristics, and their other values and attitudes, and discussed within the degrowth paradigm.

In the context of the recent surge of the anti-gender movement, scholarship has analysed how actors involved in the public debate manage to create the threat of the so-called gender ideology and to persuade millions Europe-wide to object to non-traditional family forms, the extension of rights to marginalised communities, and values of equality. Taking two central voices of the Italian debate into account, this thesis sets out to investigate the rhetorical strategies used by the political right and the Catholic Church. In my discourse analysis, I explore linguistic devices and argumentation patterns, or topoi, with which actors advocate for the protection of children from what they label as gender theory. My aim is to question the logic and the rhetorical devices behind their statements when they oppose the need for the implementation of topics such as gender equality, sexual orientation, and gender identity in Italian classrooms. My results find that both actors resort to a variety of topoi, ranging well beyond the issue of gender-sensitive education. Oppression of dissent, curtailment of freedoms and rights, and the loss of traditional pillars of the Catholic worldview (e.g. the heteronormative family unit and the female/male dichotomy) are just some of the characteristics of what is presented as the menacing, self-fulfilling prophecy of the ‘gender theory’, whose victims are portrayed to be women and children. Relying on indirectness when expressing homo-bi-transphobic stances and on crude language when depicting the presumed consequences of the ‘ideology’, the actors manage to create an impression of immediate danger and to portray their own worldview as the supposedly safe and natural one., Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2023

Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit den politischen Ansichten deutscher Wähler*innen. Untersucht wurde insbesondere, inwiefern Persönlichkeitsfaktoren, Moral Foundations und neoliberale ideologische Überzeugungen mit politischer Selbstverortung und Parteipräferenz zusammenhängen. Darüber hinaus wurden aber auch die Zusammenhänge zwischen den einzelnen Konstrukten beleuchtet. Die vorliegende Arbeit soll damit zu mehr Verständnis für die Ursprünge unterschiedlicher politischer Ansichten beitragen. Die nötigen Daten wurden mithilfe eines Online-Fragebogens erhoben, der von 361 volljährigen und in Deutschland wahlberechtigten Personen vollständig ausgefüllt wurde. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich politische Positionen anschaulich auf ein Links-Rechts- und Autoritär-Liberal-Spektrum vereinfachen lassen. Entlang dieser Spektren unterscheiden sich Personen nicht nur anhand ihrer Parteipräferenz, sondern es lassen sich auch Zusammenhänge mit Persönlichkeitsfaktoren, Moral Foundations und neoliberalen ideologischen Überzeugungen finden. Je rechter die politische Präferenz einer Person ist, desto wichtiger sind ihr die Moral Foundations Loyalty / Betrayal, Authority / Subversion, Sanctity / Degradation und Economic Liberty, desto höher ist ihre Gewissenhaftigkeit und desto ausgeprägter sind ihre neoliberalen ideologischen Überzeugungen. Je linker die politische Präferenz einer Person ist, desto wichtiger sind ihr die Moral Foundations Care / Harm und Fairness / Cheating und desto höher ist ihre Verträglichkeit und Offenheit für Erfahrung. Je autoritärer die politische Präferenz einer Person ist, desto wichtiger sind ihr die Moral Foundations Loyalty / Betrayal, Authority / Subversion und Sanctity / Degradation und desto höher sind ihre Werte in Neurotizismus. Die Ergebnisse im Bezug zum Liberalismus sind weniger eindeutig. Eine Schwäche der vorliegenden Untersuchung liegt darin, dass nicht zwischen Liberalismus im Allgemeinen und den beiden Facetten Sozial- und Wirtschaft, This thesis deals with the political views of german voters. In particular it was examined to what extent personality factors, moral foundations and neoliberal ideological beliefs are related to political self-positioning and party preference. In addition, relationships between these individual constructs were also examined. Overall, the present work should contribute to a better understanding of the origins of different political opinions and perspectives. The required data was collected using an online questionnaire, which was fully completed by 361 adults who were eligible to vote in Germany. The results show that political positions can be simplified to a left-right and authoritarian-liberal spectrum. Along these spectra, people not only differ in terms of their political preferences, but connections with personality factors, moral foundations and neoliberal ideological beliefs can also be found. The more right-wing a person's political preference, the more they value the moral foundations loyalty / betrayal, authority / subversion, sanctity / degradation, and Economic Liberty, the higher their conscientiousness, and the higher their neoliberal ideological beliefs. The more left-wing a person's political preference, the more important they value the moral foundations care / harm and fairness / cheating, and the higher their agreeableness and openness to experience. The more authoritarian a person's political preference, the more they value the moral foundations loyalty / betrayal, authority / subversion, and sanctity / degradation, and the higher their neuroticism scores. The results in relation to liberalism are less clear. A weakness of the present study is namely that no distinction was made between liberalism in general and its two facets, socio- and economic liberalism. However, using agreement with the FDP as a proxy for general liberal sentiment, the more liberal a person's political preference, the more they value the moral foundations lifestyle liberty, Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2023

En el contexto político global contemporáneo, las diversas luchas sociales se están alienando entre sí hasta elpunto de que la ilusión del capitalismo como único sistema socioeconómico posible está difuminando todos los horizontesdel cambio social. En este artículo, trataremos de redefinir las causas comunes de las luchas sociales, demostrando su interseccionalidad e interdependencia. Para ello, nos ocuparemos de una serie de conceptos de la filosofía de Marx. En la introducción, examinaremos la noción de valor, afirmando que la teoría del valor de Marx no es simplemente una teoría laboral del valor, sino que más bien refleja la estructura paralela de la producción y la circulación, cristalizada en la forma de valor última del dinero. Una vez obtenidas estas ideas preliminares, volveremos al fenómeno del trabajo en el capitalismo, para reinterpretar, en la primera sección del artículo, la distinción marxiana entre trabajo productivo e improductivo. A partir de ahí, se darán los primeros ejemplos concretos de la interseccionalidad de las luchas sociales contra la abstracción del capital: a saber, mostrar que las luchas de género y las raciales tienen ciertas causas comunes, enraizadas en la hegemonía gramsciana. En la segunda sección, examinaremos la distinción que Marx establece entre la subsunción formal y la real. Esta última, afirmaremos, es decisiva para entender cómo el capital estructura la cuasi-totalidad de nuestras relaciones sociales. Tras una interpretación de la película Toni Erdmann de Maren Ade, propondremos algunos medios posibles de lucha interseccional contra la subsunción real, que encontrarán su respaldo teórico en el concepto de universales subversivos. Las observaciones finales abordarán la lógica nuclear de la distribución y la acumulación del capital, un síntoma que pervive a lo largo de la historia preservado e impulsado por la omnipresencia de la ideología, y subrayarán de nuevo implícitamente la importancia de la lucha común en el descongel, In the global contemporary political context, diverse social struggles are being alienated from each other to the point that the illusion of capitalism as the only possible socio-economic system is blurring all horizons of social change. In this article, we will aim to redefine the common causes of social struggles, by demonstrating their intersectionality and interdependence. In order to do so, we will engage with a number of concepts from Marx’s philosophy. In the introduction, we will examine the notion of value, claiming that Marx’s value theory is not simply a labor theory of value, but that it rather reflects the parallax structure of production and circulation, crystallized in the ultimate value-form of money. Having obtained these preliminary insights, we will go back to the phenomenon of labor in capitalism, to reinterpret, in the first section of the article, the Marxian distinction between productive and unproductive labor. From this will follow the first concrete examples of the intersectionality of social struggles against the abstraction of capital: namely, showing that gender and racial struggles have certain common causes, rooted in the Gramscian hegemony. In the second section, we will examine the distinction that Marx establishes between the formal and the real subsumption. The latter, we will claim, is decisive for understanding how capital structures the quasi-totality of our social relations. Following an interpretation of Maren Ade's film Toni Erdmann, we will propose some possible means of intersectional struggle against real subsumption, that will find their theoretical backing in the concept of subversive universals. The concluding remarks will address the nuclear logic of the distribution and accumulation of capital, a symptom that survives throughout history preserved and driven by the omnipresence of ideology, and stress again implicitly the importance of common struggle in the unfreezing of emergence of a new revolutionary subject.

La position défendue dans cette thèse se situe au croisement de la philosophie générale, de l’histoire des idées et de la philosophie politique. Tout d’abord, le sujet est le mensonge, et plus particulièrement le mensonge guidé par une intention malicieuse de tromper, de nuire ou d’inciter à des actions incorrectes. S’il joue le rôle de moteur de cette thèse, on comprendra par ailleurs que plus le texte avance, plus le mensonge – en ce qu’il vise à satisfaire ou à donner préséance à des intérêts égoïstes, sectaires ou idéologiques – est abordé́ comme facteur de corruption dans son rapport à l’idéal et aux systèmes idéologiques. La problématique, tenant compte des conséquences nocives et pernicieuses du processus d’érosion du mensonge malveillant, se développe sur deux niveaux. D’abord, sur le plan individuel. En second lieu, l’impact du mensonge dans la sphère sociale. Ces deux niveaux sont intimement liés, car mentir est un acte social.

In the context of the recent surge of the anti-gender movement, scholarship has analysed how actors involved in the public debate manage to create the threat of the so-called gender ideology and to persuade millions Europe-wide to object to non-traditional family forms, the extension of rights to marginalised communities, and values of equality. Taking two central voices of the Italian debate into account, this thesis sets out to investigate the rhetorical strategies used by the political right and the Catholic Church. In my discourse analysis, I explore linguistic devices and argumentation patterns, or topoi, with which actors advocate for the protection of children from what they label as gender theory. My aim is to question the logic and the rhetorical devices behind their statements when they oppose the need for the implementation of topics such as gender equality, sexual orientation, and gender identity in Italian classrooms. My results find that both actors resort to a variety of topoi, ranging well beyond the issue of gender-sensitive education. Oppression of dissent, curtailment of freedoms and rights, and the loss of traditional pillars of the Catholic worldview (e.g. the heteronormative family unit and the female/male dichotomy) are just some of the characteristics of what is presented as the menacing, self-fulfilling prophecy of the ‘gender theory’, whose victims are portrayed to be women and children. Relying on indirectness when expressing homo-bi-transphobic stances and on crude language when depicting the presumed consequences of the ‘ideology’, the actors manage to create an impression of immediate danger and to portray their own worldview as the supposedly safe and natural one., Francesca Moretti, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2023

Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit den politischen Ansichten deutscher Wähler*innen. Untersucht wurde insbesondere, inwiefern Persönlichkeitsfaktoren, Moral Foundations und neoliberale ideologische Überzeugungen mit politischer Selbstverortung und Parteipräferenz zusammenhängen. Darüber hinaus wurden aber auch die Zusammenhänge zwischen den einzelnen Konstrukten beleuchtet. Die vorliegende Arbeit soll damit zu mehr Verständnis für die Ursprünge unterschiedlicher politischer Ansichten beitragen. Die nötigen Daten wurden mithilfe eines Online-Fragebogens erhoben, der von 361 volljährigen und in Deutschland wahlberechtigten Personen vollständig ausgefüllt wurde. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich politische Positionen anschaulich auf ein Links-Rechts- und Autoritär-Liberal-Spektrum vereinfachen lassen. Entlang dieser Spektren unterscheiden sich Personen nicht nur anhand ihrer Parteipräferenz, sondern es lassen sich auch Zusammenhänge mit Persönlichkeitsfaktoren, Moral Foundations und neoliberalen ideologischen Überzeugungen finden. Je rechter die politische Präferenz einer Person ist, desto wichtiger sind ihr die Moral Foundations Loyalty / Betrayal, Authority / Subversion, Sanctity / Degradation und Economic Liberty, desto höher ist ihre Gewissenhaftigkeit und desto ausgeprägter sind ihre neoliberalen ideologischen Überzeugungen. Je linker die politische Präferenz einer Person ist, desto wichtiger sind ihr die Moral Foundations Care / Harm und Fairness / Cheating und desto höher ist ihre Verträglichkeit und Offenheit für Erfahrung. Je autoritärer die politische Präferenz einer Person ist, desto wichtiger sind ihr die Moral Foundations Loyalty / Betrayal, Authority / Subversion und Sanctity / Degradation und desto höher sind ihre Werte in Neurotizismus. Die Ergebnisse im Bezug zum Liberalismus sind weniger eindeutig. Eine Schwäche der vorliegenden Untersuchung liegt darin, dass nicht zwischen Liberalismus im Allgemeinen und den beiden Facetten Sozial- und Wirtschaft, This thesis deals with the political views of german voters. In particular it was examined to what extent personality factors, moral foundations and neoliberal ideological beliefs are related to political self-positioning and party preference. In addition, relationships between these individual constructs were also examined. Overall, the present work should contribute to a better understanding of the origins of different political opinions and perspectives. The required data was collected using an online questionnaire, which was fully completed by 361 adults who were eligible to vote in Germany. The results show that political positions can be simplified to a left-right and authoritarian-liberal spectrum. Along these spectra, people not only differ in terms of their political preferences, but connections with personality factors, moral foundations and neoliberal ideological beliefs can also be found. The more right-wing a person's political preference, the more they value the moral foundations loyalty / betrayal, authority / subversion, sanctity / degradation, and Economic Liberty, the higher their conscientiousness, and the higher their neoliberal ideological beliefs. The more left-wing a person's political preference, the more important they value the moral foundations care / harm and fairness / cheating, and the higher their agreeableness and openness to experience. The more authoritarian a person's political preference, the more they value the moral foundations loyalty / betrayal, authority / subversion, and sanctity / degradation, and the higher their neuroticism scores. The results in relation to liberalism are less clear. A weakness of the present study is namely that no distinction was made between liberalism in general and its two facets, socio- and economic liberalism. However, using agreement with the FDP as a proxy for general liberal sentiment, the more liberal a person's political preference, the more they value the moral foundations lifestyle liberty, eingereicht von: Markus Eckert. B.Sc., in englischer Sprache, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2023

Georg Büchners Fragment gebliebenes Drama "Woyzeck" (1837/1879) stellt eine Figur mit selbigem Namen ins Zentrum, die meint, Stimmen zu hören. Nicht nur leidet Woyzeck an akustischen Halluzinationen, diese drängen ihn zudem zu einer Mordtat, für die er schließlich hingerichtet werden soll. Von den diversen akustischen Halluzinationen, die im Clarus-Gutachten auftauchen, greift Büchner allerdings nur eine spezifische Konstellation heraus und montiert sie in sein Stück. Dessen ungeachtet zeigen dort die pietistischen Konventionen, die Sittenstrenge und die im Sprachbewusstsein eingelassenen Imperative eine eigentümliche Gewalt: Sie durchsetzen die Figurenrede, geben sich darin als Rede eines Anderen zu erkennen und können unabsehbare Impulse auslösen. Die gehörten Stimmen operieren dann gleich Vektoren, die einander begegnen oder durchdringen, was sogleich Handlungsketten durchtrennt und neu arrangieren lässt. Das trifft allerdings nicht nur auf die Hauptfigur zu, auch die übrigen Akteurinnen und Akteure zeigen sich von sozialen Imperativen durchherrscht, die einer eigenen Logik folgen. Die nachstehenden Überlegungen beabsichtigen, den Stimmen im Drama "Woyzeck" in bislang unversuchter Weise Gehör zu schenken. Wohl ist das Drama mitsamt der darin versammelten Stimmen Gegenstand unterschiedlicher Analysen geworden. Davon sich absetzend soll im Folgenden gezeigt werden, welche sprachstrukturellen Merkmale die herrschende Ideologie zeitigt, an welchen Stellen es ihr gelingt, ihre Subjekte anzurufen und wo sie fehlgeht - und schließlich soll ein bislang unentdeckt gebliebener Zusammenhang von Anrufung und den akustischen Halluzinationen Woyzecks zur Reflexion gebracht werden. Das wird in insgesamt vier Schritten geschehen, die jeweils theoretische Argumente begleiten, die den Arbeiten Louis Althussers und Jaques Lacans entnommen sind. Dieser Weg erlaubt eine Reflexion auf das im Drama angelegte Arsenal der Stimmen, mit dem zugleich eine spezifische Logik der Herrschaft zu

Les géants américains du numérique ont acquis des positions de force qui leur permettent aujourd’hui de dominer l’Internet mondial. Les GAFAM se sont imposés dans l’ensemble de la chaine de valeur du numérique grâce à des « stratégies offensives ». Au fur et à mesure de leur expansion, ils renforcent leur pouvoir de marché et augmentent la dépendance de la société vis-à-vis de leurs services et de leurs technologies. Pour appréhender leurs stratégies, nous avons choisi dans ce dossier de présenter les articles de trois chercheurs, Juan-Carlos Miguel de Bustos, Charles Thibout et Nikos Smyrnaios, dont les éclairages sont complémentaires., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Incels, unfreiwillig im Zölibat lebende Männer, sind Anhänger einer von Frauenhass geprägten Gruppierung überwiegend junger Männer, die sich vorwiegend online vernetzen und in einschlägigen Foren ihre Vorstellungen einer von Feminismus und Gleichberechtigung befreiten Welt teilen. Aufgrund mehrerer, in der jüngsten Vergangenheit durch Incels verübter Attentate, rückte die Incel-Community immer mehr in den Fokus medialer Berichterstattungen sowie von Sicherheitsbehörden. In der gegenständlichen Forschungsarbeit soll untersucht werden, inwieweit im Zusammenhang mit dem Inceltum von Radikalisierung gesprochen werden kann. Ergänzend dazu soll erläutert werden, welche Merkmale die Incel-Ideologie kennzeichnen und welche Bedeutung deren eigene Sprache hat. Dazu erfolgt im ersten Teil eine theoretische Auseinandersetzung mit Themen wie Misogynie, Gruppierungen der Manosphäre, der Incel-Ideologie sowie Radikalisierung. Im zweiten Teil wird zuerst eine theoretische Erläuterung der angewandten Forschungsmethode, der Netnographie als Form der qualitativen Beobachtung, vorgenommen, bevor eine Auswertung und Interpretation der Beobachtungsergebnisse erfolgt. Zum Schluss der Arbeit findet sich eine Gesamtanalyse mit Blick auf mögliche weitere Forschungsansätze sowie Empfehlungen in Zusammenhang mit dem Inceltum und damit einhergehender sicherheitspolitischer Überlegungen wieder. *****Incels, involuntarily celibate men, are followers of a group of predominantly young men characterized by misogyny, who network primarily online and share their ideas of a world liberated from feminism and equality in relevant forums. Due to several attacks committed by incels in the recent past, the incel community has increasingly become the focus of media reports and security authorities. This research paper will examine the extent to which radicalization can be said to exist in connection with the inceldom. In addition, the characteristics of incel ideology and the significance of its own language

Child abuse and maltreatment have been described as wicked problems. A type of problem that is highly consequential, has shifting definitions, is difficult to solve, and poses risks for those who attempt. As a result, making decisions to prevent or stop child abuse and maltreatment often involves acting under uncertainties. To deal with uncertainties and to act responsibly, care workers need a reliable frame of reference. Too often these heuristics are grounded in ideologies that remain unquestioned in the everyday of care provision. The presentation acknowledges the need to act under uncertainty, spotlights the role of ideologies, and at the same time makes an appeal for a clear mandate: children need to be directly addressed if child well-being is in question.

The year 1968 has come to symbolise the culmination of political, social and cultural protests in many Western countries. Half a century later, memories and narratives are still vivid and conflicted. Among all the institutions of power and knowledge challenged by the young generation, universities in particular became the sites of cultural and intellectual wars. As a result, both the fields of literature and philosophy have undergone profound changes in the wake of the massive influx of new theories that occurred in the late 1960s and 1970s, with Paris as a major centre. There, a new paradigm emerged as a critique of both institutionalised literary studies and structuralism. Many studies have since established the processes by which this new paradigm was mediated, received and “rebranded” in a North American context, resulting in so-called “French Theory”. As new historicism and comparative criticism remind us, such processes illustrate how cultural phenomena are shaped and transformed through contacts across national borders. This study examines these processes of mediation and reframing in a Nordic context, with particular emphasis on the transnational dimension. This dissertation focuses on the central role of four literary magazines – Tel Quel in France, Poetik in Denmark, Profil in Norway and Kris in Sweden – in the process of producing, transmitting, discussing, and reformulating avant-garde theory, both in their local cultural contexts and within international research networks. Combining a hermeneutic approach with the historical framework, the study uses this sample of periodicals as actors at the intersection of the different subfields of cultural life (academic, intellectual, artistic, mediatic and political) to analyse the evolutions and shifts of theoretical production and circulation. The concept of utopia is used as an interpretative key to understand these avant-garde projects at the intersection of science, arts, and politics, and their various rec

The year 1968 has come to symbolise the culmination of political, social and cultural protests in many Western countries. Half a century later, memories and narratives are still vivid and conflicted. Among all the institutions of power and knowledge challenged by the young generation, universities in particular became the sites of cultural and intellectual wars. As a result, both the fields of literature and philosophy have undergone profound changes in the wake of the massive influx of new theories that occurred in the late 1960s and 1970s, with Paris as a major centre. There, a new paradigm emerged as a critique of both institutionalised literary studies and structuralism. Many studies have since established the processes by which this new paradigm was mediated, received and “rebranded” in a North American context, resulting in so-called “French Theory”. As new historicism and comparative criticism remind us, such processes illustrate how cultural phenomena are shaped and transformed through contacts across national borders. This study examines these processes of mediation and reframing in a Nordic context, with particular emphasis on the transnational dimension. This dissertation focuses on the central role of four literary magazines – Tel Quel in France, Poetik in Denmark, Profil in Norway and Kris in Sweden – in the process of producing, transmitting, discussing, and reformulating avant-garde theory, both in their local cultural contexts and within international research networks. Combining a hermeneutic approach with the historical framework, the study uses this sample of periodicals as actors at the intersection of the different subfields of cultural life (academic, intellectual, artistic, mediatic and political) to analyse the evolutions and shifts of theoretical production and circulation. The concept of utopia is used as an interpretative key to understand these avant-garde projects at the intersection of science, arts, and politics, and their various rec

Der 20. Nationale Kongress der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas im Oktober 2022 hat nicht nur gezeigt, wie fest Partei- und Staatschef Xi Jinping zu Beginn seiner dritten - womöglich lebenslangen - Amtszeit zuhause im Sattel sitzt. Vom jüngsten Parteitag gehen auch klare Signale aus, dass die Volksrepublik unter seiner Führung eine deutlich aktivere Rolle auf der internationalen Bühne beansprucht. Um die außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Implikationen zu verstehen, empfiehlt es sich, die ideologischen Botschaften des 20. Parteitags nicht nur als Rhetorik zu betrachten, sondern in ihrer handlungsleitenden Relevanz ernst zu nehmen. Der Kanon der "Xi-Jinping-Gedanken" stellt mittlerweile eine umfassende Weltanschauung mit globalen Geltungsansprüchen dar. Eine subtile, doch weitreichende Botschaft ist die Ansage Xis, vermehrt "historische Initiative" zu übernehmen. Hinter dieser Formel verbirgt sich ein wachsendes Bedürfnis, in globalen Belangen nicht länger der Spielball westlicher Eindämmungsstrategien zu sein, sondern eine proaktiv gestaltende Rolle zu spielen. Dieser Anspruch, strategische Führung zu übernehmen, wird insbesondere im Kontext des Taiwan-Konflikts artikuliert. Massive Bedrohungsszenarien lassen darauf schließen, dass die chinesische Führung sich auf eine Eskalation militärischer Konflikte in der Region einstellt, was aber nicht gleichbedeutend mit eigenen Kriegsabsichten sein muss. Zugleich finden sich vielfache Kooperationsangebote im Bereich globaler Governance, darunter die Globale Sicherheits-Initiative vom April 2022. Da China sich aus multilateralen Formaten zunehmend ausgegrenzt sieht, stehen diese Angebote allerdings immer öfter unter Vorbehalt. Für europäische Entscheidungsträgerinnen und Entscheidungsträger stellt sich damit die Frage dringlicher denn je, ob der Volksrepublik entsprechend ihres gestiegenen geopolitischen Gewichts und ihrer eigenen unmissverständlichen Ansprüche mehr Mitsprache und Gestaltungsspielraum in globalen Belangen zugest

Allianzen durch die Verbindung von Esoterik, Verschwörungsmythen und Rechtsextremismus, haben Konjunktur. Die sogenannte Anastasia-Bewegung ist ein solches Querfront-Phänomen. Verbindungen bestehen unter anderem durch unterschiedliche Verschwörungsmythen. Bislang war die Marginalisierung der Primärquellenanalyse im Forschungsbereich Anastasia auffällig. Daher wird im vorliegenden Auszug der Schwerpunkt auf dem Primärquellenstudium der deutschen Übersetzungen der Anastasia-Buchreihe liegen, um die Anschlussfähigkeit der Anastasia-Lehre an rechtsradikale Ideologeme, Strukturen und Netzwerke anhand der wichtigsten Bausteine zu untersuchen. Fokus des Artikels ist die analytische Auseinandersetzung mit der Anastasia-Lehre, welche Antigenderismus, Ethnopluralismus, Verschwörungsmythen und Antisemitismus beinhaltet. Die Bestandteile sind in ein übergeordnetes antisemitisches Verschwörungsnarrativ eingebettet., Alliances such as the combination of esotericism, conspiracy myths and rightwing extremism are booming. The so-called Anastasia movement is such a Querfront phenomenon. Connecting links of this alliance are recognizable, among other things, in different conspiracy ideologies. So far, the marginalization of primary source analysis in the Anastasia research field has been conspicuous. Therefore, in this excerpt, the emphasis will be on primary source study of the German translations of the Anastasia book series in order to examine the connectivity of Anastasia doctrine to radical right-wing ideologies, structures, and networks based on the most important elements. Focus of the article is the analytical examination of the Anastasia doctrine, which includes antigenderism, ethnopluralism, conspiracy myths, and antisemitism. The components are embedded in an overarching antisemitic conspiracy narrative.

Dieser Insight Report des Forschungsprojekts DISLEX 3D widmet sich den ersten im Rahmen der Interviewerhebungen identifizierten Distanzierungsbeobachtungen und diskutiert diese anhand von zwei Fällen exemplarisch. Der Fokus dieses Reports liegt auf den sogenannten blinden Flecken in Bezug auf die Distanzierungsbeobachtungen, die aus den unterschiedlichen Erzählungen und Wahrnehmungen der einzelnen Beobachtungsperspektiven hervorgehen. Bislang zeichnen sich sechs Kategorien ab, die für die Beobachtung von Distanzierungsprozessen aus dem islamistischen Extremismus von Bedeutung sein können. Der vorliegende Report hat zum Ziel, interessierten Leser*innen einen ersten Einblick in den bisherigen Stand des Forschungsprojekts zu ermöglichen und eine Grundlage zur Diskussion erster Interpretationsmöglichkeiten zu bilden.

Zur Beschreibung der politischen Orientierung von Personen oder Parteien sind die Begriffe links und rechts allgegenwärtig. Auch in sozialwissenschaftlichen Befragungen werden die Begriffe links und rechts genutzt, um zu erfassen, wo Menschen sich selbst und wo sie Parteien im politischen Spektrum verorten. Basierend auf Daten aus den letzten zwölf Jahren der German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) wird gezeigt, wie die politischen Parteien in Deutschland hinsichtlich ihrer Links-Rechts-Positionierung wahrgenommen werden, wie sich deren ideologische Verortungen im Laufe der Jahre gewandelt haben, wo Wähler:innen dieser Parteien sich selbst verorten und wie diese Verortungen mit wahrgenommenen themenspezifischen Positionierungen zusammenhängen., The terms left and right are widely used to describe the political orientation of individuals or parties. They are also employed in social science surveys to determine where people place themselves and where they place political parties in the political spectrum. Based on data from the last twelve years of the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we show how political parties in Germany are perceived in terms of their left-right positioning, how their ideological positioning has changed over the years, where voters of these parties position themselves, and how this positioning is related to perceived issue-specific positioning.

Analyses of the 2020 combined European and World Values Surveys (124,958 respondents from 77 countries) found that people who believed in God tended to be happier, more satisfied with lives, and healthier than non-believers. Believers trusted people close to them (e.g., neighbors) more than non-believers, although non-believers tended to trust people in general and trust people from other countries more than believers. Non-believers tended to be more ideologically prosocial than non-believers (e.g., belonging to an environmental organization, advocating freedom of speech vs. control). Such differences were stronger in countries in which there were more vs fewer believers. Moreover, these differences remained after controlling for individual differences in sex, age, education, income, and left-right political orientation.

Das Internet bietet Raum für feministische Aushandlungen und Ideen und eröffnet ebenso Raum für die Verbreitung antidemokratischer Diskurse wie Antifeminismus, der sich online unter anderem durch Webseiten der Männerrechtsbewegung verbreitet. Nicht zuletzt durch die Covid-19-Pandemie treten auch Verschwörungsideologien verstärkt in Erscheinung. In antifeministischen Diskursen besteht eine Verschränkung mit Verschwörungsideologie. Ausgehend davon untersucht der vorliegende Artikel, inwiefern auf deutschsprachigen antifeministischen Webseiten verschwörungsideologische Aussagen und Narrative bei der Thematisierung der Covid-19-Pandemie verwendet werden und welche Parallelen diese zu antifeministischen Argumentationen aufweisen. Die Analyse wird in Anlehnung an die Kritische Diskursanalyse nach Siegfried Jäger durchgeführt, wobei eine antifeministische Webseite detailliert untersucht wird. In der Analyse wird deutlich, dass bei der Thematisierung der Covid-19-Pandemie verschwörungsideologische Konstruktionen verwendet werden und eine vermeintliche Gefahr für die Demokratie konstruiert wird. Dabei bestehen Parallelen zum Kampf für eine Befreiung von einem vermeintlich allmächtigen Feminismus und Gender im Antifeminismus., The Internet provides a space for feminist negotiations and ideas but, at the same time, it opens at least as much space for the spread of anti-democratic discourses, including anti-feminism which spread online; including via websites of the men’s rights movement. Conspiracy ideology also increasingly appears in such spaces, not least due to the Covid-19 pandemic. In antifeminist discourses there exists a direct intersection with conspiracy ideology. Based on this intersection, the present article examines how German speaking antifeminist websites use conspiracy ideology claims and narratives in the discussion of the Covid-19 pandemic and discusses the parallels to antifeminist statements. To address this question, a critical discourse analysis is undertaken in the style of Siegfried Jäger. One antifeminist website is examined in detail. It becomes apparent that, in the discussion of the Covid-19 pandemic, conspiracy ideology is directly incorporated and an alleged threat to democracy is constructed. This shows parallels to the fight for liberation from an allegedly omnipotent feminism and gender in antifeminist discourses.

The COVID-19 pandemic has forced governments to impose major restrictions on individual freedom in order to stop the spread of the virus. With the successful development of a vaccine, these restrictions are likely to become obsolete—on the condition that people get vaccinated. However, parts of the population have reservations against vaccination. While this is not a recent phenomenon, it might prove a critical one in the context of current attempts to manage the COVID-19 pandemic. Consequently, the task of designing policies suitable for attaining high levels of vaccination deserves enhanced attention. In this study, we use data from the Eurobarometer survey fielded in March 2019. They show that 39% of Europeans consider vaccines to cause the diseases which they should protect against, that 50% believe vaccines have serious side effects, that 32% think that vaccines weaken the immune system, and that 10% do not believe vaccines are tested rigorously before authorization. We find that—even when controlling for important individual-level factors—ideological extremism on both ends of the spectrum explains skepticism of vaccination. We conclude that policymakers must either politicize the issue or form broad alliances among parties and societal groups in order to increase trust in and public support for the vaccines in general and for vaccines against COVID-19 in particular, since the latter were developed in a very short time period and resulted—in particular in case of the AstraZeneca vaccine—in reservations because of the effectiveness and side effects of the new vaccines.

Previous studies aimed at explaining populist support emphasize the crucial role of populist attitudes and ideology among the general population. With respect to the role of discontent and grievances as drivers of populist support - often at the heart of theoretical work on populism - however, empirical results are rather mixed. We argue that the apparent contradictions are partly due to insufficient conceptualization of discontent. We distinguish between societal-centered discontent, which is more based on a general, negative subjective assessment of society, and self-centered discontent that expresses a negative assessment of one’s personal situation. In line with our expectations, regression results for Germany confirm that society-centered discontent, but not self-centered discontent, is important for populist party support. Moreover, we find that society-centered discontent also moderates the relation between populist attitudes and populist support. We conclude that beyond ideologies, populism capitalizes on the cultivation of collective - but not individual - discontent.

Mittels Kritischer Diskursanalyse (Jäger 2015) werden Ausgaben der Compact in den Untersuchungszeiträumen der asyl- und migrationspolitischen Krise (2015/16) und der ersten Monate der Corona-Krise (bis September 2020) mit dem Ziel analysiert, zentrale Entwicklungen der Zeitschrift hinsichtlich der Verbreitung antisemitischer Denk- und Deutungsmuster aufzuzeigen. Theoretische Grundlage bietet die Unterscheidung von fünf Formen des Antisemitismus nach Salzborn (2014). Die Untersuchung zeigt: Codiertem Antisemitismus kommt eine konstitutive Bedeutung zu, mit dessen Hilfe komplexe gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse manichäisch und simplifizierend erklärt werden. Zentral ist dafür der Glaube an eine die Welt beherrschende ‚globale Elite‘. Während im ersten Untersuchungszeitraum Antisemitismus unterschiedlicher Erscheinungsformen eine Rolle spielt, spitzt sich das Verschwörungsnarrativ im zweiten Untersuchungszeitraum, im Sinne einer Verschwörungskampagne (Salzborn 2019), zu. Antisemitismus hat im Magazin Compact eine hegemoniale Gültigkeit erlangt, durch die er als Verbindungselement verschiedener Themen und Strategien der Neuen Rechten fungiert., Using critical discourse analysis (Jäger 2015), the article analyzes the Compact during the periods of the asylum- and migration policy crisis (2015/16) and the Covid-19 crisis (until September 2020) with the aim of pointing out central developments in the magazine with regard to the spread of antisemitic patterns of thought and interpretation. Salzborn's (2014) distinction of five forms of antisemitism provides the theoretical basis for the analysis. The analysis shows that a coded antisemitism has a constitutive significance, which allows to explain complex social relations in a manichean and simplistic manner. Central to this is the narrative of a 'global elite' dominating the world. While other forms of antisemitism also play a role in the first period of investigation, the conspiracy narrative intensifies in the second period, in the sense of a conspiracy campaign (Salzborn 2019). Thus, antisemitism has attained a hegemonic validity in Compact, through which it functions as a connecting element of various themes and strategies of the New Right.

Vor dem Hintergrund eines umstrittenen Verhältnisses von Antisemitismus und Rassismus sowie einer uneindeutigen Verortung von Antiziganismus in diesem Verhältnis untersucht dieser Beitrag Parallelen in der Struktur antisemitischer und antiziganistischer Bilder. Zentral ist dabei das von Klaus Holz in die Analyse des Antisemitismus eingebrachte Konzept der Nicht-Identität. Antisemitischen und antiziganistischen Bildern ist es gemeinsam, dass sie Individuen einem Kollektiv zuordnen und diesem vermeintlich wesenhafte Eigenschaften zuschreiben, um so Gegenbilder zum "Eigenen" zu erschaffen; gemeinsam ist ihnen überdies die Vorstellung, die stigmatisierten Gruppen würden das "Wesen" des "Eigenen" durch "Vermischung", durch das Uneindeutigwerden von Identitätskategorien bedrohen. Diese Vorstellung einer Nicht-Identität nimmt im antisemitischen und antizigantischen Fremdbild je unterschiedliche Gestalten an, indem sie sich mit den je charakteristischen Zuschreibungen verschränkt - mit Vorstellungen von Vormodernität und sozialer Devianz im Falle des Antiziganismus, mit solchen der Übermacht und Hypermodernität im Antisemitismus., Referring to an ongoing debate on the relation of antisemitism, racism and antigypsyism and drawing on the concept of non-identity introduced by Klaus Holz in the research on antisemitism, this article discusses similarities in the structure of antisemitic and antigypsyist images while at the same time elaborating on their distinction. These images have in common that they assign individuals to collectives based on an idea of shared ancestry and ascribe allegedly essential features to these collectives, thereby creating counter-images to the "own". Another parallel between antisemitic and antigypsyist images lies in the imagination that the stigmatized groups threaten the "essence" of the "own" through "mixing", i. e. through blurring the boundaries of identity categories. This imagination of a "non-identical identity" takes a distinct shape in each case as it intersects with characteristic stereotypes: In antigypsyism, the threat to identity is connected to imaginations of those stigmatized as "gypsies" as a premodern, socially deviant group, while in antisemitism, images of an abstract power that easily merges into modern society prevail.

The year 1968 has come to symbolise the culmination of political, social and cultural protests in many Western countries. Half a century later, memories and narratives are still vivid and conflicted. Among all the institutions of power and knowledge challenged by the young generation, universities in particular became the sites of cultural and intellectual wars. As a result, both the fields of literature and philosophy have undergone profound changes in the wake of the massive influx of new theories that occurred in the late 1960s and 1970s, with Paris as a major centre. There, a new paradigm emerged as a critique of both institutionalised literary studies and structuralism. Many studies have since established the processes by which this new paradigm was mediated, received and “rebranded” in a North American context, resulting in so-called “French Theory”. As new historicism and comparative criticism remind us, such processes illustrate how cultural phenomena are shaped and transformed through contacts across national borders. This study examines these processes of mediation and reframing in a Nordic context, with particular emphasis on the transnational dimension. This dissertation focuses on the central role of four literary magazines – Tel Quel in France, Poetik in Denmark, Profil in Norway and Kris in Sweden – in the process of producing, transmitting, discussing, and reformulating avant-garde theory, both in their local cultural contexts and within international research networks. Combining a hermeneutic approach with the historical framework, the study uses this sample of periodicals as actors at the intersection of the different subfields of cultural life (academic, intellectual, artistic, mediatic and political) to analyse the evolutions and shifts of theoretical production and circulation. The concept of utopia is used as an interpretative key to understand these avant-garde projects at the intersection of science, arts, and politics, and their various rec

Media is considered as one of the ideological apparatuses. This research is based on the question in parallel of enhancing technology and the formation of new media, as well as change passive audience into the active user, can these media still be called ideological? If so, the question is that how does the new media, despite the adaptation of interaction from the internet, find the ideological function? This paper discusses the role of the concept of the ideology for understanding social media critically. This study based on Althusser's definition of ideology and Habermas's theory about the public sphere creates consultative democracy led it to evaluate new media, their behavior and practices. The paper was developed based on a qualitative approach and descriptive-analytical method. As a result, new media owners are looking to create a two-tier Internet in which commercial content is more important than public content. Commercial content is managed by the ruling power and is governed by an ideology, which is the ideology of the ruling class. On the contrary, public content is controlled by media owners and contains a variety of ideologies that carry different ideas and meanings. The contemporary media system, through its ownership has divided media audiences into smaller groups (specific audiences), and has severely restricted fair access and participation in the public sphere, so that the ideological aspect of new media remains unchanged, but it emerges in the new shapes.

Governments routinely justify why the regime over which they preside is entitled to rule. These claims to legitimacy are both an expression of and shape of how a rule is being exercised. In this paper, we introduce new expert-coded measures of regime legitimation strategies (RLS) for 183 countries in the world from 1900 to 2019. Country experts rated the extent to which governments justify their rule based on performance, the person of the leader, rational-legal procedures, and ideology. They were also asked to qualify the ideology of the regime. The main purposes of this paper are to present the conceptual basis for the measure, describe the data, and provide convergent, content, and construct validity tests for new measures. Our measure of regime legitimation performs well in all these three validation tests, most notably, the construct validity exercise which explores commonly held beliefs about leadership under populist rule.

Im Artikel werden die Ergebnisse einer kritisch-hermeneutischen Dokumentenanalyse des zwischen Ende 2017 und Anfang 2021 veröffentlichten Propagandamaterials von Zentrum Automobil und der Kampagne Werde Betriebsrat präsentiert. Ziel der Untersuchung ist, herauszuarbeiten, wie Zentrum Automobil versucht, die Arbeiter_innenschaft für sich zu gewinnen. Über den Untersuchungszeitraum lässt sich ein Wandel feststellen: Wurde zunächst versucht, über eine klassisch extrem rechte Zielgruppenansprache Arbeiter_innen für sich zu gewinnen, versuchte ZA nach der Betriebsratswahl 2018, mittels einer diverseren Selbstdarstellung eine breitere Öffentlichkeit anzusprechen. Außerdem wird im Artikel dargestellt, dass ZA keine eigenen betrieblichen Positionen entwickelt, weil alle im Betrieb auftretenden Konflikte auf eine Verschwörung von Gewerkschaften und internationalem Management reduziert werden., The article presents the results of a critical-hermeneutical document analysis of the propaganda materials published by the Zentrum Automobil and the campaign 'Werde Betriebsrat' between the end of 2017 and the beginning of 2021. The aim of the study is to work out how the Zentrum Automobil tries to win over the workers. A change can be seen over the period under study: While an attempt was initially made to win over a classically extreme right-wing target group, after the works council election in 2018 ZA tries to win over a broader public by means of a diverse selfrepresentation. In addition, the article shows that ZA does not develop its own demands, because conflicts in the work of work are reduced to a conspiracy of trade unions and international management.

Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2022

This contribution proposes to examine the connections between the singular story of a philosopher and his thought, focusing on two major authors: Louis Althusser and Jacques Derrida. Both, in fact, evoke, in their autobiography, personal injury, even trauma. The first was hospitalised several times in psychiatry and the second very frequently broached the question of circumcision. In this study, we will try to understand the articulation between the name and the process of subjectivation with regard to these two philosophers. Then, we will take seriously the issue of trauma and analyze its effects on the thought of these two authors. At last, we will study how the “real" approached by the two philosophers echoes, in some sens, this "real" which will broke into their existence., La présente contribution propose d’étudier la façon dont s’articulent l’histoire singulière d’un philosophe et sa pensée, en nous arrêtant, plus particulièrement, sur deux auteurs d’envergure : Louis Althusser et Jacques Derrida. Ceux-ci, en effet, évoqueront, dans leur autobiographie, des blessures personnelles, voire des traumatismes. À de nombreuses reprises, le premier fut hospitalisé en psychiatrie et le second aborda, très fréquemment, la question la circoncision. Dans la présente étude, il s’agira, en premier lieu, d’appréhender l’articulation entre le nom et le processus de subjectivation au regard de ces deux philosophes d’origine algérienne. Ensuite, l’on s’efforcera de prendre au sérieux la question du trauma afin d’analyser ses effets sur leur pensée. Enfin, en s’appuyant sur leurs productions, l’on regardera dans quelle mesure le « réel » abordé par les deux philosophes fait écho à ce « réel » qui s’invita par effraction dans leur existence.

This contribution proposes to examine the connections between the singular story of a philosopher and his thought, focusing on two major authors: Louis Althusser and Jacques Derrida. Both, in fact, evoke, in their autobiography, personal injury, even trauma. The first was hospitalised several times in psychiatry and the second very frequently broached the question of circumcision. In this study, we will try to understand the articulation between the name and the process of subjectivation with regard to these two philosophers. Then, we will take seriously the issue of trauma and analyze its effects on the thought of these two authors. At last, we will study how the “real" approached by the two philosophers echoes, in some sens, this "real" which will broke into their existence., La présente contribution propose d’étudier la façon dont s’articulent l’histoire singulière d’un philosophe et sa pensée, en nous arrêtant, plus particulièrement, sur deux auteurs d’envergure : Louis Althusser et Jacques Derrida. Ceux-ci, en effet, évoqueront, dans leur autobiographie, des blessures personnelles, voire des traumatismes. À de nombreuses reprises, le premier fut hospitalisé en psychiatrie et le second aborda, très fréquemment, la question la circoncision. Dans la présente étude, il s’agira, en premier lieu, d’appréhender l’articulation entre le nom et le processus de subjectivation au regard de ces deux philosophes d’origine algérienne. Ensuite, l’on s’efforcera de prendre au sérieux la question du trauma afin d’analyser ses effets sur leur pensée. Enfin, en s’appuyant sur leurs productions, l’on regardera dans quelle mesure le « réel » abordé par les deux philosophes fait écho à ce « réel » qui s’invita par effraction dans leur existence.

This article presents the adaptation of a reduced version of the Right-wing Authoritarianism Scale (RWA) in Colombia. In Study 1 (n=417) it was performed an exploratory factor analysis to identify the underlying dimensions of the scale; in Study 2 (n=396), it was performed a confirmatory factor analysis and tested the divergent/convergent validity of the scale. The results suggest that the RWA has three dimensions: authoritarian- aggression, authoritarian-submission, and conventionalism. Additionally, RWA was positively associated with: social dominance, dehumanization of the adversary, armed conflict support, patriotism, sexism, homophobia, and the prohibition of progressive social policies (e.g., abortion, homosexual marriage, euthanasia). Empirical evidence is provided in favor of appropriate psychometric properties for the RWA scale in the Colombian context., Cet article présente l’adaptation d’une version réduite de l’échelle d’autoritarisme de droite (RWA) en Colombie. Dans l’étude 1 (n=417), une analyse factorielle exploratoire de l’échelle a été effectuée pour identifier ses dimensions; dans l’étude 2 (n=396), une analyse factorielle confirmatoire et une analyse de validité divergente/convergente de l’échelle ont été également réalisées. Les résultats suggèrent que l’échelle RWA a trois dimensions: l’agression-autoritaire, la soumission-autoritaire, le conventionnalisme et se trouve positivement associée à: la domination sociale, la déshumanisation de l’adversaire, le soutien aux conflits, le patriotisme, le sexisme, l’homophobie et l’interdiction des politiques sociales progressistes (l’avortement, le mariage homosexuel, l’euthanasie). Des preuves empiriques sont fournies en faveur de propriétés psychométriques appropriées pour l’échelle RWA dans le contexte colombien., Este artigo apresenta a adaptação de uma versão reduzida da Escala de Autoritarismo de Direita (RWA) na Colômbia. No Estudo 1 (n = 417), foi realizado uma análise fatorial exploratória para identificar as dimensões da escala; no Estudo 2 (n = 396), foi realizado uma análise fatorial confirmatória e foi analisado a validade divergente/convergente da escala. Os resultados sugerem que o RWA possui três dimensões: agressão-autoritária, submissão-autoritária e convencionalismo. Além disso, a RWA foi positivamente associada a: dominação social, desumanização do adversário, apoio ao conflito, patriotismo, sexismo, homofobia e proibição de políticas sociais progressistas (aborto, casamento igualitário, eutanásia). A evidência empírica é fornecida em favor de propriedades psicométricas apropriadas para a escala RWA no contexto colombiano., En este artículo se presenta la adaptación de una versión reducida de la escala de autoritarismo de derechas (RWA) en Colombia. En el Estudio 1 (n=417) se realizó un análisis fac-torial exploratorio para identificar las dimensiones de la escala; y en el Estudio 2 (n=396), se realizó un análisis factorial confirmatorio en donde se analizó la validez divergente/convergente de la escala. El estudio aporta evidencia empírica a favor de las propiedades psicométricas apropiadas para la escala de RWA en el contexto colombiano. Los resultados sugieren que la RWA tiene tres dimensiones en este contexto: agresión-autoritaria, sumisión-autoritaria, convencionalismo. Además, la RWA está asociada positivamente con dominancia social, deshumanización del adversario, apoyo al conflicto, patriotismo, sexismo, homofobia y la prohibición de políticas sociales progresistas (e.g., aborto, matrimonio homosexual, eutanasia).

eingereicht von: Christian Stoll, Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2022

Diplomarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2022

This article devises a social hermeneutical framework to make sense of the problem of the conflict of polarized ideologies. First, it discusses the problem of irrationality in belief and behavior, arguing for a contextual and non-reductionist account of rationality. Second, it shows how a social hermeneutical approach can provide a useful toolbox for social epistemology. Third, drawing from Paul Ricœur’s notions of the conflict of interpretations and of constitutive and pathological ideologies, it redescribes pathological ideologies as totalizing systems of beliefs in which subjects fall under the spell of a mechanism of hermeneutical delusion, leaving them in a state of ideological bias. Finally, it discusses the possibility of tackling the problem of hermeneutical delusion and polarized ideologies through fostering hermeneutical dialogue geared towards mutual understanding., Cet article propose de saisir dans le cadre d’une herméneutique sociale le problème du conflit des idéologies polarisées. D’abord, en discutant le problème de l’irrationalité dans les croyances et le comportement, il offre une approche contextuelle et non réductionniste de la rationalité. Ensuite, l’article montre de quelle manière une approche d’herméneutique sociale peut être un outil pour l’épistémologie sociale. En partant dans un troisième temps des notions ricœuriennes de conflit des interprétations et de l’idéologie – dans son sens à la fois constitutif et pathologique –, l’article réalise également une description des idéologies pathologiques comme des systèmes de croyances totalisants dans lesquels les sujets sont en proie au mécanisme d’illusion herméneutique qui les laisse dans un état de cécité idéologique. Finalement, sera ici discutée la possibilité d’attaquer le problème de l’illusion herméneutique et des idéologies polarisées via un dialogue herméneutique visant la compréhension mutuelle.

I pursue here a wish of Ricœur: to analyze ideology and utopia from a genetic phenomenology, in the sense of Husserl in the Cartesian Meditations, which “strives to dig under the surface of apparent meaning to the most fundamental meanings.” A single innovative interest guides my proposal between two contrasting phenomenologies of the imagination in Michel Henry and Paul Ricœur: to root, on the one hand, the dialectical mediation of ideology and utopia in the living immanence of the affective imagination and, on the other hand, to inscribe the power of its expression as well as its power to act in the social and cultural field require to hold together the affective immanence of life, the figuration of the social reality and the socio-cultural and historical praxis. The psychoanalytical interpretation of the cultural imaginary to the bending of the affect and the language and the micro-history of the social practices of the representations serve here as “forks caudines,” under which the immanent phenomenology of the affective imagination is led to a hermeneutics of the imaginative practices of the discourse and the action., Poursuivant un vœu de Ricœur, j’analyserai ici l’idéologie et l’utopie à partir d’une phénoménologie génétique, au sens de Husserl dans les Méditations cartésiennes, qui creuse sous la surface de la signification apparente pour parvenir aux significations plus fondamentales. Un seul intérêt novateur guide mon propos entre deux phénoménologies contrastées de l’imagination chez Michel Henry et Paul Ricœur : d’une part, enraciner la médiatisation dialectique de l’idéologie et de l’utopie dans l’immanence vivante de l’imagination affective et, d’autre part, inscrire la puissance de son expression ainsi que son pouvoir d’agir dans le champ social et culturel, ce qui exige de tenir ensemble l’immanence affective de la vie, la figuration de la réalité sociale et la praxis socioculturelle et historique. L’interprétation psychanalytique de l’imaginaire culturel à la flexion de l’affect et du langage et la micro-histoire des pratiques sociales des représentations servent ici de « fourches caudines », sous lesquelles la phénoménologie immanente de l’imagination affective est conduite à une herméneutique des pratiques imaginatives du discours et de l’action.

The year 1968 has come to symbolise the culmination of political, social and cultural protests in many Western countries. Half a century later, memories and narratives are still vivid and conflicted. Among all the institutions of power and knowledge challenged by the young generation, universities in particular became the sites of cultural and intellectual wars. As a result, both the fields of literature and philosophy have undergone profound changes in the wake of the massive influx of new theories that occurred in the late 1960s and 1970s, with Paris as a major centre. There, a new paradigm emerged as a critique of both institutionalised literary studies and structuralism. Many studies have since established the processes by which this new paradigm was mediated, received and “rebranded” in a North American context, resulting in so-called “French Theory”. As new historicism and comparative criticism remind us, such processes illustrate how cultural phenomena are shaped and transformed through contacts across national borders. This study examines these processes of mediation and reframing in a Nordic context, with particular emphasis on the transnational dimension. This dissertation focuses on the central role of four literary magazines – Tel Quel in France, Poetik in Denmark, Profil in Norway and Kris in Sweden – in the process of producing, transmitting, discussing, and reformulating avant-garde theory, both in their local cultural contexts and within international research networks. Combining a hermeneutic approach with the historical framework, the study uses this sample of periodicals as actors at the intersection of the different subfields of cultural life (academic, intellectual, artistic, mediatic and political) to analyse the evolutions and shifts of theoretical production and circulation. The concept of utopia is used as an interpretative key to understand these avant-garde projects at the intersection of science, arts, and politics, and their various rec

The year 1968 has come to symbolise the culmination of political, social and cultural protests in many Western countries. Half a century later, memories and narratives are still vivid and conflicted. Among all the institutions of power and knowledge challenged by the young generation, universities in particular became the sites of cultural and intellectual wars. As a result, both the fields of literature and philosophy have undergone profound changes in the wake of the massive influx of new theories that occurred in the late 1960s and 1970s, with Paris as a major centre. There, a new paradigm emerged as a critique of both institutionalised literary studies and structuralism. Many studies have since established the processes by which this new paradigm was mediated, received and “rebranded” in a North American context, resulting in so-called “French Theory”. As new historicism and comparative criticism remind us, such processes illustrate how cultural phenomena are shaped and transformed through contacts across national borders. This study examines these processes of mediation and reframing in a Nordic context, with particular emphasis on the transnational dimension. This dissertation focuses on the central role of four literary magazines – Tel Quel in France, Poetik in Denmark, Profil in Norway and Kris in Sweden – in the process of producing, transmitting, discussing, and reformulating avant-garde theory, both in their local cultural contexts and within international research networks. Combining a hermeneutic approach with the historical framework, the study uses this sample of periodicals as actors at the intersection of the different subfields of cultural life (academic, intellectual, artistic, mediatic and political) to analyse the evolutions and shifts of theoretical production and circulation. The concept of utopia is used as an interpretative key to understand these avant-garde projects at the intersection of science, arts, and politics, and their various rec

Angesichts der Kaiserkrönung Napoleons war es möglich, daß mancher anwesende ehemalige Revolutionär gedacht haben könnte: Und die Aufklärung hat doch recht! Condorcet nämlich hatte in "La Vie du M. Turgot" für die Aufklärung beispielhaft das Krönungszeremoniell kritisiert und vor seinen gefährlichen Langzeitfolgen gewarnt. In einer friedlichen Zeit, so schreibt Condorcet, mögen solche Vorurteile, wie Zeremonien es nun einmal sind, bloß kindisch zu nennen sein; in einer Zeit der Krisen können dagegen ihre Folgen schrecklich sein. Condorcet spielt mit der Warnung vor den Folgelasten in Krisenzeiten auf die Möglichkeit an, durch Weihung einen Usurpator zu legitimieren.

Child abuse and maltreatment have been described as wicked problems. A type of problem that is highly consequential, has shifting definitions, is difficult to solve, and poses risks for those who attempt. As a result, making decisions to prevent or stop child abuse and maltreatment often involves acting under uncertainties. To deal with uncertainties and to act responsibly, care workers need a reliable frame of reference. Too often these heuristics are grounded in ideologies that remain unquestioned in the everyday of care provision. The presentation acknowledges the need to act under uncertainty, spotlights the role of ideologies, and at the same time makes an appeal for a clear mandate: children need to be directly addressed if child well-being is in question.

The year 1968 has come to symbolise the culmination of political, social and cultural protests in many Western countries. Half a century later, memories and narratives are still vivid and conflicted. Among all the institutions of power and knowledge challenged by the young generation, universities in particular became the sites of cultural and intellectual wars. As a result, both the fields of literature and philosophy have undergone profound changes in the wake of the massive influx of new theories that occurred in the late 1960s and 1970s, with Paris as a major centre. There, a new paradigm emerged as a critique of both institutionalised literary studies and structuralism. Many studies have since established the processes by which this new paradigm was mediated, received and “rebranded” in a North American context, resulting in so-called “French Theory”. As new historicism and comparative criticism remind us, such processes illustrate how cultural phenomena are shaped and transformed through contacts across national borders. This study examines these processes of mediation and reframing in a Nordic context, with particular emphasis on the transnational dimension. This dissertation focuses on the central role of four literary magazines – Tel Quel in France, Poetik in Denmark, Profil in Norway and Kris in Sweden – in the process of producing, transmitting, discussing, and reformulating avant-garde theory, both in their local cultural contexts and within international research networks. Combining a hermeneutic approach with the historical framework, the study uses this sample of periodicals as actors at the intersection of the different subfields of cultural life (academic, intellectual, artistic, mediatic and political) to analyse the evolutions and shifts of theoretical production and circulation. The concept of utopia is used as an interpretative key to understand these avant-garde projects at the intersection of science, arts, and politics, and their various rec

[EN] Throughout the centuries, art has been the aesthetic representation of human being feeling and reflection, showed in national museums, churches, universal exhibitions, biennials or cultural centers. In different ways, artists express the material or the invisible as a response to the complex external world that surrounds them. Therefore, the freedom with which they confront the great issues that concern the society which they belong, gives a view of reality that contrasts with the politics of states, which have traditionally tried to use cultural and artistic expression to reinforce ideologies dominant. The article analyzes the different ways of managing art used by states, avant-gardes or contemporary artists, all of them aimed at interpreting the different paradigms that make up the world., [ES] A lo largo de los siglos, el arte ha sido la representación estética del sentimiento y la reflexión del ser humano, mostrado en museos nacionales, iglesias, exposiciones universales, bienales o centros culturales. De diferentes maneras, los artistas expresan lo material o lo invisible como respuesta al complejo mundo externo que les rodea. Por eso, la libertad con la que afrontan los grandes temas que preocupan a la sociedad a la que pertenecen, da una visión de la realidad que contrasta con la política de los estados que tradicionalmente han tratado de utilizar la expresión cultural y artística para reforzar las ideologías dominantes. El museo contemporáneo igualmente adopta modelos económicos que benefician su gestión y la rentabilidad del lugar de emplazamiento, relegando a un segundo plano el hecho artístico. El artículo analiza las distintas formas de gestionar el arte utilizadas por los estados, las vanguardias o los artistas contemporáneos, encaminadas todas ellas a dar su versión de los distintos paradigmas que conforman el mundo.