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After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

Situated in the centre of Europe and bordered by two major powers, France and Germany, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has always sought to maintain an openness to its neighbours, for reasons of security and to give itself access to larger markets. In the 19th century Luxembourg was part of the German customs and trade union (Zollverein). Following the First World War, the country embarked on a process of economic and monetary integration with Belgium via the BLU and it played a driving role in the Benelux Economic Union. Following the Second World War, it was ultimately with the European project that these integration efforts began to bear fruit and assume a new dimension. If Luxembourg is to safeguard its welfare state and boost competitiveness, especially in view of the prevailing uncertainty of the current international and geopolitical climate, it must tackle several recurrent issues (including an ageing population, unemployment among young people, the sustainability of the social security system).

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

Situated in the centre of Europe and bordered by two major powers, France and Germany, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has always sought to maintain an openness to its neighbours, for reasons of security and to give itself access to larger markets. In the 19th century Luxembourg was part of the German customs and trade union (Zollverein). Following the First World War, the country embarked on a process of economic and monetary integration with Belgium via the BLU and it played a driving role in the Benelux Economic Union. Following the Second World War, it was ultimately with the European project that these integration efforts began to bear fruit and assume a new dimension. If Luxembourg is to safeguard its welfare state and boost competitiveness, especially in view of the prevailing uncertainty of the current international and geopolitical climate, it must tackle several recurrent issues (including an ageing population, unemployment among young people, the sustainability of the social security system).

Situated in the centre of Europe and bordered by two major powers, France and Germany, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has always sought to maintain an openness to its neighbours, for reasons of security and to give itself access to larger markets. In the 19th century Luxembourg was part of the German customs and trade union (Zollverein). Following the First World War, the country embarked on a process of economic and monetary integration with Belgium via the BLU and it played a driving role in the Benelux Economic Union. Following the Second World War, it was ultimately with the European project that these integration efforts began to bear fruit and assume a new dimension. If Luxembourg is to safeguard its welfare state and boost competitiveness, especially in view of the prevailing uncertainty of the current international and geopolitical climate, it must tackle several recurrent issues (including an ageing population, unemployment among young people, the sustainability of the social security system).

After the Second World War, in line with its new strategic choice Luxembourg resolutely set out on the road to international multilateralism and European integration, being in 1951 one of the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and in 1952 - the workplace of the newly established European Community institutions. Since then, Luxembourg has played and continues to act as a mediator and a force for ideas in the EU, either as a member State, or through some of its leaders (including Joseph Bech, Pierre Werner, Gaston Thorn, Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker). Based on a wide range of sources from public and private archives, this presentation aims to illustrate how the Grand-Duchy had become a master of small states diplomacy and a consensus builder in the European integration history, and to demonstrate that the influential nature if its leadership gave Luxembourg a role that far outweighed the country’s socio-economic impact.

Situated in the centre of Europe and bordered by two major powers, France and Germany, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has always sought to maintain an openness to its neighbours, for reasons of security and to give itself access to larger markets. In the 19th century Luxembourg was part of the German customs and trade union (Zollverein). Following the First World War, the country embarked on a process of economic and monetary integration with Belgium via the BLU and it played a driving role in the Benelux Economic Union. Following the Second World War, it was ultimately with the European project that these integration efforts began to bear fruit and assume a new dimension. If Luxembourg is to safeguard its welfare state and boost competitiveness, especially in view of the prevailing uncertainty of the current international and geopolitical climate, it must tackle several recurrent issues (including an ageing population, unemployment among young people, the sustainability of the social security system).

Situated in the centre of Europe and bordered by two major powers, France and Germany, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg has always sought to maintain an openness to its neighbours, for reasons of security and to give itself access to larger markets. In the 19th century Luxembourg was part of the German customs and trade union (Zollverein). Following the First World War, the country embarked on a process of economic and monetary integration with Belgium via the BLU and it played a driving role in the Benelux Economic Union. Following the Second World War, it was ultimately with the European project that these integration efforts began to bear fruit and assume a new dimension. If Luxembourg is to safeguard its welfare state and boost competitiveness, especially in view of the prevailing uncertainty of the current international and geopolitical climate, it must tackle several recurrent issues (including an ageing population, unemployment among young people, the sustainability of the social security system).

This manuscript focuses on the relationship between coal and the history of the over 300,000 Italian miners who moved to Wallonia, Belgium, from 1946 onwards, in accordance to the State agreement between Italy and Belgium known as “men in exchange for coal.” Notably, I use environmental history of migration to analyze what I define as “the metabolism of coal.” The socio-ecological metabolism of coal still defines Wallonia’s built and natural environment. The three main drivers of the metabolism of coal have been coal extraction, exercised mainly by immigrant labor; the material processing and transformation of coal into energy and other commodities; and the circulation of those coal byproducts within and outside of Belgium. The technocratic organization of such an ecology –– enacted by the capitalistic rationale behind the metabolism of coal –– permeates in a totalitarian way the socio-ecological ordering of Wallonia, encompassing and traversing wastelands, liminal and semi-rural zones, as well as memories. This process is still evident today even when coal production has entirely ceased. These now liminal spaces attracted capitals, workers, material cultures, and different living species, which all contributed to co-producing hybrid ecologies that still live, inhabit, and resist on the edges of Belgian industrial metabolism. But what happens when such an all-encompassing order of things crumbles down? How is the geo-history of such a place re-signified in the everyday life of those who inhabit Wallonia? What is the material and historical heritage of post-industrial areas such as Wallonia? Using environmental history of migration and environmental humanities as methodological and epistemological standpoints I want to stress the ecological continuities and shifts within the metabolism of coal. Using a transdisciplinary approach, I analyze workscapes, post-industrial spaces, heritage sites, as well as memorial and socio-environmental transformation and relationaliti, Avhandlingen fokuserar på relationen mellan kol och historia. I fokus står de mer än trehundratusen gruvarbetare som från 1946 utvandrade från Italien till Vallonien i Belgien, som en del i ländernas bilaterala avtal kallat ”män i utbyte mot kol.” I synnerhet har jag använt miljöhistorisk metod och teori om migration för att förstå vad jag kallar ”kolets metabolism”. Kolets socio-ekologiska metabolism är fortfarande något som utmärker Valloniens byggda och naturliga miljö. De tre stora drivkrafterna bakom kolets metabolism har varit kolbrytning, utförd i huvudsak av invandrad arbetskraft; materiell förädling och förvandling av kol till energi och andra varor; samt transport av biprodukter från kol inom och utanför Belgien. Den tekniska organiseringen av denna ekologi – präglad av de kapitalistiska motiv som ligger bakom kolets metabolism – genomsyrar den socio-ekologiska ordningen i Vallonien. Geografiskt och socialt omfattar den ödemarker, marginaliserade och semi-rurala områden, men också minnen. Effekterna är påtagliga än idag trots att kolbrytningen upphört helt. De idag marginaliserade platserna attraherade kapital, arbetskraft, olika materiella kulturer och många arter av djur och växter. Dessa skapade tillsammans s.k. hybrida ekologier som fortfarande existerar. Avhandlingen ställer frågor föranledda av storskaliga förändringar. När sådana sker, hur påverkas förståelsen av platsens historia för dem som bor i Vallonien? Vad är det materiella och historiska arvet från postindustriella platser som Vallonien? Jag använder mig av miljöhistoriska och miljöhumanistiska ansatser samt migrationshistorisk forskning som metodologiska och epistemologiska utgångspunkter för att tydliggöra ekologiska samband och brytpunkter i kolets metabolism. Detta transdisciplinära tillvägagångssätt möjliggör min analys av arbetslandskap, postindustriella platser, minnesmärken och minnesarbete. Jag kallar detta en geo-historisk ansats. Vart och ett av avhandlingens sex kapitel är organi, QC 20200511, ENHANCE ITN - Marie Sklodowska-Curie Action

This manuscript focuses on the relationship between coal and the history of the over 300,000 Italian miners who moved to Wallonia, Belgium, from 1946 onwards, in accordance to the State agreement between Italy and Belgium known as “men in exchange for coal.” Notably, I use environmental history of migration to analyze what I define as “the metabolism of coal.” The socio-ecological metabolism of coal still defines Wallonia’s built and natural environment. The three main drivers of the metabolism of coal have been coal extraction, exercised mainly by immigrant labor; the material processing and transformation of coal into energy and other commodities; and the circulation of those coal byproducts within and outside of Belgium. The technocratic organization of such an ecology –– enacted by the capitalistic rationale behind the metabolism of coal –– permeates in a totalitarian way the socio-ecological ordering of Wallonia, encompassing and traversing wastelands, liminal and semi-rural zones, as well as memories. This process is still evident today even when coal production has entirely ceased. These now liminal spaces attracted capitals, workers, material cultures, and different living species, which all contributed to co-producing hybrid ecologies that still live, inhabit, and resist on the edges of Belgian industrial metabolism. But what happens when such an all-encompassing order of things crumbles down? How is the geo-history of such a place re-signified in the everyday life of those who inhabit Wallonia? What is the material and historical heritage of post-industrial areas such as Wallonia? Using environmental history of migration and environmental humanities as methodological and epistemological standpoints I want to stress the ecological continuities and shifts within the metabolism of coal. Using a transdisciplinary approach, I analyze workscapes, post-industrial spaces, heritage sites, as well as memorial and socio-environmental transformation and relationaliti, Avhandlingen fokuserar på relationen mellan kol och historia. I fokus står de mer än trehundratusen gruvarbetare som från 1946 utvandrade från Italien till Vallonien i Belgien, som en del i ländernas bilaterala avtal kallat ”män i utbyte mot kol.” I synnerhet har jag använt miljöhistorisk metod och teori om migration för att förstå vad jag kallar ”kolets metabolism”. Kolets socio-ekologiska metabolism är fortfarande något som utmärker Valloniens byggda och naturliga miljö. De tre stora drivkrafterna bakom kolets metabolism har varit kolbrytning, utförd i huvudsak av invandrad arbetskraft; materiell förädling och förvandling av kol till energi och andra varor; samt transport av biprodukter från kol inom och utanför Belgien. Den tekniska organiseringen av denna ekologi – präglad av de kapitalistiska motiv som ligger bakom kolets metabolism – genomsyrar den socio-ekologiska ordningen i Vallonien. Geografiskt och socialt omfattar den ödemarker, marginaliserade och semi-rurala områden, men också minnen. Effekterna är påtagliga än idag trots att kolbrytningen upphört helt. De idag marginaliserade platserna attraherade kapital, arbetskraft, olika materiella kulturer och många arter av djur och växter. Dessa skapade tillsammans s.k. hybrida ekologier som fortfarande existerar. Avhandlingen ställer frågor föranledda av storskaliga förändringar. När sådana sker, hur påverkas förståelsen av platsens historia för dem som bor i Vallonien? Vad är det materiella och historiska arvet från postindustriella platser som Vallonien? Jag använder mig av miljöhistoriska och miljöhumanistiska ansatser samt migrationshistorisk forskning som metodologiska och epistemologiska utgångspunkter för att tydliggöra ekologiska samband och brytpunkter i kolets metabolism. Detta transdisciplinära tillvägagångssätt möjliggör min analys av arbetslandskap, postindustriella platser, minnesmärken och minnesarbete. Jag kallar detta en geo-historisk ansats. Vart och ett av avhandlingens sex kapitel är organi, QC 20200511, ENHANCE ITN - Marie Sklodowska-Curie Action

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

The aim of this paper is to perform a comparative historical analysis of the development and specific characteristics of taxation in Luxembourg, as developed in a multidimensional context – national (Luxembourg), regional (relations with traditional partners – Belgium and the Netherlands but also Germany and France), European (ECSC, EEC and EU) and international (OECD, GATT/WTO) – in the second half of the 20th century. The two aspects of taxation will be addressed: direct taxation (a prerogative of states) and indirect taxation (subject to international regulation). The time frame stretches from the end of the war (1944) to the Maastricht Treaty (1992).

This paper is about a relatively unknown north-west European organization of spatial planning: the (standing) Conference for Spatial Planning in North-Western Europe. The founders of CRONWE tried to create a European spatial planning approach that could influence spatial development in the early years of European integration as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and later the European Economic Community (EEC) were created. Spatial development, as a topic to be addressed, never reached the negotiation tables though, and CRONWE was created as a permanent platform for discussion with the obvious hope that gradually ‘Europe’ would recognize the relevance and even necessity of European spatial planning. In this paper we use a number of basic concepts of the historical institutionalist approach towards planning research; in particular institutionalization, critical junctures, and path dependency. We apply these concepts to analyse and evaluate the four decades that CRONWE existed. We are particularly interested in assessing why the CRONWE planning agenda remained marginal in the European integration process., Spatial Planning and Strategy

Dr Paravantes' presentation, " European Migrations post-WWII: Past, Present and Future, " will discuss the history of migrations and migration/refugee policy within the EU, from the beginning of the integration process and the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) until the present. The talk will focus on earlier migrations within Western Europe, the rules established to regulate internal and external migration, and the steps which the various iterations of the European Union and its individual members took to deal with them. The overarching objective of this presentation is to place current events, and reactions to them, into the context of European integration and to examine misconceptions about migration policy and borders in the EU.

Dr Paravantes' presentation, " European Migrations post-WWII: Past, Present and Future, " will discuss the history of migrations and migration/refugee policy within the EU, from the beginning of the integration process and the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) until the present. The talk will focus on earlier migrations within Western Europe, the rules established to regulate internal and external migration, and the steps which the various iterations of the European Union and its individual members took to deal with them. The overarching objective of this presentation is to place current events, and reactions to them, into the context of European integration and to examine misconceptions about migration policy and borders in the EU.

Dr Paravantes' presentation, " European Migrations post-WWII: Past, Present and Future, " will discuss the history of migrations and migration/refugee policy within the EU, from the beginning of the integration process and the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) until the present. The talk will focus on earlier migrations within Western Europe, the rules established to regulate internal and external migration, and the steps which the various iterations of the European Union and its individual members took to deal with them. The overarching objective of this presentation is to place current events, and reactions to them, into the context of European integration and to examine misconceptions about migration policy and borders in the EU.

The purpose of this essay is that through idea analysis and ideal types examines if the EU changed the kind of peace they seek to promote to confirm or falsify Magnus Jernecks thesis that the meaning of peace change depend on the context. I will be making two comparison points, the first at the peace projects start in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the second in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). My ideal types that I have chosen are the idealistic perspective of peace, the justice peace perspective and the perspective of balance of power which has constituted a main line when it comes to issues of war and peace. My research question is linked to my ideal types and reads - is the peace that ECSC and ENP promote: 1) a peace of the idealistic perspective, 2) a peace of the justice perspective, 3) a peace of the balance of power perspective. I seek the answer of these questions in two types of documents. The Schuman declaration which is directed to answer the question ECSC and the report Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbors which is directed to answer the question ENP. The results of the study shows that the EU was intended to promote a different kind of peace within the ECSC than the ENP. The ECSC seek to promote a peace of justice and a peace of the balance of power perspective. With ENP they seek to promote a peace of justice and the idealistic peace perspective. This can give a result that EU loses its trustworthiness as a peace-builder if one is not clear when this change occurs.

The purpose of this essay is that through idea analysis and ideal types examines if the EU changed the kind of peace they seek to promote to confirm or falsify Magnus Jernecks thesis that the meaning of peace change depend on the context. I will be making two comparison points, the first at the peace projects start in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the second in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). My ideal types that I have chosen are the idealistic perspective of peace, the justice peace perspective and the perspective of balance of power which has constituted a main line when it comes to issues of war and peace. My research question is linked to my ideal types and reads - is the peace that ECSC and ENP promote: 1) a peace of the idealistic perspective, 2) a peace of the justice perspective, 3) a peace of the balance of power perspective. I seek the answer of these questions in two types of documents. The Schuman declaration which is directed to answer the question ECSC and the report Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbors which is directed to answer the question ENP. The results of the study shows that the EU was intended to promote a different kind of peace within the ECSC than the ENP. The ECSC seek to promote a peace of justice and a peace of the balance of power perspective. With ENP they seek to promote a peace of justice and the idealistic peace perspective. This can give a result that EU loses its trustworthiness as a peace-builder if one is not clear when this change occurs.

After 70 years, have democracy, prosperity, and unity finally reached Italy? Italians are still wondering since the European Union’s (EU’s) promises after World War II remain largely unfulfilled. This thesis analyzes parallels and continuities of Italian politics of disillusionment from the post-World War I period to today’s European crisis, highlighting Italy’s widespread discontent with the EU and its institutions. From the mutilated victory of the Treaty of Versailles to a destructive fascist regime to the promises of future prosperity and progress in the EU, today Italy is still waiting for its early aspirations to materialize. While other EU members and cofounders (notably France and Germany) arrange the EU to their advantage―frequently overlooking Italy’s interests and needs―Italy’s increasing disappointment with the EU has reached an all-time high. This thesis traces these developments through historical analysis of key turning points—the interwar period, fascism, and the postwar democratic transformation. It culminates in a discussion of the current European crisis and Italy’s frustration with the EU by exposing the reasons for the country’s serious consideration of abandoning participation in the EU project., http://archive.org/details/italyineuloveffa1094542702, Civilian, Department of the Navy, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

What would be the implications of a major European power leaving the European Union (EU)? Political movements in two of the most influential member states, the United Kingdom and France, have courted an EU withdrawal for decades. In recent years, however, the potential for a withdrawal has increased drastically due to the rise of two populist political parties—Britain’s United Kingdom Independence Party and France’s National Front. A British or French withdrawal from the EU would have security, economic, and legal implications both domestically and internationally. With the change in the EU, other international organizations, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), might assume an increased role or be subject to erosion. This thesis explores the eurosceptic movement and the causes of such sentiment. It then examines the most influential eurosceptic groups in Britain and France, analyzing their histories and comparing their goals. This thesis concludes with an assessment of the potential effects on the EU and NATO if Britain and/or France were to withdraw from the EU., http://archive.org/details/euroscepticismin1094548491, Lieutenant, United States Navy, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.