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This article tracks and analyzes the presence of vegetarianism in the Río de la Plata anarchist press throughout the first three decades of the 20th century. Through the review of periodical sources and other printed documents published in Buenos Aires andMontevideo between 1900 and 1930, the hypothesis maintained is that, in the anarchist newspapers, vegetarianism was understood from two heterogeneous perspectives, from which emerged two different diffusion strategies. On the one hand, it was promoted as an antimilitarist ethic, which understood that abstaining from meat consumption implied a habit of conduct on which rested the hope of a world without armed conflicts. Later, it was also promoted as part of a naturopathic diet, according to which the maintenance of a vegetarian diet was a physiological prescription essential for achieving a healthy life. Finally, based on the recovery of different debates raised within the anarchist press due to the presence in it of vegetarian propaganda, it investigates the discomfort that the latter generated and the difficulties it had to overcome to find a place in the anarchist militancy., Este artigo rastreia e analisa a presença do vegetarianismo na imprensa anarquista do Rio da Prata ao longo das três primeiras décadas do século XX. Através da revisão de fontes periódicas e outros documentos impressos publicados em Buenos Aires e Montevidéu entre 1900 e 1930, sustenta-se a hipótese de que, nos jornais libertários, o vegetarianismo era compreendido a partir de duas perspectivas heterogêneas, das quais emergiram, por sua vez, duas formas de divulgação distintas. estratégias. Por um lado, foipromovido dentro de uma ética antimilitarista, que entendia que a abstinência do consumo de carne implicava um hábito de conduta sobre o qual repousava a esperança de um mundo sem conflitos armados. Mais tarde, foi promovida também como parte de uma dieta dietética naturista, segundo a qual a manutenção de uma dieta vegetariana era uma prescrição fisiológica essencial para a obtenção de uma vida saudável. Finalmente, a partir da recuperação de diferentes debates provocados na imprensa anarquista pela presença nela da propaganda vegetariana, investigam-se os inconvenientes que esta gerou e as dificuldades que teve de superar paraconquistar um lugar na militância anarquista, Este artículo rastrea y analiza la presencia del vegetarianismo en la prensa anarquista rioplatense a lo largo de las tres primeras décadas del siglo XX. A través de la revisión de fuentes periódicas y otros documentos impresos editados en Buenos Aires y Montevideo entre 1900 y 1930, se sostiene la hipótesis de que, en los periódicos libertarios, el vegetarianismo fue interpretado desde dos perspectivas heterogéneas, de las cuales se desprendían, a su vez, dos estrategias de difusión distintas. Por un lado, fue promovido al interior de una ética antimilitarista, la cual comprendía que la abstención del consumo de carne comportaba unhábito de conducta sobre el cual descansaba la esperanza de un mundo sin conflictos armados. Luego, fue promovido también como parte de una dietética naturista, según la cual el sostenimiento de un régimen vegetariano era una prescripción de carácter fisiológico esencial para el alcance de una vida saludable. Finalmente, a partir de la recuperación de distintos debates suscitados al interior de la prensa anarquista por la presencia de la propaganda vegetariana, se indaga en las incomodidades que esta última generó y en las dificultadesquetuvo que sortear para hacerse un lugar en la militancia ácrata.

Este artigo aborda a travessia de uma litografia antimilitarista de Jules-Félix Grandjouan no início do século XX através de publicações e grupos anarquistas em Paris, Estocolmo e Buenos Aires. A partir da análise das seis versões desta obra, as especificidades de uma troca visual transfronteiriça e transtemporal são elucidadas através de estratégias de apropriação e ressignificação. A caracterização destes processos se comtempla à luz das particularidades históricas do movimento anarquista e sua teoria estética. A revisão de fontes gráficas em primeira mão, permitem reconstruir um caso inédito de migração iconográfica na periodicidade anarquista e restaurar a figura isolada do referido artista. Em suma, se aporta uma nova perspectiva sobre um aspecto pouco estudado da relação entre arte e anarquismo., Este artículo aborda la travesía de una litografía antimilitarista de Jules-Félix Grandjouan ainicios del siglo XX a través de publicaciones y grupos ácratas en París, Estocolmo y Buenos Aires. A partir del análisis de las seis versiones de esta obra, se dilucidan las especificidades de un intercambio visual transfronterizo y transtemporal mediante estrategias de apropiación y resignificación. La caracterización de estos procesos se contempla a la luz de lasparticularidades históricas del movimiento anarquista y su teoría estética. La revisión de fuentes gráficas de primera mano permite reconstruir un caso inédito de la migración iconográfica en la periodicida }d anarquista y restituir la aislada figura del ya mencionado artista. En suma, se aporta una nueva perspectiva sobre un aspecto poco investigado de la relación entre arte y anarquismo, This article is devoted to the journey of an antimilitarist lithograph by Jules-Felix Grandjouan at the beginning of the 20th century through anarchist groups and publications in Paris, Stockholm, and Buenos Aires. By analyzing the six versions of this work, the specificities of a transboundary and transtemporal visual interchange based on strategies of appropriation and resignification are elucidated. The characterization of these processes is discussed in light of the historical particularities of the anarchist movement and its aesthetic theory. The study of first-hand graphic sources allows reconstructing an unseen case of iconographic migration in anarchist magazine culture and restituting the isolated figure of the aforementioned artist. In sum, a new perspective on an under-researched aspect of the relation between art and anarchism is provided.

This article analyzes the gendered representation of military service in the German YouTube series Die Rekruten (DR) (The Recruits), a popular web series produced on behalf of the German armed forces (Bundeswehr) for recruitment purposes, which accompanies 12 navy recruits during their basic training. The article is situated within research on masculinity and the military, in particular military recruitment. It supplements current scholarship by studying a previously neglected case that is of particular interest given Germany’s antimilitarist culture, which should make military recruitment and military public relations more difficult. The article asks how military service is represented in DR, what its discursive effects are, and what role (if any) masculinity plays in this process. We find support for recent feminist research on military masculinities (including in military recruitment) that emphasizes ambiguity and contradiction. What distinguishes the construction of military masculinity in DR from, for example, recruitment advertisements in the United States or the United Kingdom is its markedly civil character. This not only broadens the military’s appeal for a more diverse audience but also increases the legitimacy of the military and its activities. It does so by concealing the violence that has for the past two decades also been a very real part of what the Bundeswehr does.

Im Jahr 2021 jährt sich Rosa Luxemburgs Geburtstag zum 150. Mal. Auch wenn sie im Zuge der Revolution von 1918/19 einen gewaltsamen Tod fand und in der Folge viel getan wurde, ihr Andenken zu schmälern, bleiben ihre Werke bis heute eine Inspiration für all diejenigen, die versuchen, eine neue, bessere und gerechtere Welt zu schaffen. Der Band versammelt Arbeiten von deutschsprachigen und internationalen Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern, die sich aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven und mit verschiedenen Fragestellungen dem Nachwirken Luxemburgs widmen. Sie unterstreichen in ihrer Gänze den bedeutenden Stellenwert, den Luxemburgs Gedanken bis heute besitzen.

Objective: to understand the historical horizon of the feelings that are produced regarding the provision of military service, antimilitarist resistance and masculinity alternatives in a peacebuilding and post-conflict context in Colombia. Methodology: the study was carried out from a constructionist perspective, with a hermeneutical orientation. Data were generated through participant observation, interviews, and focus groups with 10 groups of youth antimilitarists in different cities in Colombia. Some of the young men gave an account of their experiences serving in the military. Results: the study describes the ways in which the feelings and subjectivities of young people are molded in military socialization under the referent of hegemonic masculinity (HM). Likewise, the daily practices of resistance and peacebuilding of these young people are presented, possibly thanks to the subjective and affective transformations that occur by resisting the patriarchal and militaristic culture. Conclusions: antimilitarism, hand in hand with non-violence, configures human relationships of respect, love, solidarity, compassion, fraternity and tenderness (feelings that are repressed by the HM model), thereby favoring the change of militaristic values towards other values such as peace, equity and freedom., Objetivo: compreender o horizonte histórico dos sentimentos que se produzem a respeito da prestação do serviço militar, da resistência antimilitarista e das alternativas de masculinidade em um contexto de construção da paz e pós-conflito na Colômbia. Metodologia: o estudo foi realizado em uma perspectiva construcionista, com uma orientação hermenêutica. Os dados foram gerados por meio de observação participante, entrevistas e grupos focais com 10 grupos de jovens antimilitaristas em diferentes cidades da Colômbia. Alguns dos rapazes relataram suas experiências no serviço militar. Resultados: descreve as formas pelas quais os sentimentos e subjetividades dos jovens são moldados na socialização militar sob o referente da masculinidade hegemônica (MH). Da mesma forma, são apresentadas as práticas cotidianas de resistência e construção da paz desses jovens, possíveis graças às transformações subjetivas e afetivas que são produzidas pela resistência à cultura patriarcal e militarista. Conclusões: o antimilitarismo, de mãos dadas com a não violência, configura relações humanas de respeito, amor, solidariedade, compaixão, fraternidade e ternura (sentimentos reprimidos pelo modelo MH), favorecendo a mudança de valores militaristas para outros valores como paz, equidade e liberdade., Objetivo: comprender el horizonte histórico de los sentimientos que se producen con respecto a la prestación del servicio militar, las resistencias antimilitaristas y las alternativas de masculinidad en un contexto de construcción de paz y postconflicto en Colombia. Metodología: el estudio se realizó en perspectiva construccionista, con orientación hermenéutica. Se generaron los datos mediante observación participante, entrevistas y grupos focales con 10 colectivos de jóvenes antimilitaristas en diferentes ciudades de Colombia. Algunos de los jóvenes dieron cuenta de sus experiencias prestando el servicio militar. Resultados: se describen los modos cómo los sentimientos y subjetividades de los jóvenes son moldeados en la socialización militar bajo el referente de la masculinidad hegemónica (MH). Así mismo, se presentan las prácticas cotidianas de resistencia y construcción de paz de estos jóvenes, posibles gracias a las transformaciones subjetivas y afectivas que se producen haciendo resistencia a la cultura patriarcal y militarista. Conclusiones: el antimilitarismo, de la mano de la no violencia, configuran relaciones humanas de respeto, amor, solidaridad, compasión, fraternidad y ternura (sentimientos que son reprimidos por el modelo de MH), con lo que se favorece el cambio de los valores militaristas hacia otros valores como la paz, la equidad y la libertad.

This thesis investigates the resistance of actors of civil society against perceived militarism, by means of a qualitative case study. As the title suggests, the establishment of a “Cyber Valley” in Tübingen, has not only been met with approval by local citizens. This thesis examines a protest movement against the Cyber Valley – a cooperative research project for technological advancements in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. The research reveals that this protest movement was not reliant on a firm organizational structure but was led by an open alliance of individuals, called the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley. The organizational approach resulted in various forms of civil resistance. The empirical research on these acts of resistance, adds a perspective for a more holistic approach. On their website (nocybervalley.de) the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley documented developments of the protests. These accounts constitute a large part of the written material this study is based on, complemented with semi-structured expert-interviews with four protesters. The interviews generated a conceptualization of militarism, as a driving motivation for the activists. Thereby, this study contributes to the contemporary definition of militarism in the context of civil resistance. The field of peace and conflict studies can benefit from this and similar studies in that they uncover conceptualizations of key conflicts, as perceived by actors of civil society.

Öffentlich kaum wahrgenommen schreitet die Veralltäglichung des Militärischen und des Krieges voran. Der Begriff "Banal Militarism" lenkt die Aufmerksamkeit auf unspektakuläre Prozesse, die von den AutorInnen des Bandes anhand historischer wie aktueller Beispiele der Repräsentation, der Inszenierung und Aneignung des Militärischen in Literatur, Theater, Kino, (Computer-)Spiel, Mode sowie in der Presse und im Alltagsleben analysiert werden. Solche Phänomene in ihrer Wirkungsmächtigkeit auf politische Kultur zu thematisieren, theoretisch zu reflektieren und als bedeutsames Forschungsfeld zu konturieren, ist das zentrale Anliegen des Bandes.

The premiership of Shinzo Abe has had a significant impact on the debate surrounding Japanese foreign policy. In the autumn of 2020, Shinzo Abe resigned, ending what would become the country’s longest consecutive tenure in history, lasting from 2012 to 2020. Following the Second World War, Japan has per its 1947 constitution constrained its foreign policy unlike that of any other country of comparable size. During Shinzo Abe’s tenure, from 2012 to 2020, the academic debate surrounding the potential dismantling of said constraints has moved significantly towards finding a so-called remilitarization a likely outcome. International relations schools of realism and to some extent liberalism find that predictions of remilitarization might strike true while constructivist scholars find that this might be the case despite prior reservations. This is a significant shift in the debate consensus, especially on the part of constructivist analysis which often held that Japan’s unique character, be it norms or institutions, was inherently antimilitaristic. Through previous literature we learn that there was long a divide between authors arguing for a remilitarization being imminent while others take the opposite stance. A shift in Japanese foreign policy has a number of implications for international relations theory, previously a hallmark of constructivist argumentation surrounding identity and a thorn in the side of realist assumptions of power politics. A methodical approach of theory comparison sheds light on the empirical case of Japanese foreign policy by the means of assessing each relevant perspective’s arguments against each respective set of expectations in the event of a remilitarization. Through this study we find that contributions to the debate overwhelmingly argue for an increased possibility of a remilitarization taking place. Likewise, we find that this may come to play into the hands of both realism and liberalism as well as potentially doing so for constructiv

This thesis investigates the resistance of actors of civil society against perceived militarism, by means of a qualitative case study. As the title suggests, the establishment of a “Cyber Valley” in Tübingen, has not only been met with approval by local citizens. This thesis examines a protest movement against the Cyber Valley – a cooperative research project for technological advancements in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. The research reveals that this protest movement was not reliant on a firm organizational structure but was led by an open alliance of individuals, called the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley. The organizational approach resulted in various forms of civil resistance. The empirical research on these acts of resistance, adds a perspective for a more holistic approach. On their website (nocybervalley.de) the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley documented developments of the protests. These accounts constitute a large part of the written material this study is based on, complemented with semi-structured expert-interviews with four protesters. The interviews generated a conceptualization of militarism, as a driving motivation for the activists. Thereby, this study contributes to the contemporary definition of militarism in the context of civil resistance. The field of peace and conflict studies can benefit from this and similar studies in that they uncover conceptualizations of key conflicts, as perceived by actors of civil society.

The premiership of Shinzo Abe has had a significant impact on the debate surrounding Japanese foreign policy. In the autumn of 2020, Shinzo Abe resigned, ending what would become the country’s longest consecutive tenure in history, lasting from 2012 to 2020. Following the Second World War, Japan has per its 1947 constitution constrained its foreign policy unlike that of any other country of comparable size. During Shinzo Abe’s tenure, from 2012 to 2020, the academic debate surrounding the potential dismantling of said constraints has moved significantly towards finding a so-called remilitarization a likely outcome. International relations schools of realism and to some extent liberalism find that predictions of remilitarization might strike true while constructivist scholars find that this might be the case despite prior reservations. This is a significant shift in the debate consensus, especially on the part of constructivist analysis which often held that Japan’s unique character, be it norms or institutions, was inherently antimilitaristic. Through previous literature we learn that there was long a divide between authors arguing for a remilitarization being imminent while others take the opposite stance. A shift in Japanese foreign policy has a number of implications for international relations theory, previously a hallmark of constructivist argumentation surrounding identity and a thorn in the side of realist assumptions of power politics. A methodical approach of theory comparison sheds light on the empirical case of Japanese foreign policy by the means of assessing each relevant perspective’s arguments against each respective set of expectations in the event of a remilitarization. Through this study we find that contributions to the debate overwhelmingly argue for an increased possibility of a remilitarization taking place. Likewise, we find that this may come to play into the hands of both realism and liberalism as well as potentially doing so for constructiv

During the 25 years before the First World War in 1914 two different kinds of peace movements, one bourgeois-liberal and one socialist, were organised to fight militarism and war. The two movements – represented by the International Peace Bureau and the Second International, respectively – grew in size between 1889 and 1914. At the beginning of 1914, IPB organized over 200 peace associations, representing approximately one million members. The socialist labour movement, on their part, gathered around four million members, and different social democratic parties were active in most European parliaments. The numbers of newspapers and affiliated associations, like trade unions, are difficult to count but were numerous. In view of the outbreak of the war in 1914, these popular anti-war movements and their leading organisations, which did their best to rally public opinion against war, appear to have been complete failures. However, the picture is far more complicated. The growing international peace movement actually had a significant impact on public debate at the turn of the last century – and their efforts reverberated throughout much of the 1900s. An in-depth analysis of this movement and its agency, strategy and conceptual world reveals new perspectives on the ongoing debate on how to form a persuading agenda and how to influence public opinion and the governments. This is interesting because it can teach us, today, about attempts to withstand ongoing arms race and harmful nationalism.The purpose of the present thesis is to systematically examine how and why different perspectives on the burning issue of peace versus war were discussed and practiced by the bourgeois and socialist peace movements at an international level between 1889 and 1914, and to compare the actions of the movements with each other. The comparison between the two movements is the most important methodological element of the dissertation. The thesis makes a contribution in three different resear

Titel i svensk översättning: Erfarenheten som resurs i den armékritiska retoriken: Tre fragment från den skandinaviska rörelsen mot militarism kring år 1900

Jesús Liste Forján (1907-1994) was born into a poor Galician family, of quarry and peasant tradition that seemed destined for emigration. Therefore, its social origins do not seem to be the most adequate to become, already like Enrique Líster, one of the best known military leaders of the Popular Army of the Republic. His early contacts with forms of intra-community violence in Galicia, his emigration to Cuba, where his political socialization took place, his militancy in the Communist Party of Spain —celebrated in the Soviet Union in the 30s of the 20th century— and the outbreak of Civil War are some of the factors that serve to explain a military career that was beyond the defeat of the Second Spanish Republic. It was after his return from the USSR in 1935, where he received adequate training, when his militancy made him come into contact with the military world, both through clandestine activity in the barracks —the so-called "antimilitarist activity" that, in In reality, it did not intend to generate antimilitarist attitudes but to subvert the order of the traditional army, the bourgeois army— as by its participation of armed groups related to the Communist Party of Spain, the Workers Antifascist and Peasant Militias. Enrique Líster was the organizer of military units of the new People's Army of the Republic, at the head of which he took part in a great part of the main battles of the Civil War and achieved the employment of colonel. After the conflict, Lister, who continued his military training in the Soviet Union and was part of its army and that of Yugoslavia and Poland, became one of the military references of the PCE., Jesús Liste Forján (1907-1994) nació en una familia gallega pobre, de tradición cantera y campesina que parecía destinada a la emigración. Por lo tanto, sus orígenes sociales no parecen ser los más adecuados para convertirse, ya como Enrique Líster, en uno de los más conocidos jefes militares del Ejército Popular de la República. Sus contactos juveniles con formas de violencia intercomunitaria en Galicia, su emigración a Cuba, donde se produjo su socialización política, su militancia en el Partido Comunista de España —labrada en la Unión Soviética de los años 30 del siglo XX— y el estallido de la Guerra Civil son algunos de los factores que sirven para explicar una carrera militar que fue más allá de la derrota de la II República española. Fue después de su regreso de la URSS en 1935, donde recibió la formación adecuada, cuando su militancia le hizo entrar en contacto con el mundo castrense, tanto a través de la acción clandestina en los cuarteles —la llamada «actividad antimilitarista» que, en realidad, no pretendía generar actitudes antimilitaristas sino subvertir el orden del ejército tradicional, el ejército burgués— como por su participación en grupos armados relacionados con el Partido Comunista de España, las Milicias Antifascistas Obreras y Campesinas. Enrique Líster fue organizador de unidades militares del nuevo Ejército Popular de la República, al frente de las que tomó parte en gran parte de las principales batallas de la Guerra Civil y alcanzó el empleo de coronel. Finalizado el conflicto, Líster, que continuó su formación militar en la Unión Soviética y se encuadró en su ejército y en el de los de Polonia y Yugoslavia, se había convertido en uno de los referentes militares del PCE.

The history of peace is the study of the ideas and movements that built peace and denounced war. This article uses bibliographical sources to demonstrate that between 1889 and 1939 the foundations of a mass pacifism were laid. From arbitration, disarmament, open diplomacy, to anticonscription, anti-militarism and conscientious objection. After the war, pacifism was reinforced through mass organizations: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), International Fellowship of Reconciliation (IFOR), War resisters’ International (WRI), Peace Pledge Union (PPU). Many peace advocates, before 1939, were divided between pacifism and ‘pacificism’. Pacifism relied on nonviolent resistance, ‘Pacificism’ favoured just war., La Historia de la Paz es el estudio de las ideas y los movimientos que construyeron la paz y denunciaron la guerra. Este artículo usa fuentes bibliográficas para demostrar que entre 1889-1939 se construyeron las raíces de un pacifismo de masas. Desde el arbitraje, el desarme y la diplomacia abierta, hasta la anticonscripción, el antimilitarismo y la objeción de conciencia. Después de la guerra, el pacifismo se reforzó a través de organizaciones de masas: Liga Internacional de Mujeres por la Paz y la Libertad (WILPF), Movimiento Internacional de Reconciliación (IFOR), Internacional de Resistentes contra la Guerra (WRI), Unión del Compromiso por la Paz (PPU). Muchos defensores de la paz, antes de 1939, se dividieron entre el pacifismo y el “pacificismo”. El pacifismo confió en la resistencia no violenta mientras el “pacificismo” se inclinó por la guerra justa

In 1901, Law 4031 established the Mandatory Military Service in Argentina. We tried to reconstruct the debates and different positions regarding this Law framed within the state’s Project of modernization that Argentine government had begun in the previous century.Socialists and anarchists critics published in two of its main press: La Vanguardia and La Protesta Humana. With similar arguments, both sectors shared the condemnation of the law and state militarism. Supporters and detractors of the Mandatory Military Service responded to a logic and language of modernity that found all its nuances in this debate. This article seeks to highlight them., En 1901 se sancionó en Argentina la Ley 4031 que establecía el Servicio Militar Obligatorio. Reconstruimos en este artículo los debates y las diferentes posturas que generó esta ley dentro de la propia clase dirigente y del ejército, ya que su sanción fue parte del proyecto de modernización estatal que el gobierno argentino comenzó en el siglo anterior. Esta ley ocasionó encendidas críticas de socialistas y anarquistas que fueron volcadas en La Vanguardia y La Protesta Humana, dos de sus principales órganos de prensa. Ambos sectores condenaron la Ley y el militarismo estatal con argumentos semejantes. Defensores y detractores del Servicio Militar Obligatorio respondieron a una lógica y a un lenguaje de la modernidad que encontró todos sus matices en este debate. El artículo busca ahondar en ellos y resaltarlos especialmente.

Jesús Liste Forján (1907-1994) was born into a poor Galician family, of quarry and peasant tradition that seemed destined for emigration. Therefore, its social origins do not seem to be the most adequate to become, already like Enrique Líster, one of the best known military leaders of the Popular Army of the Republic. His early contacts with forms of intra-community violence in Galicia, his emigration to Cuba, where his political socialization took place, his militancy in the Communist Party of Spain —celebrated in the Soviet Union in the 30s of the 20th century— and the outbreak of Civil War are some of the factors that serve to explain a military career that was beyond the defeat of the Second Spanish Republic. It was after his return from the USSR in 1935, where he received adequate training, when his militancy made him come into contact with the military world, both through clandestine activity in the barracks —the so-called "antimilitarist activity" that, in In reality, it did not intend to generate antimilitarist attitudes but to subvert the order of the traditional army, the bourgeois army— as by its participation of armed groups related to the Communist Party of Spain, the Workers Antifascist and Peasant Militias. Enrique Líster was the organizer of military units of the new People's Army of the Republic, at the head of which he took part in a great part of the main battles of the Civil War and achieved the employment of colonel. After the conflict, Lister, who continued his military training in the Soviet Union and was part of its army and that of Yugoslavia and Poland, became one of the military references of the PCE., Jesús Liste Forján (1907-1994) nació en una familia gallega pobre, de tradición cantera y campesina que parecía destinada a la emigración. Por lo tanto, sus orígenes sociales no parecen ser los más adecuados para convertirse, ya como Enrique Líster, en uno de los más conocidos jefes militares del Ejército Popular de la República. Sus contactos juveniles con formas de violencia intercomunitaria en Galicia, su emigración a Cuba, donde se produjo su socialización política, su militancia en el Partido Comunista de España —labrada en la Unión Soviética de los años 30 del siglo XX— y el estallido de la Guerra Civil son algunos de los factores que sirven para explicar una carrera militar que fue más allá de la derrota de la II República española. Fue después de su regreso de la URSS en 1935, donde recibió la formación adecuada, cuando su militancia le hizo entrar en contacto con el mundo castrense, tanto a través de la acción clandestina en los cuarteles —la llamada «actividad antimilitarista» que, en realidad, no pretendía generar actitudes antimilitaristas sino subvertir el orden del ejército tradicional, el ejército burgués— como por su participación en grupos armados relacionados con el Partido Comunista de España, las Milicias Antifascistas Obreras y Campesinas. Enrique Líster fue organizador de unidades militares del nuevo Ejército Popular de la República, al frente de las que tomó parte en gran parte de las principales batallas de la Guerra Civil y alcanzó el empleo de coronel. Finalizado el conflicto, Líster, que continuó su formación militar en la Unión Soviética y se encuadró en su ejército y en el de los de Polonia y Yugoslavia, se había convertido en uno de los referentes militares del PCE.

The history of peace is the study of the ideas and movements that built peace and denounced war. This article uses bibliographical sources to demonstrate that between 1889 and 1939 the foundations of a mass pacifism were laid. From arbitration, disarmament, open diplomacy, to anticonscription, anti-militarism and conscientious objection. After the war, pacifism was reinforced through mass organizations: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), International Fellowship of Reconciliation (IFOR), War resisters’ International (WRI), Peace Pledge Union (PPU). Many peace advocates, before 1939, were divided between pacifism and ‘pacificism’. Pacifism relied on nonviolent resistance, ‘Pacificism’ favoured just war., La Historia de la Paz es el estudio de las ideas y los movimientos que construyeron la paz y denunciaron la guerra. Este artículo usa fuentes bibliográficas para demostrar que entre 1889-1939 se construyeron las raíces de un pacifismo de masas. Desde el arbitraje, el desarme y la diplomacia abierta, hasta la anticonscripción, el antimilitarismo y la objeción de conciencia. Después de la guerra, el pacifismo se reforzó a través de organizaciones de masas: Liga Internacional de Mujeres por la Paz y la Libertad (WILPF), Movimiento Internacional de Reconciliación (IFOR), Internacional de Resistentes contra la Guerra (WRI), Unión del Compromiso por la Paz (PPU). Muchos defensores de la paz, antes de 1939, se dividieron entre el pacifismo y el “pacificismo”. El pacifismo confió en la resistencia no violenta mientras el “pacificismo” se inclinó por la guerra justa

In 1901, Law 4031 established the Mandatory Military Service in Argentina. We tried to reconstruct the debates and different positions regarding this Law framed within the state’s Project of modernization that Argentine government had begun in the previous century.Socialists and anarchists critics published in two of its main press: La Vanguardia and La Protesta Humana. With similar arguments, both sectors shared the condemnation of the law and state militarism. Supporters and detractors of the Mandatory Military Service responded to a logic and language of modernity that found all its nuances in this debate. This article seeks to highlight them., En 1901 se sancionó en Argentina la Ley 4031 que establecía el Servicio Militar Obligatorio. Reconstruimos en este artículo los debates y las diferentes posturas que generó esta ley dentro de la propia clase dirigente y del ejército, ya que su sanción fue parte del proyecto de modernización estatal que el gobierno argentino comenzó en el siglo anterior. Esta ley ocasionó encendidas críticas de socialistas y anarquistas que fueron volcadas en La Vanguardia y La Protesta Humana, dos de sus principales órganos de prensa. Ambos sectores condenaron la Ley y el militarismo estatal con argumentos semejantes. Defensores y detractores del Servicio Militar Obligatorio respondieron a una lógica y a un lenguaje de la modernidad que encontró todos sus matices en este debate. El artículo busca ahondar en ellos y resaltarlos especialmente.

This research deals with anti-war thinking and the pacifist movement that has been brewing since the end of the 19th century, in the heat of the pre-war imperialist climate in Europe during the prolegomena of the Great War. And in the broad context of world conflagration (1914-45), about how Spanish women think war, live and act. These pages reflect the ideas and considerations of some of those women who reflected on the war and also the national and international organized activism of those who fought for peace, with a strategy that combined feminism, pacifism and antifascism. Some of these voices protagonistas are Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester…, Esta investigación aborda el pensamiento contra la guerra y el movimiento pacifista que se va gestando desde finales del siglo XIX, al calor del clima imperialista y prebélico que se respiraba en Europa en los prolegómenos de la Gran Guerra. Y en el contexto amplio de conflagración mundial (1914-45), se analiza cómo las mujeres españolas piensan la guerra, la viven y actúan. En estas páginas se recogen las ideas y consideraciones de algunas de esas mujeres que reflexionaron sobre la guerra y también el activismo organizado nacional e internacional de aquellas que lucharon por la paz, con una estrategia que aunó feminismo, pacifismo y antifascismo. Algunas de estas voces protagonistas son las de Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester…

The Spanish-Moroccan war represents a fairly broad topic in Spanish narrative literature whose origin coincides with the outbreak of the conflict, starting in the second half of the 19th century with Benito Pérez Galdós. Its critical and antimilitarist aspect was developed extensively by the left-wing elite of which Ramón J. Sender, José Díaz Fernández and Arturo Brea formed part. Years after the conflict was over, Francisco Umbral took up the topic again in his work El fulgor de África, where he criticises what he calls the national point of view, i. e., that in favour of colonialism. This article tries to explain the reasons that led the novelist to write this work sixty-eight years after the events and examines the peculiarities of his approach., La guerre d’Afrique représente dans la littérature narrative espagnole un thème suffisamment ample dont le début coïncide avec le conflit même, car Benito Pérez Galdós en sera l’initiateur dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Son aspect critique et antimilitariste a été largement développé par une élite de gauche à laquelle Ramón J. Sender, José Díaz Fernández et Arturo Barea appartenaient. Au terme du conflit, Francisco Umbral reprend le thème dans El fulgor de África, où il critique ce qu’il dénomme le point de vue national, c’est-à-dire, celui qui est favorable au colonialisme. Cet article tente d’expliquer les raisons qui ont amené le romancier à écrire cette oeuvre soixante-huit ans après les faits, de même que les particularités de son approche., La guerra de África representa en la narrativa española una temática bastante amplia cuyo comienzo coincide con el del propio conflicto, pues se inicia en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX con Benito Pérez Galdós. Su aspecto crítico y antimilitarista tuvo grandes desarrollos a manos de una elite izquierdista de la que formaban parte Ramón J. Sender, José Díaz Fernández y Arturo Barea. Terminado el conflicto, Francisco Umbral retoma el tema en El fulgor de África, donde critica lo que él llama el punto de vista nacional, es decir, el favorable al colonialismo. Este artículo intenta explicar los motivos que pudieron llevar al novelista a escribir la obra sesenta y ocho años después de los hechos, así como las peculiaridades de su enfoque.

The Spanish-Moroccan war represents a fairly broad topic in Spanish narrative literature whose origin coincides with the outbreak of the conflict, starting in the second half of the 19th century with Benito Pérez Galdós. Its critical and antimilitarist aspect was developed extensively by the left-wing elite of which Ramón J. Sender, José Díaz Fernández and Arturo Brea formed part. Years after the conflict was over, Francisco Umbral took up the topic again in his work El fulgor de África, where he criticises what he calls the national point of view, i. e., that in favour of colonialism. This article tries to explain the reasons that led the novelist to write this work sixty-eight years after the events and examines the peculiarities of his approach., La guerre d’Afrique représente dans la littérature narrative espagnole un thème suffisamment ample dont le début coïncide avec le conflit même, car Benito Pérez Galdós en sera l’initiateur dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Son aspect critique et antimilitariste a été largement développé par une élite de gauche à laquelle Ramón J. Sender, José Díaz Fernández et Arturo Barea appartenaient. Au terme du conflit, Francisco Umbral reprend le thème dans El fulgor de África, où il critique ce qu’il dénomme le point de vue national, c’est-à-dire, celui qui est favorable au colonialisme. Cet article tente d’expliquer les raisons qui ont amené le romancier à écrire cette oeuvre soixante-huit ans après les faits, de même que les particularités de son approche., La guerra de África representa en la narrativa española una temática bastante amplia cuyo comienzo coincide con el del propio conflicto, pues se inicia en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX con Benito Pérez Galdós. Su aspecto crítico y antimilitarista tuvo grandes desarrollos a manos de una elite izquierdista de la que formaban parte Ramón J. Sender, José Díaz Fernández y Arturo Barea. Terminado el conflicto, Francisco Umbral retoma el tema en El fulgor de África, donde critica lo que él llama el punto de vista nacional, es decir, el favorable al colonialismo. Este artículo intenta explicar los motivos que pudieron llevar al novelista a escribir la obra sesenta y ocho años después de los hechos, así como las peculiaridades de su enfoque.

The article -far of the thesis defended for the historiography- study the origins, trajectory and the ideological identities of the Republicans Militia, standing that this organization was not homogeny and that, persuing certain objectives shared for all its members, existed anothers in which is possible to detect differences, what is reflected in their discourses., El artículo, distanciándose de las tesis que la historiografía ha postulado sobre el tema, estudia los orígenes, la trayectoria y las identidades ideológicas de la Milicia Republicana planteando que esta no constituía una organización homogénea y que, junto con perseguir objetivos compartidos entre todos sus miembros, habían otros respecto de los cuales es posible detectar diferencias, lo cual se reflejaría en los discursos de la entidad.

The article -far of the thesis defended for the historiography- study the origins, trajectory and the ideological identities of the Republicans Militia, standing that this organization was not homogeny and that, persuing certain objectives shared for all its members, existed anothers in which is possible to detect differences, what is reflected in their discourses., El artículo, distanciándose de las tesis que la historiografía ha postulado sobre el tema, estudia los orígenes, la trayectoria y las identidades ideológicas de la Milicia Republicana planteando que esta no constituía una organización homogénea y que, junto con perseguir objetivos compartidos entre todos sus miembros, habían otros respecto de los cuales es posible detectar diferencias, lo cual se reflejaría en los discursos de la entidad.

The Great East Japan Earthquake's unique scope, and the actors involved in the ensuing disaster, has the potential to significantly affect four areas influencing Japan's Self Defense Force's (SDF) trajectory: security interests, economic interests, norms, and actors and institutions. Retrenchment, status quo, and remilitarization are all plausible outcomes for the SDF's trajectory. Understanding what the disaster changed in these four areas is critical to determining the most probable SDF trajectory. This thesis finds that the SDF is not likely to embark on a retrenchment or rapid remilitarization trajectory. Japan's security and economic interests have not fundamentally changed since the disaster, but economic trends in place prior to the disaster were aggravated and its security policy was validated. Japan's norms were the most fundamentally changed, as the SDF emerged from the disaster as the most trusted institution in Japan. Changes will be limited to the fringes of the status quo bordering remilitarization as numerous disincentives restrain the SDF from rapidly moving toward remilitarization. These changes will come about from a growing sense of economic and security pragmatism that results in engaging rather than containing the SDF. Improved civil-military relations, more public support for the SDF's expanding domestic and international roles, and increased deference to the SDF as a useful tool of the state will characterize this new status quo., The original document contains color images.

We are in an era in which old solutions grounded in the confidence of overwhelming military superiority must be rethought. We no longer have the luxury of relying on raw strength to the neglect of the brain. The military professional needs rejuvenation! We are not the only group so affected, though I do not claim to be expert in other fields. Clearly, the economic would is facing many challenges as well, and some very basic research and evaluation are called for there. In the diplomatic world, each day is less and less amenable to easy cataloging, demanding greater insight and professionalism on the part of the diplomatic corps. In short, my perception is that across the board there are urgent demands for professionals of every calling to return home, to dabble less, to give the most thoughtful and considered attention to their own responsibilities., Published in Parameters, v9 n2 p76-83, 1979.

Both Japan and Germany have presented security identities of domestic antimilitarism throughout their postwar political histories. Remnants of war memories made peoples of both nations strongly antipathetic to waging a war as a way of pursuing national security. They institutionalized such means as constitutions, laws, and civilian control of military means. Among several tenets of security identities, the most basic and core tenet was no use of force in foreign war. Up until the Cold War period, the bans remained intact. However, as changes in the security environment appeared along with the end of the Cold War, Japan and Germany relied on the circumstances to consider modifying their long-standing antimilitarist approaches to security policies. This thesis examines how Japan's and Germany's political parties contributed to developing new security identities of domestic antimilitarism under the changing security environment and foreign expectations. The main focus of this thesis is finding out the answers to how the political parties' role as representatives of the public, policy makers based on their inherent security policy stances, and competitors over the preferred policies exerted influence on the evolution of the Japan's and Germany's security identity of domestic antimilitarism. Both nations faced international criticism in the Gulf War due mainly to their failures to properly meet the new expectations of the international community. In consideration of lessons learned from the Gulf War, the Afghanistan war (Japan), and the Bosnian war (Germany) were the landmark tests for both nations of their abilities to rewrite security identities of no use of force in foreign war. In the end, the expected findings of the thesis are that the political parties' identical positions in view of national security and interactions on the political stages played critical roles in preventing profound changes in the previous security identities of domestic antimilitarism., http://archive.org/details/evolutionofsecur1094510426, Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.