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Debate within Australia regarding the bilateral relationship with China is complex, contentious and often lacks clarity. Informed by basic international relations theory, we identify two dividing lines within this debate. First, whether understanding China’s behaviour is most effectively done through a unitary actor framework, or whether it is essential to look inside the ‘black box’ of the Chinese party-state. Second, whether one is more concerned about the ‘Thucydides trap’ or ‘Munich’—that is, are the consequences of an overreaction or an underreaction more concerning when interpreting China’s intentions and responding to perceived threats. These dividing lines generate four ideal-type policy viewpoints that we label Balancers, Hedgers, Engagers and Reformers, and apply in the Australian context. We then overlay our framework onto the public debate in Australia, selecting a specific bounded case study: commentary and analysis concerning China’s behaviour throughout the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020, in particular responding to Australia’s call for an international inquiry. Our objective is to progress an often circular debate by offering an accessible frame that clarifies and synthesises fundamental disagreements.

Between 2016 and 2018, Australia's perceptions of China underwent a significant reality check, with global implications. Australia has been a first mover in pushing back against Chinese foreign interference, including via new foreign influence and interference laws. The recalibration of Australia-China relations, and the events and policy debate that proceeded it, is instructive for other countries seeking to respond to the more assertive and coercive elements of Chinese foreign policy. This article sets out the drivers of Australia's reality check, presents a chronology of key events, and examines how Canberra can now move relations with Beijing forward under the conditions of the new normal that has been established.

As China is Australia’s largest trading partner, much of Australia’s future economic success will rely on the next generation of leaders and policymakers having a deep understanding of China’s culture and its way of doing business. While not discounting the commercial value of higher education, this thesis focusses on Australian universities’ contribution to the public good, through the enduring value of international education as public diplomacy. My study and internship within the Australian Studies Centre (ASC) at Peking University coincided with the Abbott Government’s implementation of the New Colombo Plan (NCP) as a public diplomacy initiative. Given that there is little evidence of the efficacy of funded scholarships making a strong contribution to a nation’s soft power, I became curious as to why the government highlighted international education to increase its influence in China and the Indo-Pacific region more broadly. As education programs are long-term public diplomacy strategies, and Australian politics have been tumultuous with five prime ministers in five years, investigating the reasoning behind the continued political support for international education as public diplomacy provides an insight into Australia-China relations. This thesis investigates two key international education programs that were identified in the Australian Public Diplomacy Strategy 2014-2016; the NCP and the network of ASCs in China. A mixed method approach was undertaken to address the problem: Have Australian Government-funded international education programs resulted in a network of Sino-Australian opinion leaders who contribute to Australia’s public diplomacy efforts in China? Many nations, including Australia, provide funding support for international education programs as they are thought to build relationships and mutual understanding between the peoples of different nations, and thereby contribute to international goodwill and the cause of peace.1 Two theories from the, Thesis (PhD Doctorate), Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), School of Govt & Int Relations, Griffith Business School, Full Text

Full Text, Thesis (PhD Doctorate), Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), School of Govt & Int Relations, Griffith Business School, As China is Australia’s largest trading partner, much of Australia’s future economic success will rely on the next generation of leaders and policymakers having a deep understanding of China’s culture and its way of doing business. While not discounting the commercial value of higher education, this thesis focusses on Australian universities’ contribution to the public good, through the enduring value of international education as public diplomacy. My study and internship within the Australian Studies Centre (ASC) at Peking University coincided with the Abbott Government’s implementation of the New Colombo Plan (NCP) as a public diplomacy initiative. Given that there is little evidence of the efficacy of funded scholarships making a strong contribution to a nation’s soft power, I became curious as to why the government highlighted international education to increase its influence in China and the Indo-Pacific region more broadly. As education programs are long-term public diplomacy strategies, and Australian politics have been tumultuous with five prime ministers in five years, investigating the reasoning behind the continued political support for international education as public diplomacy provides an insight into Australia-China relations. This thesis investigates two key international education programs that were identified in the Australian Public Diplomacy Strategy 2014-2016; the NCP and the network of ASCs in China. A mixed method approach was undertaken to address the problem: Have Australian Government-funded international education programs resulted in a network of Sino-Australian opinion leaders who contribute to Australia’s public diplomacy efforts in China? Many nations, including Australia, provide funding support for international education programs as they are thought to build relationships and mutual understanding between the peoples of different nations, and thereby contribute to international goodwill and the cause of peace.1 Two theories from the

Primarily driven by the rise of China and the relative decline of the US, the basic pattern of geo-politics is undergoing substantial changes in the Asia-Pacific region. The emerging multipolarity not only will not remove the sources of the existing security challenges in the region but may arouse new uncertainties. This is one of the departure points for Australia-China interaction in the years ahead. My dissertation comprehensively examines the Australia-China relations from the angles of politics, security and economics in the fast changing world. The broad and central question this dissertation tries to answer is how Australia should respond sensitively and sensibly to a rising China: how Australia adjusts its China policy to maximize its national interests, especially economic and security interests; and to deal with the inevitable negative consequences either through its own hedging strategies or through strengthening ties with its allies, especially the US. The theoretical approach involves international relations theories such as realism, liberalism, middle power and China's new security concept which are used to analyze the political and security relations. International trade theories such as absolute advantages and comparative advantages, strategic trade policies, and national competitive advantages are used to analyze the bilateral economic relations. Bilateral political relations are not free of challenges due to differences of the two countries in many areas. Security relations have not been developed systematically and are still heavily affected by the US influence. Although the uncomplementary factors do exist and from time to time causes trade disputes, but overall, the complementary nature of the bilateral economic relations has benefited both countries. The study of the bilateral relations shows the two countries have a solid foundation for a friendly and cooperative partnership and a good relationship with China serves Australia's vital interests