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I know that my exploration of a topic as broad and multi-faceted as privilege is only a small beginning, but the attempt is necessary in order to make sense of the following chapters on encountering difference and solidarity. Linda L. Black, David A. Stone, Susan R. Hutchinson, and Elisabeth C. Suarez, co-authors of an article published by the American Counseling Association provide a multi-element definition of privilege:"Five core components provide the definition of this concept. First, privilege is a special advantage; it is neither common nor universal. Second, privilege is granted, not earned or brought into being by one's individual effort or talents. Third, privilege is a right or entitlement that is related to a preferred status or rank. Fourth, privilege is exercised for the benefit of the recipient and to the exclusion or detriment of others. Finally, a privileged status is often outside of the awareness of the person possessing it"

Research has shown many rural, working-class residents in North Carolina reported feeling disengaged from the political process. Many low-income residents in rural counties also hold perceptions of powerlessness to make changes in their communities. Participants in government are overwhelmingly wealthy and systems are designed to promote urban and ruling class interests. This paper analyzes the impacts of rural, relational community organizing by a non-profit, chapter-based group in two adjacent counties located in the Appalachian mountains of Western North Carolina. One 90-day improvement cycle was facilitated, and transformative, mixed-method data collection was used to measure the impact of education and experiences on working-class members. By reviewing current practices designed to increase civic agency and perceptions of power among rural, working-class members, this initiative highlights areas of success and analyzes the implications of strategies and actions. Results show members are reporting dramatic increases in feelings of empowerment and civic agency, and that current methods have proven to be effective. Recommendations for future research are suggested, as well as suggestions for policy and structure changes, such as increased member involvement in strategy, more intentionality and commitment to reaching diverse populations, and more standardization in educational offerings. Important considerations are discussed which may contribute to the success of member growth and differentiate these findings from similar or future studies.

"Politics in Muslim societies during the millennium after the death of Muhammad is too often depicted as shaped by strict religious norms and texts, and associated with reified concepts such as the caliphate. This supposition is complemented by the narrative that only after the impact of either the Mongolian imperial intervention in the 13th century or the Western colonial rule in the 19th century that secular political norms appeared in Muslim societies, a story that entrenches a 'clash of civilizations' divide for both Muslims and Westerners alike. Relying on primary sources, this book focuses on the specific instance of the Abbasid Empire (750-1258) to challenge this deep-seated assumption. Yucesoy demonstrates how pre-Mongol Muslim intellectual history presented visions of cosmopolitan and temporal political morality and government rationality that endured for centuries as a counterpoint to the notion of religious governance. The book makes a new sense of intellectual history through forward-looking, decolonial, and non-ulama-focused lenses that deconstruct and historicize the "Islamic" in the colonial-era label "Islamic political thought, and calls for a new historiography that appreciates the caliphate as an integral part of the global history of empires", Includes bibliographical references and index., Introduction: Critical Reflections on “Islamic Political Thought” -- 1. Caliphal Practice -- 2. The Language of Imamate -- 3. Political Prose Revolution -- 4. The Disruptive Language of Siyasa -- 5. Deconfessionalizing the Caliph -- 6. A Theory of Imperial Law -- 7. Territorial Consciousness -- 8. Reimagining the Believers as Imperial Subjects -- Conclusion: Releasing Siyasa from the Imamate -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index., Introduction: critical reflections on "Islamic political thought" -- Caliphal practice -- The language of Imamate -- Political prose revolution -- The disruptive language of Siyasa -- Deconfessionalizing the Caliph -- A theory of imperial law -- Territorial consciousness -- Reimagining the believers as imperial subjects -- Conclusion: Releasing Siyasa from the Imamate., "Politics in Muslim societies during the millennium after the death of Muhammad is too often depicted as shaped by strict religious norms and texts, and associated with reified concepts such as the caliphate. This supposition is complemented by the narrative that only after the impact of either the Mongolian imperial intervention in the 13th century or the Western colonial rule in the 19th century that secular political norms appeared in Muslim societies, a story that entrenches a 'clash of civilizations' divide for both Muslims and Westerners alike. Relying on primary sources, this book focuses on the specific instance of the Abbasid Empire (750-1258) to challenge this deep-seated assumption. Yucesoy demonstrates how pre-Mongol Muslim intellectual history presented visions of cosmopolitan and temporal political morality and government rationality that endured for centuries as a counterpoint to the notion of religious governance. The book makes a new sense of intellectual history through forward-looking, decolonial, and non-ulama-focused lenses that deconstruct and historicize the "Islamic" in the colonial-era label "Islamic political thought, and calls for a new historiography that appreciates the caliphate as an integral part of the global history of empires"

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Actress CATE BLANCHETT and director and screenwriter TODD FIELD. Their new movie Tar is nominated for six Oscars, including best actress for Blanchett, and best director and best screenwriter for Todd Field. Tar is also nominated for best picture. (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW). (2.) Book critic MAUREEN CORRIGAN reviews I Have Some Questions for You, the new novel by Rebecca Makkai (mah-KIE like sky).

This dissertation presents what have I have termed "structural cannibalism," a theoretical framework that examines embedded cannibalistic violence within human power structures. Structural cannibalism is identified through consumptive metaphors (e.g., legally defining and treating the enslaved as cattle) that function to both hide and uncover the unstable power dynamics of oppressor as cannibal and oppressed as cannibalized, as the oppressor consumes oppressed peoples to sustain and maintain their power. My study explores this framework through the litany of consumptive metaphors found in diverse 19th-century British and American texts: poetry, autobiographies, social problem novels, and the gothic from 1788-1861. Each chapter defines various aspects of structural cannibalism, exploring the ways that the oppressors/cannibals justified, denied, abused, and consumed the oppressed/cannibalized. Using this lens to explore the primary 19th-century power structures of slavery, capitalism, and the patriarchy, I demonstrate that the binaries of eater/eaten are not dichotomous, instead shifting and morphing as the oppressed resist and are transformed from eaten to eater, even if temporarily. For instance, women are typically presented as sexual objects to be consumed, yet they can also be the aggressive sexual consumers. Because the systems of race, gender, and class overlap, this analysis emphasizes how enmeshed and interconnected the structures of oppression are. Ultimately, structural cannibalism pervades all forms of power dynamics, beyond the confines of 19th-century texts and society, offering a more holistic analysis of various forms of oppression while uncovering resistance and equality.

Myriad are the factors that can lead to either high or low organizational performance. Variables that have shown in literature to impact company performance include power, conflict, trust and authority. This study’s aim is twofold: 1) explore the relationships between power, conflict, trust and authority and organizational performance, and 2) detect whether these variables are interrelated. In order to achieve our research objectives, we pursued a quantitative data methodology where a structured questionnaire was distributed on a random sample of 213 managers and employees in diverse organizations in Lebanon between May and June 2022. The study used correlational and multiple regression tests in order to test the aforementioned relationships. Whilst authority, power and trust affect performance consecutively from the most effective to the least, conflict has surprisingly shown no effect. Therefore, further research is required to unveil the nature of the relationship between conflict and performance and its consequences in Lebanon.

Why do some economically powerful states build and project military force while others do not? This dissertation argues that domestic institutions and economic interests influence why states project power to compete over resources or access to markets. It proposes that a state's level of interest compatibility with other powerful states determine when she projects power. The theory is tested using a large-N time series cross-sectional design as well as through case studies that analyze how states reacted to a set of exogenous environmental and technological shocks that exposed resources in the Arctic, the North Sea and the South China Sea. The findings have implications for rising powers in Asia, the political effects of climate change in the Arctic, and global energy security. The research design tackles the questions of when and why states project power through case studies that utilize environmental and technological shocks that exogenously expose maritime energy resources and large-N cross- sectional time series analysis. A combination of case studies and quantitative analysis represents the best way to uncover concepts that are difficult to operationalize, such as a state's foreign policy objectives. The quantitative analysis (Chapter 3) hones in on the question of when states build power projection capabilities and the case studies (Chapters 4-5) focus both on when and why states project power. In closing, this dissertation provides an explanation for when and why states project power. The primary contribution of the theory is that it allows us to make ex ante theoretical predictions regarding which states are most likely to project power and what types of objectives they are likely to project power to secure. The central finding is that state type and interest compatibility conditions whether states choose to convert economic power into power projection capabilities. This finding informs the debate over the relationship between economic and military power. Th

Why do some economically powerful states build and project military force while others do not? This dissertation argues that domestic institutions and economic interests influence why states project power to compete over resources or access to markets. It proposes that a state's level of interest compatibility with other powerful states determine when she projects power. The theory is tested using a large-N time series cross-sectional design as well as through case studies that analyze how states reacted to a set of exogenous environmental and technological shocks that exposed resources in the Arctic, the North Sea and the South China Sea. The findings have implications for rising powers in Asia, the political effects of climate change in the Arctic, and global energy security. The research design tackles the questions of when and why states project power through case studies that utilize environmental and technological shocks that exogenously expose maritime energy resources and large-N cross- sectional time series analysis. A combination of case studies and quantitative analysis represents the best way to uncover concepts that are difficult to operationalize, such as a state's foreign policy objectives. The quantitative analysis (Chapter 3) hones in on the question of when states build power projection capabilities and the case studies (Chapters 4-5) focus both on when and why states project power. In closing, this dissertation provides an explanation for when and why states project power. The primary contribution of the theory is that it allows us to make ex ante theoretical predictions regarding which states are most likely to project power and what types of objectives they are likely to project power to secure. The central finding is that state type and interest compatibility conditions whether states choose to convert economic power into power projection capabilities. This finding informs the debate over the relationship between economic and military power. Th

Liao, Xueting., Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013., Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-128)., Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., s also in Chinese., http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5884318, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

Liao, Xueting., Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013., Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-128)., Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., s also in Chinese., http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5884318, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

魏英杰., Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011., Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-196), Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., s in Chinese and English., Wei Yingjie., http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075393, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

As an organization of the powerless, H15 Concern Group has a good internal operating mechanism, and the core volunteers and residents make sacrifices and persist in advanced claims to good city. The pluri-class volunteers and multilevel networks from grassroots organization to international civil society concerned and devoted into this social movement, which made H15's struggling action showed positive and productive power. And this is the important reason that the power of powerless could be showed by the mass media and recognized by many people. H15 transformed from social movement organization to civil educational organization according to the changed situation. Although the efforts of H15 suffered a lot of failures, it became a very influential and powerful actor in the area of urban renewal and planning. The government also made efforts and improvements in the administration and ideas as a reaction of civil society's fights and appeals., Relational and processual are the natures of Power. This research combines two theoretic frameworks of 'processualism' and 'generative' to suggest that power is generative, i.e. to acquire power is a process in which power is keeping generative. With an ethnography of a social movement in urban renewal area in Hong Kong, the dissertation systematically illustrates the generation of the power of the powerless, what is the opportunities and constrains of the powerless, the social drama of the generating process, the mechanism of its organization and social networks, the effective and variable repertoire of collective action, different ways in which it generates, and the political ecology it., The power generating from bottom to top, which is the power of the powerless, coexist with the governmental power without force, show a "contending cooperation" pattern of political culture in the complicated urban political ecosystem. This public managing pattern not only gives an opportunity for the powerless to voice and act, but also helps the political governance of the municipal authorities nowadays., 夏循祥., Adviser: Chan Kin-Man., Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: ., Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011., Includes bibliographical references (p. 307-315)., Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., s in Chinese and English., Xia Xunxiang., isbn: 9781267099105, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

My objective with this dissertation was to show that the concept of cross-avenue politics is useful to understand the real balance of power between branches in presidential systems. While most studies look at the statutory avenue in isolation, the three papers in this dissertation are an attempt to show the significant effect of the interrelation of the different avenues available over the policy-making process. I have focused in particular on how weakening executive decree power affects statutory politics; and on how entrenching more policy in the constitution affects statutory (and decree) politics in Brazil and Colombia. My results suggest that these reactive assemblies are more powerful when looking at cross avenue politics, even in presidential systems which have usually been considered to have the most dominant presidents of the region. Further research is required to analyze how these interrelation plays with other mechanisms such as referendums, and how does this influence translate into policy outcomes

Tsui, Sing Yan Eric., Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008., Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-145)., s in English and Chinese., Chapter Chapter 1. --- Concern on State-Business Relations, Introduction: Political Debates on State-Business Relations, Theorietical Debates on State-Business Relations, Cipher State Models, Guardian State Models, Partisan State Models, Theories on Hong Kong´ةs Situation, Synarchy and Administrative Absorption, Boundary Politics and Bureaucratic Politics, Overview, Chapter Chapter 2. --- Power and Network, The Problem of Power, Dahl and his Critics, Power and Networks, "Power, Brokerage and Closure", Centrality and Power, Lessons from Social Capital Studies, Brokerage and Closure as Indicators of Power, Conclusions, Chapter Chapter 3. --- Methodology and Research Design, Concepts of the Study, Data Collection and Research Design, Executive Council as Decision Making Network, Measuring Social Linkages, "Measuring Brokerage, Closure and Power", Assessing the Business Community, Comparing State and Business Power, Chapter Chapter 4. --- Research Findings, The Network of Executive Councilors, The Network of HSIC firms, HSIC firms´ةs representative in Executive Council, Comparing the Power of the State and Prominent Business, Summary of Findings, Chapter Chapter 5. --- State-Business Relations from 1982 to 1988: On the Edge of Transformations, Findings in the Period, Events in the Period, The Problem of Political Future, Beijing-Business Relations, Localization of the Business Community, Impacts of the Events, Impacts from the role of Sovereigns, Impacts from Localization of the Business Sector, Summary, Chapter Chapter 6. --- State-Business Relations from 1989 to 1996: Transition and Transformations, Changes in British Policy, The Strengthening of Beijing-Business Alliance, The Pushing Effect of London´ةs Policies, The Pulling and Fragmenting Effect by Beijing, Chapter Chapter 7. --- State Business Relations from 1997 to 2005: From Fragmentation to Disarticulation, Business Invasion and the Decline of the State, Principal Official Accountability System: The Heffalump Trap, Analysis of Findings and Events, Business Sector: A Disunited and Incompetent Ally, Administrative Officers: The Ultimate Survivor, Chapter Chapter 8. --- Prospects: State-Business Relations in Post-Tung Hong Kong, Dominance of Administrative Officers, Transformations Expected in the Future, Weakening of Bureaucratic Networks, Increasing Public Demands, The Path Towards Democracy, Prepare for the Future, Expansion of Political Appointments, Business Sector and Electoral Politics, State-Business Relations after Political Reform, Chapter Chapter 9. --- Conclusions, Conclusion of the Findings, Significance of the Study, Limitations of the Study, Prospects of Political Network Studies, "Appendix 1. Sociograms of Executive Councilors,1982-2005", "Appendix 2. Flow Betweenness, Brokerage, Closure and Power Index Score of Executive Councilors,1982-2005", Appendix 3. Sociograms of Firms with their stocks listed as Hang Seng Index Component, "Appendix 4. Flow Betweenness, Brokerage, Closure and Prominence of HSIC firms", Appendix 5. Representatives of HSIC firms in Executive Council, Appendix 6. Prominent HSIC firms and their Representatives in Executive Council, "Appendix 7. Social Linkages between Executive Councilors,1982-2005", Appendix 8. List of directors in the boards of HSIC firms, http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896864, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

My objective with this dissertation was to show that the concept of cross-avenue politics is useful to understand the real balance of power between branches in presidential systems. While most studies look at the statutory avenue in isolation, the three papers in this dissertation are an attempt to show the significant effect of the interrelation of the different avenues available over the policy-making process. I have focused in particular on how weakening executive decree power affects statutory politics; and on how entrenching more policy in the constitution affects statutory (and decree) politics in Brazil and Colombia. My results suggest that these reactive assemblies are more powerful when looking at cross avenue politics, even in presidential systems which have usually been considered to have the most dominant presidents of the region. Further research is required to analyze how these interrelation plays with other mechanisms such as referendums, and how does this influence translate into policy outcomes

劉欣., 呈交日期: 2004年11月., 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005., 參考文獻 (p. 144-152)., Cheng jiao ri qi: 2004 nian 11 yue., Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., Mode of access: World Wide Web., s also in English., Liu Xin., Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005., Can kao wen xian (p. 144-152)., http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073893, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

Lau Chui-shan., Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001., Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-122)., s in English and Chinese., p.i-iii, Acknowledgements --- p.iv, Table of Contents --- p.v, List of Illustrations --- p.vi, Notes on Romanization --- p.vii, Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1, Chapter 1.1 --- Reviews of Existing Literature, Chapter 1.2 --- Review of Materials used for this research topic, Chapter 1.3 --- Organization of the thesis, Chapter 2. --- Power Structure of the Old Market Town: The Build Up of Lineage Power- --- p.18, Chapter 2.1 --- The Development of the Tang Lineage in the Yuen Long Area, Chapter 2.2 --- The Establishment of Yuen Long Market Town, Chapter 2.3 --- Sphere of Influence, Chapter 2.4 --- The Operational Period of the Old Yuen Long Market Town, Chapter 2.5 --- Conclusion, Chapter 3. --- Imposition of an Alien Administration --- p.36, Chapter 3.1 --- The Early Period of British Leased New Territories, Chapter 3.2 --- The Opposition from the Local Powers of the New Territories, Chapter 3.3 --- The Administrative Policy of the British Hong Kong Government in the New Territories, Chapter 3.4 --- Conclusion, Chapter 4. --- Emergence of the New Market Town --- p.58, Chapter 4.1 --- The Formation of a New Alliance, Chapter 4.2 --- The Establishment and Development of the New Yuen Long Market Town, Chapter 4.3 --- The Function of the Hop Yik Company, Chapter 5. --- Adjustments in Town Management --- p.78, Chapter 5.1 --- The Improvement in Transportation and Communication and its influence on the area, Chapter 5.2 --- The Development of Hop Yik Company, Chapter 5.3 --- The Establishment of Heung Yee Kuk, Chapter 6. --- Religion as Control --- p.91, Chapter 6.1 --- The Building of Market Temple, Chapter 6.2 --- Tai Ping Qing Jiao, Chapter 6.3 --- The Changing ritual organizer in Yuen Long, Chapter 7. --- Conclusion: Redefining a Village Community --- p.101, Appendices --- p.108, Alphabetical Glossary --- p.113, Bibliography --- p.115, http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5890800, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

Lau Chui-shan., Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001., Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-122)., s in English and Chinese., p.i-iii, Acknowledgements --- p.iv, Table of Contents --- p.v, List of Illustrations --- p.vi, Notes on Romanization --- p.vii, Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1, Chapter 1.1 --- Reviews of Existing Literature, Chapter 1.2 --- Review of Materials used for this research topic, Chapter 1.3 --- Organization of the thesis, Chapter 2. --- Power Structure of the Old Market Town: The Build Up of Lineage Power- --- p.18, Chapter 2.1 --- The Development of the Tang Lineage in the Yuen Long Area, Chapter 2.2 --- The Establishment of Yuen Long Market Town, Chapter 2.3 --- Sphere of Influence, Chapter 2.4 --- The Operational Period of the Old Yuen Long Market Town, Chapter 2.5 --- Conclusion, Chapter 3. --- Imposition of an Alien Administration --- p.36, Chapter 3.1 --- The Early Period of British Leased New Territories, Chapter 3.2 --- The Opposition from the Local Powers of the New Territories, Chapter 3.3 --- The Administrative Policy of the British Hong Kong Government in the New Territories, Chapter 3.4 --- Conclusion, Chapter 4. --- Emergence of the New Market Town --- p.58, Chapter 4.1 --- The Formation of a New Alliance, Chapter 4.2 --- The Establishment and Development of the New Yuen Long Market Town, Chapter 4.3 --- The Function of the Hop Yik Company, Chapter 5. --- Adjustments in Town Management --- p.78, Chapter 5.1 --- The Improvement in Transportation and Communication and its influence on the area, Chapter 5.2 --- The Development of Hop Yik Company, Chapter 5.3 --- The Establishment of Heung Yee Kuk, Chapter 6. --- Religion as Control --- p.91, Chapter 6.1 --- The Building of Market Temple, Chapter 6.2 --- Tai Ping Qing Jiao, Chapter 6.3 --- The Changing ritual organizer in Yuen Long, Chapter 7. --- Conclusion: Redefining a Village Community --- p.101, Appendices --- p.108, Alphabetical Glossary --- p.113, Bibliography --- p.115, http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5890800, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

Sectarianism has long been the main form of identity in Lebanon, with allegiance to the sect more prominent than allegiance to the state. However, in recent years, Lebanon has been witnessing the emergence of alternative identities contesting the dominant sectarian identity, namely by LGBTQ and feminist groups. In addition to their work as part of civil society advocating for women’s and gay rights, the October 2019 revolution was an opportunity for LGBTQ and feminist activists to move themselves and their voices from the margins to center stage. This thesis aims to highlight the emergence and mobilization of these groups to identify which strategies work best to mobilize and politicize alternative identities at the expense of the dominant sectarian ones. An analysis of interviews with LGBTQ and feminist activists alongside the existing literature explains how anti- or cross-sectarian minority groups were able to emerge in spite of the sectarian system’s complex ensemble of discursive, institutional and political economic practices obviating the emergence of such alternative identities. The thesis also compares the utility of different strategies deployed by examining the activism of groups advocating for LGBTQ and feminist rights in Lebanon before and during the outbreak of the October 2019 revolution.

Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, children around the world have been exposed to increased rates of trauma in various forms. In response to this trauma, teachers and caregivers have been desperately trying to find ways to care for and empower children during this time. This study examined the role that service learning could play in student empowerment in response to trauma. The goal of this action research project was to understand how the events of 2020 and early 2021 impacted students and to determine the role service learning might play in empowering them. The teacher researcher implemented student directed, project based service learning in her classroom focusing on issues that students identified as pressing to them. Student interviews, journals, focus groups, and field notes served as data for this qualitative study. In response to the data that was gathered, the teacher researcher concluded that, while more research needed to be done, service learning could be a source of empowerment for students experiencing trauma. The service learning experience helped students to develop their voice, values, and confidence as they learned the roles they could play in making positive change for their communities.

蔡囯萱., 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院社會學學部, 1997., 參考文獻: leaves 77-79., 中英文摘要., Cai Guoxuan., 序言 --- p.2, Chapter 第一章 --- 改革与国家行政权力分散化 ´ؤ´ؤ现阶段分层秩序变化的社会经济背景 --- p.10, Chapter 第一节 --- 制度的变迁 --- p.11, Chapter 第二节 --- 社会的分化 --- p.17, Chapter 第三节 --- 国家主导市场的社会 --- p.22, Chapter 第二章 --- 理论的回顾与研究的主题, Chapter 第一节 --- 权力：社会主义社会分层的核心 --- p.29, Chapter 第二节 --- 社会主义改革：权力支配类型分解 --- p.31, Chapter 第三节 --- 过渡时期的分层秩序 --- p.37, Chapter 第三章 --- 职业框架内的地位评价, Chapter 第一节 --- 职业参数的选择 --- p.43, Chapter 第二节 --- 职业的地位等级 --- p.47, Chapter 第四章 --- 行业框架内的地位评价, Chapter 第一节 --- 行业参数的选择 --- p.61, Chapter 第二节 --- 行业的地位等级 --- p.64, Chapter 第五章 --- 结束语 --- p.74, Chapter 附： --- 参考文献, 问卷, 鸣谢, http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896290, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

'Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Joint Women's Studies Programme...', Includes abstract.

'Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Joint Women's Studies Programme...', Includes abstract.

The tragic photo of Alan Kurdi ignited protests of solidarity and compassion across the Western world in support of refugees. In New Zealand, refugee advocates and media commentators urged the government to increase the refugee quota and welcome in more refugees. Although discourses of solidarity and welcome stem from humanitarian concern, they also risk encouraging a regime of compassion and charity that speaks more about ourselves and how we feel. Refugees are framed as objects of ‘our’ moral responsibility, stereotyped as helpless vulnerable victims without agency. These discourses consequently produce a generic type of refugee – an imagining of ‘refugeeness’ – that consigns individuals to an anonymous presence, silenced and marginalised by the very act of solidarity and protest that is performed on their behalf. Situated within a post-development and post-humanitarianism paradigm, and an actor-oriented approach to discourse and agency, this research aims to explore refugee representation and discourses of solidarity and welcome in the New Zealand mainstream media, and how people from refugee backgrounds experience and contest dominant discourses of ‘refugeeness’. Using critical discourse analysis, this research critically examines the discursive constructions of refugees and solidarity in the New Zealand mainstream news media, and the power dynamics involved in the production of discourse. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews with refugee advocates and former refugees are employed to create spaces for participants to share their stories and experiences, enabling voices to be heard, misconceptions to be challenged, and new meanings to be constructed. The emergence of themes in this research highlight the relationship between discourses of solidarity, humanitarianism, and imaginings of New Zealand national identity. Within these discourses, refugees are stereotyped in a particular way that calls on the New Zealand public to respond. However, as the title of this t

This thesis is about children, power and empowerment. It seeks to both understand and measure power and empowerment from the perspectives of poor urban children living in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Children have been largely overlooked in development studies literature and although empowerment and measurement have been mainstreamed into development practice, children’s perspectives on these two essentially contested concepts are marginal. This thesis contributes to existing understandings of children’s power and empowerment, with a specific focus on poor urban children living in Dhaka. To do this, this thesis draws on two competing research paradigms, those of interpretivism and positivism respectively. I show how these two research paradigms can be brought together into a single mixed methods methodology when employed to answer distinct, but related research questions. This enabled me to use a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods and analytical strategies: task-based visual methods employed in a creative art and storytelling workshop; a qualitative thematic analysis; indicator construction; a survey and a descriptive statistical analysis. Bringing together these two competing research paradigms allows for the in-depth, contextual knowledge that qualitative research uncovers, with the ability to use this knowledge as a basis for measurement. In this thesis, I draw on empirical evidence uncovered through my research methods and insights from post-structuralism, development sociology and the literature on the relationality of childhood to argue that power can be viewed as boundaries to action. Boundaries of power exist as social structures that demarcate fields of action, possibility and imagination and are not resources that any actor has or uses but instead exist as boundaries which constrain all actors. I explore five boundaries of power that were highlighted by my research participants: personal relationships with family and friends; access to material and

Lebanese immigrant literature in the North American cities have always dealt with the concerns and the challenges of the Arab and the Lebanese immigrants in the west. Rawi Hage, a Lebanese-Canadian novelist, tackled the themes of power and identity in two of his novels, Cockroach (2008) and Carnival (2012), the core of this study. The analysis of both literary texts comes from the perspective of how the identity of migrants is being constructed in multicultural communities that are built in many cases on the policies practiced by a dominant culture. The method used to examine these texts is literary analysis that focuses on finding images from both novels to support the social theory that revolves around the dynamics of identity construction within multicultural communities.

This thesis is a case study of Yulia Tymoshenko, who was twice prime minister of Ukraine in 2005 and from 2007-2010 yet failed to achieve the position of president in 2010. Due to her political achievements and her inability to reach the highest position of power in Ukraine, Tymoshenko presents an interesting case study. I begin with Nirmal Puwar’s (2004) discussion of women politicians as "space invaders" and analyze how societal understandings of gender intertwine with assumptions about spatial barriers. By analyzing Tymoshenko's biographical information, including her personal details and political background as well as media representations of Tymoshenko in the English-language press, I seek to understand the gendered aspects of Tymoshenko's political career and how gender has affected her access to the prime ministership and the presidency. The conclusions offer insight into strategies women leaders use to access positions of leadership, while also performing their gender normativity.

This thesis is a case study of Yulia Tymoshenko, who was twice prime minister of Ukraine in 2005 and from 2007-2010 yet failed to achieve the position of president in 2010. Due to her political achievements and her inability to reach the highest position of power in Ukraine, Tymoshenko presents an interesting case study. I begin with Nirmal Puwar’s (2004) discussion of women politicians as "space invaders" and analyze how societal understandings of gender intertwine with assumptions about spatial barriers. By analyzing Tymoshenko's biographical information, including her personal details and political background as well as media representations of Tymoshenko in the English-language press, I seek to understand the gendered aspects of Tymoshenko's political career and how gender has affected her access to the prime ministership and the presidency. The conclusions offer insight into strategies women leaders use to access positions of leadership, while also performing their gender normativity.

This thesis is a case study of Yulia Tymoshenko, who was twice prime minister of Ukraine in 2005 and from 2007-2010 yet failed to achieve the position of president in 2010. Due to her political achievements and her inability to reach the highest position of power in Ukraine, Tymoshenko presents an interesting case study. I begin with Nirmal Puwar’s (2004) discussion of women politicians as "space invaders" and analyze how societal understandings of gender intertwine with assumptions about spatial barriers. By analyzing Tymoshenko's biographical information, including her personal details and political background as well as media representations of Tymoshenko in the English-language press, I seek to understand the gendered aspects of Tymoshenko's political career and how gender has affected her access to the prime ministership and the presidency. The conclusions offer insight into strategies women leaders use to access positions of leadership, while also performing their gender normativity.

This thesis is a case study of Yulia Tymoshenko, who was twice prime minister of Ukraine in 2005 and from 2007-2010 yet failed to achieve the position of president in 2010. Due to her political achievements and her inability to reach the highest position of power in Ukraine, Tymoshenko presents an interesting case study. I begin with Nirmal Puwar’s (2004) discussion of women politicians as "space invaders" and analyze how societal understandings of gender intertwine with assumptions about spatial barriers. By analyzing Tymoshenko's biographical information, including her personal details and political background as well as media representations of Tymoshenko in the English-language press, I seek to understand the gendered aspects of Tymoshenko's political career and how gender has affected her access to the prime ministership and the presidency. The conclusions offer insight into strategies women leaders use to access positions of leadership, while also performing their gender normativity.

This thesis is a case study of Yulia Tymoshenko, who was twice prime minister of Ukraine in 2005 and from 2007-2010 yet failed to achieve the position of president in 2010. Due to her political achievements and her inability to reach the highest position of power in Ukraine, Tymoshenko presents an interesting case study. I begin with Nirmal Puwar’s (2004) discussion of women politicians as "space invaders" and analyze how societal understandings of gender intertwine with assumptions about spatial barriers. By analyzing Tymoshenko's biographical information, including her personal details and political background as well as media representations of Tymoshenko in the English-language press, I seek to understand the gendered aspects of Tymoshenko's political career and how gender has affected her access to the prime ministership and the presidency. The conclusions offer insight into strategies women leaders use to access positions of leadership, while also performing their gender normativity.