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Rather than starting with physical form as "state"- centered theories do, a more useful theoretical model should begin with the content of political units. Specifically, this model should examine a crucial element of the content of a political unit, the "source of transcendent credibility," and analyze the effects this has on the physical form of political units in a given system. Hence, this dissertation hypothesizes that the boundaries between political units in a given system will be relatively more distinctive as the number of sources of transcendent credibility within that system increases. A source of transcendent credibility is an unseen (transcendent) force that a critical mass of the population in a territory believes to be acting on behalf of and in favor of the "faithful." To more efficiently and effectively generate compliance from the people, a ruler will link his own credibility to this inherently credible source. Competing sources of transcendent credibility within a system increase the perceived threat to the ruler's source of efficient compliance generation. The cost-effectiveness of this means of generating compliance creates large incentives for the investment of resources to protect the source's efficacy. One potential threat arises from the fact that an international rival can improve its' bargaining power vis-à-vis a ruler by undermining the ruler's source of transcendent credibility, provided the two rivals rely on different sources of transcendent credibility. Second-tier variables, geopolitics and military capabilities, can exacerbate the perceived threat from an international rival that depends on a different source of transcendent credibility. The dissertation tests this hypothesis using case studies that vary in both time and space: the unification of northern and southern China under the Sui and T'ang, the eighth century rivalry between China and Tibet, the rise of the Shiite Safavid Empire alongside the Sunni Ottoman Empire in the sixte

The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development.In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology.The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is r

Participation in development claims to have a transformative potential. Does it really live up to such claim? To answer such question we must look at how change occurs in spaces where citizen participation is encouraged. This paper studies the case of participatory budgeting at local level in Ayacucho, Peru. Through this case the author assesses whether and how political capabilities of citizens are enhanced, as well as the change in dynamics of power relations that occur in regularized and invited citizen participation spaces.

In Study 1, a taxonomy of SCI is developed based on three main types of SCI that are defined and measured in this study. Supply chain performance, operational performance and financial performance of the firms within the supply chain are investigated across five types of SCI patterns identified in the taxonomy. Study 1 also examines the factors influencing SCI pattern, such as competitive hostility, company size, and industry, among others. In Study 2, the impact of relationship commitment on SCI is investigated. We investigate two types of relationship commitment and their impact on integration and performance from both supplier and customer sides. In Study 3, five types of power used by suppliers or customers and their impacts on manufacturers' two types of relationship commitment, SCI, and supply chain performance are examined., Keywords. Supply Chain Integration, Performance, Relationship Commitment, Power, China, Supply chain integration (SCI) has received increasing attention from academic researchers and practitioners in recent years. However, our knowledge of what influences SCI, and how SCI influences the performance of supply chains and companies within the supply chains, is still very limited. This research is an effort to remedy that deficiency by empirically examining power, relationship commitment, and their impact on SCI and performance based on the data collected from 617 manufacturing companies in China. This dissertation consists of three studies., Theoretically, this research contributes to transaction cost theory, social exchange theory and power-relationship commitment theory. It extends RCM research and relationship marketing research from traditional dyadic relationships in two-level supply chains to triadic relationships in three-level supply chains. The managerial implications and guidelines developed from this study will help the companies enhance their global competitiveness by developing and managing relationships with their trading partners to achieve the more effective integration of the internal and external processes within the supply chain., Huo, Baofeng., "August 2007.", Adviser: Xiande Zhao., Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0667., Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007., Includes bibliographical references (p. 243-261)., Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest dissertations and theses, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., in English and Chinese., School code: 1307., isbn: 9780549483793, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

Rather than starting with physical form as "state"- centered theories do, a more useful theoretical model should begin with the content of political units. Specifically, this model should examine a crucial element of the content of a political unit, the "source of transcendent credibility," and analyze the effects this has on the physical form of political units in a given system. Hence, this dissertation hypothesizes that the boundaries between political units in a given system will be relatively more distinctive as the number of sources of transcendent credibility within that system increases. A source of transcendent credibility is an unseen (transcendent) force that a critical mass of the population in a territory believes to be acting on behalf of and in favor of the "faithful." To more efficiently and effectively generate compliance from the people, a ruler will link his own credibility to this inherently credible source. Competing sources of transcendent credibility within a system increase the perceived threat to the ruler's source of efficient compliance generation. The cost-effectiveness of this means of generating compliance creates large incentives for the investment of resources to protect the source's efficacy. One potential threat arises from the fact that an international rival can improve its' bargaining power vis-à-vis a ruler by undermining the ruler's source of transcendent credibility, provided the two rivals rely on different sources of transcendent credibility. Second-tier variables, geopolitics and military capabilities, can exacerbate the perceived threat from an international rival that depends on a different source of transcendent credibility. The dissertation tests this hypothesis using case studies that vary in both time and space: the unification of northern and southern China under the Sui and T'ang, the eighth century rivalry between China and Tibet, the rise of the Shiite Safavid Empire alongside the Sunni Ottoman Empire in the sixte

In Study 1, a taxonomy of SCI is developed based on three main types of SCI that are defined and measured in this study. Supply chain performance, operational performance and financial performance of the firms within the supply chain are investigated across five types of SCI patterns identified in the taxonomy. Study 1 also examines the factors influencing SCI pattern, such as competitive hostility, company size, and industry, among others. In Study 2, the impact of relationship commitment on SCI is investigated. We investigate two types of relationship commitment and their impact on integration and performance from both supplier and customer sides. In Study 3, five types of power used by suppliers or customers and their impacts on manufacturers' two types of relationship commitment, SCI, and supply chain performance are examined., Keywords. Supply Chain Integration, Performance, Relationship Commitment, Power, China, Supply chain integration (SCI) has received increasing attention from academic researchers and practitioners in recent years. However, our knowledge of what influences SCI, and how SCI influences the performance of supply chains and companies within the supply chains, is still very limited. This research is an effort to remedy that deficiency by empirically examining power, relationship commitment, and their impact on SCI and performance based on the data collected from 617 manufacturing companies in China. This dissertation consists of three studies., Theoretically, this research contributes to transaction cost theory, social exchange theory and power-relationship commitment theory. It extends RCM research and relationship marketing research from traditional dyadic relationships in two-level supply chains to triadic relationships in three-level supply chains. The managerial implications and guidelines developed from this study will help the companies enhance their global competitiveness by developing and managing relationships with their trading partners to achieve the more effective integration of the internal and external processes within the supply chain., Huo, Baofeng., "August 2007.", Adviser: Xiande Zhao., Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0667., Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007., Includes bibliographical references (p. 243-261)., Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest dissertations and theses, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., in English and Chinese., School code: 1307., isbn: 9780549483793, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

Postprint (author's final draft)

Summary: “Building Cosmopolitical Solidarity from the Antigone.” takes an in-depth look at how the Antigone by Sophocles has been used by social movements and social/politically concerned playwrights, theorists and activists as either a tool for discursive and performative resistance, or as a way to reinforce status-quo state rule since at least the Enlightenment to present day. I argue that Sophocles’ characters Creon and Antigone are not ideal images for social movements who seek a cosmopolitical democracy. Rather it is to Sophocles’ Chorus and the Watchman that we must turn when proposing democratic cosmopolitanism. Thus, a new communication approach is proposed: a choral dialogue driven by pragmatic logic and employing an aesthetic, often comedic, improvisational experience. Further, this work strives to unite theories from social science, social movement theory, rhetoric, philosophy and theatre. Its aim is to offer practical tools for social movements who wish to gain international, cosmopolitical, stature and to encourage a progressive democratic space. Core study groups include the Project for a New American Century, Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping, ACT-UP, and the Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army., 2007, Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters, Degree granted: Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2007., Collection: FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

There are three exhaustive and mutually exclusive models that characterize legislatures: the government (or majority party) dominated, the consensual, and the chaotic model. Each model provides a different answer to the following question: does the government control the policymaking process in national legislatures? These three models are implicit in the political science literature but are rarely made explicit. In government dominated legislatures the governing party monopolizes lawmaking. In consensual legislatures policy outcomes are the result of bargaining and compromise between the legislative majority (or government) and parties in the opposition. In chaotic legislatures, no party has the ability to bring order to the process. When the government alone has "blocking power" (typically through control of the plenary agenda), I view the legislature as government or majority party dominated. Government or majority monopolization of the agenda is referred to as the cartel agenda model by Cox and McCubbins (1991, 2005). If, however, blocking power is shared by government and opposition parties, I will show that consensus results. When blocking powers are absent, a disciplined majority party will still be able to dominate law making; thus, I will show that discipline can substitute blocking power (and vice-versa). By contrast, when blocking power and discipline are both absent, chaos reigns. My goal is to formulate explicit models for each of these three legislative models, derive testable predictions from each, with emphasis on predictions about legislative output that differentiates each model. I will then analyze large data sets on legislative voting for several countries in order to discriminate among those three models in each case. I emphasize three major empirical findings. First, legislative data from most contemporary democratic legislatures is consistent with the government or majority party dominated model - even data from legislative assemblies that are

There are three exhaustive and mutually exclusive models that characterize legislatures: the government (or majority party) dominated, the consensual, and the chaotic model. Each model provides a different answer to the following question: does the government control the policymaking process in national legislatures? These three models are implicit in the political science literature but are rarely made explicit. In government dominated legislatures the governing party monopolizes lawmaking. In consensual legislatures policy outcomes are the result of bargaining and compromise between the legislative majority (or government) and parties in the opposition. In chaotic legislatures, no party has the ability to bring order to the process. When the government alone has "blocking power" (typically through control of the plenary agenda), I view the legislature as government or majority party dominated. Government or majority monopolization of the agenda is referred to as the cartel agenda model by Cox and McCubbins (1991, 2005). If, however, blocking power is shared by government and opposition parties, I will show that consensus results. When blocking powers are absent, a disciplined majority party will still be able to dominate law making; thus, I will show that discipline can substitute blocking power (and vice-versa). By contrast, when blocking power and discipline are both absent, chaos reigns. My goal is to formulate explicit models for each of these three legislative models, derive testable predictions from each, with emphasis on predictions about legislative output that differentiates each model. I will then analyze large data sets on legislative voting for several countries in order to discriminate among those three models in each case. I emphasize three major empirical findings. First, legislative data from most contemporary democratic legislatures is consistent with the government or majority party dominated model - even data from legislative assemblies that are

This thesis stems from my own experience as an advocate for peace as well as a victim during the recent civil conflict that shocked Solomon Islands from 1998 to 2003. I had the opportunity to live and work under a leadership in crisis situation where law and order was absent, the economy collapsed and people and leaders were confused. Amidst the confusion, women took an active role in confronting the situation at its peak, a week after the 5th June 2000 coup, visiting the militants' camps around Honiara, helping victims of the conflict and voicing their concerns to leaders. This thesis is about gender and leadership. Many Solomon Islanders including myself are searching for solutions to ensure that history does not repeat itself and produce further discord. In doing so, finding new leadership models that would engage both genders and different leadership institutions working in partnership with each other at all levels is necessary. This thesis examines the presence and absence of women in three separate leadership spheres: the 'Are'Are society, the South Sea Evangelical Church and Parliamentary leadership. The three objectives are, to examine to what extent women exercise leadership in the three leadership spheres, to study the factors that contribute to women's limited access to formal leadership and to examine whether it is possible for women to make a difference if they are involved in the different leadership positions. The questions asked are: whether the roles women perform in both the private and public spheres and the formal and informal structures are leadership roles? Should their roles warrant them leadership positions within these three leadership spheres? Should their roles accord them the title "leader"? Are women satisfied with their current roles and position within the three leadership spheres? The research framework was based on my personal position as a knowledgeable insider. The methodologies used include focus group interviews, participant obse

This thesis stems from my own experience as an advocate for peace as well as a victim during the recent civil conflict that shocked Solomon Islands from 1998 to 2003. I had the opportunity to live and work under a leadership in crisis situation where law and order was absent, the economy collapsed and people and leaders were confused. Amidst the confusion, women took an active role in confronting the situation at its peak, a week after the 5th June 2000 coup, visiting the militants' camps around Honiara, helping victims of the conflict and voicing their concerns to leaders. This thesis is about gender and leadership. Many Solomon Islanders including myself are searching for solutions to ensure that history does not repeat itself and produce further discord. In doing so, finding new leadership models that would engage both genders and different leadership institutions working in partnership with each other at all levels is necessary. This thesis examines the presence and absence of women in three separate leadership spheres: the 'Are'Are society, the South Sea Evangelical Church and Parliamentary leadership. The three objectives are, to examine to what extent women exercise leadership in the three leadership spheres, to study the factors that contribute to women's limited access to formal leadership and to examine whether it is possible for women to make a difference if they are involved in the different leadership positions. The questions asked are: whether the roles women perform in both the private and public spheres and the formal and informal structures are leadership roles? Should their roles warrant them leadership positions within these three leadership spheres? Should their roles accord them the title "leader"? Are women satisfied with their current roles and position within the three leadership spheres? The research framework was based on my personal position as a knowledgeable insider. The methodologies used include focus group interviews, participant obse

This thesis stems from my own experience as an advocate for peace as well as a victim during the recent civil conflict that shocked Solomon Islands from 1998 to 2003. I had the opportunity to live and work under a leadership in crisis situation where law and order was absent, the economy collapsed and people and leaders were confused. Amidst the confusion, women took an active role in confronting the situation at its peak, a week after the 5th June 2000 coup, visiting the militants' camps around Honiara, helping victims of the conflict and voicing their concerns to leaders. This thesis is about gender and leadership. Many Solomon Islanders including myself are searching for solutions to ensure that history does not repeat itself and produce further discord. In doing so, finding new leadership models that would engage both genders and different leadership institutions working in partnership with each other at all levels is necessary. This thesis examines the presence and absence of women in three separate leadership spheres: the 'Are'Are society, the South Sea Evangelical Church and Parliamentary leadership. The three objectives are, to examine to what extent women exercise leadership in the three leadership spheres, to study the factors that contribute to women's limited access to formal leadership and to examine whether it is possible for women to make a difference if they are involved in the different leadership positions. The questions asked are: whether the roles women perform in both the private and public spheres and the formal and informal structures are leadership roles? Should their roles warrant them leadership positions within these three leadership spheres? Should their roles accord them the title "leader"? Are women satisfied with their current roles and position within the three leadership spheres? The research framework was based on my personal position as a knowledgeable insider. The methodologies used include focus group interviews, participant obse

This thesis stems from my own experience as an advocate for peace as well as a victim during the recent civil conflict that shocked Solomon Islands from 1998 to 2003. I had the opportunity to live and work under a leadership in crisis situation where law and order was absent, the economy collapsed and people and leaders were confused. Amidst the confusion, women took an active role in confronting the situation at its peak, a week after the 5th June 2000 coup, visiting the militants' camps around Honiara, helping victims of the conflict and voicing their concerns to leaders. This thesis is about gender and leadership. Many Solomon Islanders including myself are searching for solutions to ensure that history does not repeat itself and produce further discord. In doing so, finding new leadership models that would engage both genders and different leadership institutions working in partnership with each other at all levels is necessary. This thesis examines the presence and absence of women in three separate leadership spheres: the 'Are'Are society, the South Sea Evangelical Church and Parliamentary leadership. The three objectives are, to examine to what extent women exercise leadership in the three leadership spheres, to study the factors that contribute to women's limited access to formal leadership and to examine whether it is possible for women to make a difference if they are involved in the different leadership positions. The questions asked are: whether the roles women perform in both the private and public spheres and the formal and informal structures are leadership roles? Should their roles warrant them leadership positions within these three leadership spheres? Should their roles accord them the title "leader"? Are women satisfied with their current roles and position within the three leadership spheres? The research framework was based on my personal position as a knowledgeable insider. The methodologies used include focus group interviews, participant obse

Summary: This study uses Foucault's (1979, 1983, 1995) theoretical work as a guide in examining relation of power and resistance within the unique context of street-level bureaucracies (Lipsky, 1980). It explores relationships by asking how employees and managers are objectified within street level organizations, if there are any similarities in objectifications across organizations providing different government services, and how these objectifications intersect within relations of power and resistance. As an artifact of the relations of power between street-level bureaucrats and managers, ten purposively selected collectively bargained contract documents from public organizations in Florida are analyzed in this research. Ethnographic Content Analysis (Altheide, 1996) was used to study the collective bargaining agreements selected, with phrases from the documents serving as the unit of analysis. Using Foucault's (1979, 1983a, 1995) descriptions of techniques of power as a guide, four specific protocol matrices were developed, tested and then used to collect and code phrases as illustrative of one or more techniques of power. The results of the analysis are first summarized using displays and matrices. Then, rich illustrations from the data is are discussed in detail, using Foucault's categories of normalization, individualization, panopticism and pastoralism as a framework for presentation. Results of this research demonstrate that, in the collective bargaining agreements analyzed, both 'managers' and 'employees' are objectified in ways that were similar across all of the documents studied. Through techniques of power as theorized by Foucault, 'managers', 'employees', and 'union representatives' are produced, but also constrained as well. The collective bargaining agreements in this analysis serve to 'fix' relationships between these two objectifications that are discursively affirmed as unequal. Constrained by this 'reality', any potential for changing relationshi, Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2006.

周濂., 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005., 參考文獻(p. 217-224)., Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web., s also in English., Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005., Can kao wen xian (p. 217-224)., Zhou Lian., http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073958, Use of this resource is governed by the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons “Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International” License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)

Thesis. 1979. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Political Science., MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY., Includes bibliographical references., Ph.D.

Thesis. 1979. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Political Science., MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY., Includes bibliographical references., Ph.D.

Thesis. 1979. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Political Science., MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY., Includes bibliographical references., Ph.D.

Summary: Who has power and control over education, one of the most treasured and significant values of American society? This study examines the presence of the elite power structure in higher education and how organizations are used as instruments of institutional power. The research questions consider the manner in which elites are involved in the policy process and governance, the reasons why elites are so involved in Florida's public higher education, and how elites convey and implement their priorities and values. An exploratory research approach examines the presence of Farazmand's (1994, 1999) concept of organizational elites by combining qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection. The findings support the research propositions. The reason for governance change builds on three factors throughout which power and control persist, a change in membership of the State Cabinet, the Governor's desire to be accountable for education policy, and a lack of confidence in the existing governance system. Trustees advocate for their university and education in general through alumni programs, fundraising, political affiliations, business and research partnerships, and other university and community college boards. Trustees are successful business people, savvy politicians, and well connected to state political leaders. They recognize their collective assets as influence with the Florida legislature, bringing financial order and accountability, and increasing funding and resources. The existence of organizational elites and their effect are seen in several areas: lack of knowledge of trustee meetings and decisions; limited communications, a perceived disconnect between faculty and trustees, a budget process perceived as not being transparent, and a level of decision making at which most staff members are not participants. This study suggests boards work to enhance and improve their communication, outreach, professionalism, and faculty relations. Trustees, elect, Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2005.

Over recent years there has been in increase in the number of rules and regulations pertaining to counselling in New Zealand. This project looks at the power relations constituted in those changes for a small group of counsellors. The social constructionist perspective is evaluated and found to provide a useful epistemological basis for this inquiry, when used in combination with a critical realist epistemology. This epistemological duality allows the objects under discussion to have different types of ontological status ranging from the socially constructed to the (more or less) real. An overview of the different styles of narrative analysis is presented and the conclusion reached that structural models of identifying and analysing narrative are not appropriate for working with fragmentary narratives. A model is presented for identification and analysis of fragmentary narratives based on content. Three narratives about being a counsellor are identified; the 'counsellor as double agent', the 'unsupported counsellor' and the 'unyielding counsellor'. The story of the counsellor as double agent is the story of a counsellor who may promote either training or relationship as having primary importance, depending on context. The story of the unsupported counsellor is the story about the lack of support of the relationship aspect of counselling outside of peer circles. The story of the unyielding counsellor is the story of the counsellor who would leave rather than compromise her values. These three narratives are presented as being co­ existent. Through analysis of these narratives the type of control practise constituted in the new rules and regulations is identified as being a type of 'sovereign ' or overt power practise. This characterisation of that power practise lends validity to subsequent discussions about resistance to the cultural change constituted in the new requirements. The power practices operating prior to the recent changes are identified as being 'discipl

Department: Program in Museum Studies.

Department: Program in Museum Studies.

"First published 1997, first paperback edition 2002"--T.p. verso., Electronic access restricted; authentication may be required, 0521571103 (hbd.), 0521892945 (pbk.), American Council of Learned Societies History E-Book Project, (heb) heb32165.0001.001, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.32165, Permission must be received for any subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please contact info@hebook.org for more information.

"First published 1997, first paperback edition 2002"--T.p. verso., Electronic access restricted; authentication may be required, 0521571103 (hbd.), 0521892945 (pbk.), American Council of Learned Societies History E-Book Project, (heb) heb32165.0001.001, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.32165, Permission must be received for any subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please contact info@hebook.org for more information.

The first year tutorial, taken in the fall semester, is Grinnell College's only general academic course requirement. The college intends the tutorial to assist students in further developing their critical thinking skills and in improving their written and oral communication skills. Each of the tutorials offered in a given fall semester is based around a particular subject matter, which provides the vehicle by which the above goals are accomplished.

The first year tutorial, taken in the fall semester, is Grinnell College's only general academic course requirement. The college intends the tutorial to assist students in further developing their critical thinking skills and in improving their written and oral communication skills. Each of the tutorials offered in a given fall semester is based around a particular subject matter, which provides the vehicle by which the above goals are accomplished.

Electronic access restricted; authentication may be required, American Council of Learned Societies History E-Book Project, (heb) heb06697.0001.001, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.06697, Permission must be received for any subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please contact info@hebook.org for more information.

'Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Joint Women's Studies Programme at Mount Saint Vincent University, Dalhousie University, Saint Mary's University.', Includes abstract.

'Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Joint Women's Studies Programme at Mount Saint Vincent University, Dalhousie University, Saint Mary's University.', Includes abstract.

Electronic access restricted; authentication may be required, American Council of Learned Societies History E-Book Project, (heb) heb06697.0001.001, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.06697, Permission must be received for any subsequent distribution in print or electronically. Please contact info@hebook.org for more information.

No abstract available.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 73, 2000: 41-53, No hay resúmenes disponiblesRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 73, 2000: 41-53

No abstract available.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 73, 2000: 41-53, No hay resúmenes disponiblesRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 73, 2000: 41-53

This thesis explores several phases in the life history of a software package developed in New Zealand for the primary healthcare market in order to show how the package is implicated in maintaining or changing existing distributions of power. The theoretical concepts which inform the study come primarily from Wiebe Bijker who works within the constructivist tradition of technology studies. The methods include documentary research and fieldwork, including open-ended interviews with five people involved with the package at the development site and seven who work in large and small general practice sites. The study concludes that the introduction of computers into general medical practice is associated with a small shift in the balance of power within general practice which has significant consequences for those who are unable or unwilling to acquire computing expertise. It also concludes that computerisation of general practice is associated with changes in the autonomy of general practitioners as their work becomes open to greater surveillance and in the GP-patient relationship where the computer has the capacity to substantially alter the nature of the interaction. The main findings of the study are that the groups most influential in the development of the package continue to exercise their influence as the package is deployed and used in a general practice setting. In this way the package both reflects and reinforces their power as it moves between development and use. The study also shows that those most influential in all phases of the package's existence draw on a number of skills and resources such as business acumen, clinical knowledge and computing expertise but that the most significant resource is money in the form of purchasing power or economic authority.