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Will climate change stay below the 2 degree target in the 21st century on the basis of the COP 21 results? Looking into challenges and opportunities, this paper answers: To stay below the global 2dt is neither a real choice for the world society nor for businesses and civil societies in specific countries. It is a global guideline, scientifically developed for global negotiations, which should be broken down to national interests and actors. Key questions concerning the energy sector from the perspective of national interests are how to create and sustain a momentum for the inevitable energy transition, how to encourage disruptive innovations, avoid lock in effects, enable rapid deployment of energy efficiency and renewable energies etc. Or in other words: how to get to a competitive, economically benign, inclusive, low carbon and risk minimising energy system. With this background the paper argues that "burden sharing" is a misleading perception of strong climate mitigation strategies. It is more realistic to talk about "benefit sharing", using the monetary benefits and co-benefits of climate mitigation (e.g. energy cost savings, revenues from CO2-tax or emission trading systems) to help vulnerable national and international actors to adapt to the unavoidable climate risks. It has to be demonstrated on country level that the technologies and policy mix of strong climate mitigation and risk-minimising actions are indeed "benefit sharing" strategies which should be chosen anyhow, even if there was no climate change. For China and Germany this paper includes basic findings supporting this view.

This working paper traces the trajectory of Syrian official documents across Syria and Germany in times of political upheaval, flight and integration. Documents issued by the Syrian state continue to be a fundamental element in the life of Syrians in Germany as they are still needed for certain mundane, yet crucial, purposes. Syrians are therefore forced to engage with Syrian state bureaucratic apparatuses at a distance. The journey of the papers across time and geographical borders unveils the highly political ambivalences and tensions embodied in Syrian paperwork in the context of German policies of asylum and integration. In Syria, the documents and their retrieval are embedded in the politics of security governing the Syrian citizenship regime. On arrival in Germany, the papers gain new meanings in their encounter with the German integration process and legal system rooted in the Rule of Law. At the same time, the papers' enmeshment with German bureaucracy reproduces (from a distance) the political dynamics between Syrians and the Syrian state in the past. Situated at a crossroads of the web of state(-s) power in and between Syrian and German bureaucracies, the papers re-integrate Syrians’ past into their present in Germany. By revealing this complex web of relationships, this working paper offers a reflection on the limits of studying the European context of integration and asylum 'fromwithin'.

In 2022, Kenyan electoral authorities took the radical decision to digitally publish handwritten result forms from over 46,000 polling stations, allowing any Kenyan with an Internet connection to tabulate results. Unlike Brazil and the United States, they avoided electronic voting machines but opted for paper ballots alongside digital transparency. This combination may have contributed to the notably peaceful election seen. Kenya is a digital leader in Africa and a pioneer of digital technology in finance. But previous elections have suffered from a lack of trust in the electoral process, leading to violent unrest and the nullification of results by the Supreme Court of Kenya. In 2022, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission of Kenya (IEBC) leveraged widespread digital connectivity for voting processes, including the release of raw local tallies soon after voting closed. Access to such results led to initial confusion during tallying by media outlets but the results survived a challenge by the losing party in the Supreme Court. A consortium of civil society organisations, led by startup Ushahidi, simultaneously collected and responded to crowdsourced data and queries from partners and the public, tagging misinformation and violent threats plus escalating inflammatory material for action by authorities. There was minimal violence before and after the election. Despite post-result infighting between IEBC commissioners, the Supreme Court challenge, and the extremely expensive nature of the process, the use of digital transparency provides a viable model for other digitally connected democracies in Africa. Electoral integrity is essential for a functioning democracy. Paper voting can be combined with digital technology to facilitate voter identification, transmission of results, and real-time publication thereof. Crowdsourced on-the-ground reports can also foster accountability and combat misinformation. Such electoral technology in Africa is in its infancy

With the publication of the Data Act proposal in February 2022, the European Commission approached an important milestone in the implementation of the data strategy it had announced two years earlier. The legislative proposal includes a package of measures that are supposed to make more IoT data available to data-driven enterprises. The legislation is expected to bring about more competition in the aftermarkets for IoT devices and related services, more value generation from such data and more techno-logical innovation enabled by access to data. The most innovative and far-reaching regulative instrument applied in this context is, without doubt, the mandatory access rights regime that would facilitate flow of data from private (mostly large) enterprises to other (mostly smaller) enterprises and to the public sector. This regime is accompanied by rules about the necessity and content of commercial contracts that define private entitlements concerning access to as well as use of co-generated IoT data, including statutory requirements concerning fairness, non-discrimination and compensation. This Position Paper primarily addresses the access rights regime and its accompanying rules focusing on contracts regarding access to data. It also briefly touches upon the provisions on data portability, rules for switching between providers and trade secrets. We conclude that the consolidated impact of the access rights regime on IoT device manufacturers, third parties and the data economy at large is hard to predict. At the same time, we argue that the legal positions and entitlements the Data Act would create require further scrutiny and that there is certainly room for clarifications and im-provements in the legislative proposal. The analysis concludes with several specific recommendations.

Moderne amerikanische Wahlkämpfe zeigen, dass Attraktivität weiblicher Körper und deren modische Inszenierungen strategisch eingesetzt werden, um für männliche Kandidaten zu werben. Am Beispiel der Nixonettes in Paper Dresses im US-Wahlkampf 1968 wird erläutert, wie konsequent sich PR-Kampagnen am damaligen Modehype der Papierkleider bedienten, um Wahlkampf für Richard Nixon zu machen. Analysiert werden polit-modische Strategien, bei denen politisches und modisches Agieren verschmelzen und Geschlecht, Körper und Kleidung expressiv als nonverbale Kommunikationsmittel im medialen Wahlkampf eingesetzt werden., Modern political campaigns in the USA have used the attractiveness of a female body and its fashionable staging as part of the promotion strategies of male candidates. Drawing on the example of the "Nixonettes in Paper-Dresses" in the 1968s campaign, this article explains how PR-managers worked systematically with highly fashionable paper dresses to campaign for Richard Nixon. The article analyzes fashion strategies in policy which show the fusion of political and fashion performances and also the application of sex in politics: gender, body and dresses were used in the campaign as expressive, nonverbal communication tools.

This report is intended to provide an overview of income measures employed in the EU-SILC and to inform on procedures which can be employed to harmonize these data both for comparisons over time and between countries. Each subsection provides a short overview over a topic or method and contains example code for Stata and SPSS which can be used to implement the described procedures. Alongside this report syntax files as well as a data files for both SPSS and Stata are delivered which include the code provided here as well auxiliary country level data drawn from the Eurostat database. In this updated version, an extended appendix is included that explains how to generate and replicate these files in more detail.

In July, the Open Ended Intergovernmental Working Group on Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises, chaired by Ecuador, published the zero draft of the text of a treaty on business and human rights. This draft is the basis for negotiations in Geneva from 15-19 October 2018. The text represents a good first basis for further negotations among UN member states, and it goes some way toward closing protection gaps, especially in global supply chains. Helpfully, it builds on the UN Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights and focuses on the most urgent areas in this field: the prevention of human rights abuses and access to effective remedy for victims. Rather than elevating corporations to direct subjects of international law, it bolsters the existing architecture of human rights protection: the state duty to protect, enforced by civil and criminal liability. These positive developments compared with earlier documents from the treaty process should be recognized by the UN member states and especially by the European Union. Further rounds of negotiations must now achieve the necessary precision, ironing out of contradicitons, and further development of the text.

This last title in the series covers the most important findings of the five years EU sponsored ANTICORRP project dealing with corruption and organized crime. How prone to corruption are EU funds? Has EU managed to improve governance in the countries that it assists? Using the new index of public integrity and a variety of other tools created in the project this issue looks at how EU funds and norms affected old member states (like Spain), new member states (Slovakia, Romania), accession countries (Turkey) and the countries recipient of development funds (Egypt, Tanzania, Tunisia). The data covers over a decade of structural and development funds, and the findings show the challenges to changing governance across borders, the different paths that each country has experienced and suggest avenues of reforming development aid for improving governance.

Has the world responded to the coronavirus pandemic in an intergenerationally just manner? Three aspects are relevant to intergenerational justice: the number of dead and ill (medical dimension), the economic downturn (economic dimension), and the additional national debt (financial dimension). The goal must be to protect future societies from the cumulative damage that pandemics may cause. Against this background, a new vaccination strategy for humanity - and this includes the individual national states - turns out to be the most important element. Such a strategy would help to ease the diseases we can ease and eradicate the diseases we can eradicate. Herd immunity should not only be the goal for the rich countries but for humanity as a whole. This is not only necessary for social and/or developmental reasons, but also serves the self-protection of the richer countries in an inter-connected world. We need more government funding for prophylactic vaccine research. This would lead to the typical development time of a vaccine - 10-12 years on average - being shortened. The rapid development of vaccines against SARS-CoV-2 shows that a reduction to 1-2 years is possible if the necessary resources are made available. The testing of vaccine candidates for each infectious disease, however, comes with the cost of at least in the high three-digit million euro range. Profit-oriented companies cannot reasonably be expected to produce vaccines in advance that may never be needed at their own expense. In the future, vaccines must therefore be treated as "global public goods", whose development and production are primarily the responsibility of states. The record amounts pledged by governments at the donor conferences for vaccines in 2020/2021 show the beginning of a paradigm shift. However, this approach will come to nothing if the willingness of individuals to be vaccinated does not increase at the same time, as well. Here, every single member of the current generation has a du

In this Paper, I address the question of whether and under what circumstances the deployment of pro-government militias (PGMs) can reduce violence against civilians, specifically in the Sahel. My analysis - based on a literature review and case studies on Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria - suggests that rather than representing a solution, PGMs tend to become part of the problem. In most cases, PGMs actively carry out acts of violence against civilians or passively contribute to an increase in violence. According to my analysis, PGMs most tend to contribute to violence against civilians when: \ they are aligned with a government that shows little respect for human rights and makes little effort to curb violence against civilians by its own security forces; \ they take on offensive roles and cooperate with state security forces; \ they are a group of ethnically homogenous members that are armed by the state. Only when PGMs are socially embedded in the communities they aim to protect and are at least normatively controlled by local authorities, as well as defensively oriented and predominantly unarmed, do they - for example in Cameroon - contribute to a decrease in violence against civilians. The findings presented in this Paper have implications for German development policy. As outlined, PGMs can - under very specific circumstances - help to strengthen the resilience of the local population in armed conflicts. However, in view of the negative effects of most PGMs, transitional development assistance programmes must be tailored according to the risk arising from the presence of PGMs. Furthermore, since many of these groups prevail past the end of the armed conflict in question, they need to be considered in post-conflict reconstruction processes, especially in demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration (DDR) programmes and security sector reforms (SSR) to allow sustainable peace and development.Finally, the findings also have implications for Germ

Economists have become very influential intellectuals in our contemporary society. The scientific knowledge produced by the discipline and the academic status of economists can be considered as a decisive power resource in media debates and politics. The current state of economics has been criticized in the past one and a half decades regarding the ontological and epistemic foundations of the discipline and its policy implications. However, especially since the Covid-19 pandemic, it seems as if publicly presented positions have drastically changed. Instead of advocating pure market liberalism, the state is attributed an important position and market failures are discussed intensively. Given these shifts, this paper analyzes the positions that important German economists present after the unfolding of the Covid-19 pandemic about 'the economy' and economic policy. Methodologically, the paper draws on critical discourse analysis (CDA) of recent interviews on the YouTube channel 'Jung & Naiv' with leading public economists in Germany. By doing so, this study elaborates on the different dimension of economic knowledge that is articulated by public representatives of economics. On the ontological and theoretical level, we find a rather monistic understanding of 'the economy', involving the interplay between markets and the state. Public economists repeatedly emphasize the superiority of market economies and their price mechanism. With regards to economic policy, a shift from rather free-market approaches towards moderate Keynesianism and market design liberalism becomes apparent, indicating a flexible pragmatism.

This working paper is based on empirical research on the Translocal Figurations of Displacement in Greece and Italy. The authors aim to compare protracted displacement in Greece and Italy, looking at the structural forces shaping it and their interactions with migrants' mobility and connectivity. This comparison is based on the analysis of the relations between two contextual variables (governance regimes and host population) and three key variables (mobility, connectivity and marginalisation). In this paper, they present findings from three study sites in Greece and four research locations in Italy. Findings show that protracted legal and socio-economic marginalisation is a key feature characterising the lives of displaced people in southern European countries. It confirms the hypothesis that protracted displacement does not end when forced migrants reach Greece or Italy. Restrictive governance regimes at the national and EU level severely limit mobility opportunities within Greece and Italy and across the European Union (EU). To cope with and resist marginalising and immobilising policies, displaced migrants in Italy and Greece put in place several strategies, ranging from adapting to governance regimes and taking the most out of them to resisting them and finding ways to avoid, bypass or overcome such regimes. In this framework, mobility and connectivity emerge as a resource and a trap for displaced migrants in southern Europe. On the one hand, migrants' strategies of intra-national and intra-EU mobility may help them out of protracted displacement, while on the other, certain types of mobility (hyper-, circular, paradoxical) can entrap, rather than free them. Similarly, local, translocal and transnational networks emerge as a crucial resource for displaced people in Greece and Italy. At the same time, family and co-ethnic networks may also be experienced as disabling, hampering one's aspirations to get out of protracted displacement. Fieldwork in both countries

This working paper presents the findings of the empirical research on the role of connectivity and mobility for displaced people in Germany in the framework of the TRAFIG project. The findings are based on qualitative fieldwork in Germany, with 73 qualitative interviews with displaced people and experts in the field. This paper uses a figurational perspective; figurations are characterised as dynamic social constellations which emerge in the context of displacement between displaced people and state and other actors at the local, translocal and transnational scale. This working paper discusses the figurations of displacement in which refugees in Germany are embedded. Our analysis demonstrates the importance of family figurations in displacement, among them the "figuration of a transnationally separated family", "figuration of the jointly displaced family", or the "figuration of the transnationally extended family". Family figurations are deeply intertwined with local and transnational bureaucratic figurations, which structure the experiences of refugees. Bureaucratic figurations evolve with respect to German authorities, those of the countries of origin and other local actors. Despite the significance of family figurations, connectivity is not restricted to it. Refugees are also connected within non-kin figurations, such as within an "ethnic network-based" or "volunteer-refugee" figuration. The analytical category of figurations provides valuable insights into how displaced people embedded in certain social constellations can best be supported. It shows that transnational life is a reality for displaced persons and an integral part of their everyday lives. As the German case demonstrates, displaced people use mobility and connectivity as a way out of protracted displacement.

The present paper analyses frontline workers' incomes in the fields of education, health, and welfare ("EHW"). In the face of an upsurge in demand for such services, the question is how EHW occupations can attract enough qualified workers, now and in the future. In public perception, EHW work is poorly paid, while empirically, wage heterogeneity between occupations is quite large. A comprehensive comparison of EHW occupations' wages across Europe is still lacking. The present contribution seeks to fill this gap by comparing incomes for 24 European countries, based on data from the European Union's labour force survey (EU-LFS) between 2016 and 2020. Our descriptive analysis yields that EHW workers earn slightly above-average incomes in the majority of countries. This result can be explained by the high share of EHW workers with a tertiary education level. By contrast, for EHW workers with only secondary education, we find that they earn less in EHW than in other labour-market segments. Both outside and inside the EHW, we observe higher incomes for men than for women. Between EHW occupations, there is an income hierarchy led by medical doctors and tertiary education teachers. At the lower end, there are personal care workers with lower formal education who earn below-average incomes in all observed countries. Yet the degree to which they are penalised differs widely. From a dynamic perspective, our findings hint at a slightly deteriorating relative income position of EHW workers in the 2010s, apparently caused less by declining wages than by structural change in the wider labour market., In diesem Working Paper werden Einkommen von Beschäftigten in den Bereichen Bildung, Gesundheit und Soziales ("EHW") analysiert. Angesichts der steigenden Nachfrage nach solchen Dienstleistungen stellt sich die Frage, wie EHW-Berufe jetzt und in Zukunft genügend qualifizierte Arbeitskräfte anziehen können. In der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung ist Arbeit in diesen Bereichen schlecht bezahlt, während empirisch eher Lohnheterogenität beobachtbar ist. Ein umfassender Vergleich der Löhne von EHW-Berufen in ganz Europa steht noch aus. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht auf Basis der Arbeitskräfteerhebung der Europäischen Union (EU-AKE) Einkommen in 24 europäischen Ländern in den Jahren 2016 bis 2020. Es zeigt sich, dass EHW-Beschäftigte in der Mehrzahl dieser Länder leicht überdurchschnittliche Einkommen erzielen. Dies lässt sich durch den hohen Anteil von EHW-Beschäftigten mit einem tertiären Bildungsniveau erklären. Im Gegensatz dazu stellen wir fest, dass EHW-Beschäftigte, die nur über einen Sekundarschulabschluss verfügen, in den Bereichen Bildung, Gesundheit und Soziales weniger verdienen als anderswo. Sowohl außerhalb als auch innerhalb dieser Bereiche beobachten wir höhere Einkommen für Männer als für Frauen. Zwischen EHW-Berufen gibt es eine Einkommenshierarchie, die von Ärzten und Hochschullehrern angeführt wird. Am unteren Ende befinden sich Pflegekräfte mit wenig formaler Qualifikation, die in allen beobachteten Ländern unterdurchschnittliche Einkommen erzielen. Das Ausmaß der Benachteiligung ist jedoch sehr unterschiedlich. Unsere Ergebnisse deuten ferner darauf hin, dass sich die relative Einkommensposition von EHW-Beschäftigten in den 2010er Jahren leicht verschlechtert hat, was offenbar weniger auf sinkende Löhne als auf strukturelle Veränderungen im Arbeitsmarkt insgesamt zurückzuführen ist.

The capitalism John Maynard Keynes struggled to analyse was clearly an industrial capitalism in which the investor used physical capital only to end up with more money than he started with. It is particularly the post Keynesian school of ‘monetary or fundamentalist Keynesianism' which elaborated Keynes's monetary theory of production into an alternative economic paradigm that replaces the exchange ontology with an ontology based on nominal obligations. As economic history reports a higher speed of financial than real asset accumulation over the past half a century - a process often dubbed 'financialisation' -, doubts have been raised as to whether this transformation of industrial capitalism into financialised capitalism demands for a new macroeconomic approach. 'Financialisation', however, may mean different things: We have to distinguish between a mere enlargement of the financial sector due to an increase in financial intermediation on the one hand and a structural change of investment motives on the other hand. While the former may leave the central mechanics of accumulation and growth unchanged, the latter may impact on the process of social provisioning (resource management) in a monetary production economy as described by monetary Keynesianism. In this paper, we will elaborate in a very preliminary way whether the process of financialisation will amend the economics of monetary production as put forward by Keynes in his General Theory, elaborated by monetary Keynesianism and extended by Hyman Minsky's financial instability hypothesis and trace on these theoretical grounds the transition from industrial capitalism into financial capitalism.

In den Debatten um Digitalisierung, Künstliche Intelligenz und das Verhältnis zwischen Mensch und Maschine nehmen Vertreter:innen des Transhumanismus immer wieder radikale Positionierungen ein und sind somit wichtige und nicht selten provokante Akteure innerhalb des technikfuturistischen Diskurses. Während es in der For- schung zahlreiche ideologietheoretische Analysen zu den transhumanistischen Welt- anschauungen gibt, wissen wir bislang nur wenig über den organisierten Transhumanismus, also über die Vernetzung von ökonomischen Akteuren wie Tech-Firmen und Investor:innen, zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen wie Think-Tanks, Parteien und Vereinigungen sowie akademischen Akteuren wie Forschungsinstituten oder (Fach-)zeitschriften. Angesichts des immer stärker auftretenden Diskurses über soge- nannte "emerging technologies" verlangt es nach einer theoretischen und empirischen Analyse, um den Phänomenbereich ganzheitlich zu erschließen. Aufbauend auf Andreas Hepps Konzept der Pioniergemeinschaft, widmet sich diese Arbeit einer historisch-soziologischen Rekonstruktion der organisationalen Genese des Transhumanismus und zeichnet die Entwicklung einer Pioniergemeinschaft nach., In the debates about digitalization, artificial intelligence and the relationship between man and machine, representatives of transhumanism repeatedly take radical positions and are thus important and often provocative actors within the techno-futurist discourse. While there are numerous ideological-theoretical analyses of transhumanist world-views in research, we know little about organized transhumanism, i.e., about the networks of economic actors such as tech companies and investors, civil society organizations such as think tanks, political parties and associations, and academic actors such as research institutes or journal editors. In view of the increasing discourse on so-called "emerging technologies," a theoretical and empirical analysis is needed in order to holistically explore this phenomenon. Building on the concept of the pioneer community as developed by Andreas Hepp, this paper is dedicated to a historical-sociological reconstruction of the organizational genesis of transhumanism and traces the development of a pioneer community.

By understanding listening processes in philanthropy and social impact investments as a critical aspect of building a trustworthy philanthropic practice, this paper offers a qualitative review of how foundations and funders in Europe and Brazil listen. To comprehend and to be able to qualify and classify their listening practices, the interview script for this paper built upon the work of the "high-quality feedback loop" organisations that advocate for better listening practices in philanthropy and aid. Thirty interviews offered insights into why organisations listen, the biggest challenges in the process, different project phases where listening occurs, who is listened to, listening methods, space for feedback, reporting back processes, power imbalances and levels of participation.

The paper aims to provide a theoretical framework for studying actorness of regional organizations created by authoritarian countries. It serves as a conceptual foundation for a DFG project co-led by the authors in 2021-2023 and focusing on studying the behavior and the functioning of Eurasian regional organizations. While the literature traditionally assumes that authoritarianism and actorness of regional organizations are incompatible, we take a more nuanced perspective on this question. The paper discusses possible determinants for the emergence of actorness, in particular in the post-Soviet Eurasia. It also introduces the concept of back-door actorness, which could be particularly relevant in the authoritarian context.

European inequality research often follows the tradition of using occupational based categorical classification to identify the socioeconomic position of individuals or households (e.g., classes, strata, milieus, occupational groups). In the past, European studies have often used the Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero class (EGP) scheme (cf. Erikson & Goldthorpe 1992). However, the EGP scheme has only been validated for Great Britain (cf. Evans 1992). Variants for other countries are largely based on informed plausibility, following the British model, though operationalisation may vary by country. As an alternative to the EGP, two other currently available categorical concepts are the ESeC (European Socioeconomic Classification) and the ESeG (European Socioeconomic Groups), both based on the International Standard Classification of Occupation (ISCO). Both concepts are intended to improve cross-country comparative analysis of social inequality in Europe. However, the ESeC and ESeG differ in their theoretical basis and should not be confused with each other, and the ESeC and ESeG also cannot readily be transferred into each other. The ESeC is available for ISCO-88 (ESeC88) and ISCO-08 (ESeC08). The ESeG is available for ISCO-08. In this paper, we focus on the operationalisation of ESeC with EU-SILC cross-sectional data (2004-2020). Alongside this report, we have published syntax files (SPSS, Stata, and R) which can be used for the operationalisation of ESeC and ESeG.

Do autocracies cooperate internationally? This working paper investigates whether regime-type explains co-sponsorship patterns at the United Nations General Assembly. Co-sponsorship is a relatively costly signal of international cooperation at the UN, which is analyzed based on a novel dataset, including newly validated issue categories and co-sponsorship behavior on 14.995 draft resolutions. Theoretically, the paper unifies three strands of literature: the recent literature on autocratic regional organizations, the growing literature on foreign policy of autocratic regimes and the traditional analysis of the United Nations. The results suggest that regime-type plays a strong role in co-sponsorship behavior: democracies co-sponsor with their peers, whereas autocracies, in line with existing findings, cooperate overall less at the UN. They do, however, prefer to co-sponsor with one another over partners of other regime-types. This seems to be particularly true in issue areas where autocratic regimes could attempt to counter democratic norm-setting, such as human rights. There is mixed results concerning the effect of autocratic regional organizations on autocratic co-sponsorship. Preliminary results suggest at least some positive effect on autocracies and highlight the need for further research.

This paper presents the concepts and observations in the author's keynote address at the May 2019 "Opportunity versus Challenge: Exploring Usage of Log-File and Process Data in International Large-Scale Assessments" conference in Dublin, Ireland. This paper recaps briefly some key points that emerged at the December 2018 ETS symposium on process data in Washington, DC, and suggests some common terminology and concepts for facilitating future meaningful discussion. It then borrows some concepts from evolutionary biologists to take a critical look at process data and some of its ethical implications before turning to discuss major applications for and challenges of using process data and logfiles. The second half of this paper then maps out the terrain in which process data emerges as a "byproduct" of the shift from paper-and-pencil testing to digital-based assessments (DBA) and looks closely at how process data interacts with the development and operationalization of assessment systems. This interaction suggests new, fresh ways of improving national and international assessment system processes, and ultimately the measurement of cognitive skills, while venturing into the new frontiers opened with process data.

This paper discusses the concept of authority in global governance by unpacking the components that characterize its various notions. These components are the triadic relationship between power, legitimacy, and the reference to public interests, and how they are embedded in the constellation between public and private. After clarifying each of these components, the article applies them to business enterprises - key actors in global governance -, focusing on the issue area of business and human rights. The paper shows that business authority does not neatly fit into the public-private distinction that is pervasive in conceptions of global governance and the international human rights regime. Instead, businesses have public and private, as well as hybrid, roles in global governance. Business authority then forms a peculiar third, next to public authority and private authority. Accordingly, the paper suggests extending the two-pole constellation of public and private into a three-pole constellation, with business building a peculiar third position between and beyond the public and the private. This approach allows furthering the understanding of business authority in global governance in particular and the concept of authority in global governance more generally., Den pluralen Perspektiven auf Autorität in der Global Governance sind vier Elemente gemeinsam. Autorität lässt sich demnach bestimmen als ein triadisches Verhältnis zwischen Macht, Legitimität und dem Bezug auf öffentliche Interessen. Diese Triade ist eingebettet in eine vermittelte Konstellation von Öffentlichkeit und Privatheit. Nach einer konzeptuellen Klärung dieser vier Elemente von Autorität diskutiert das Paper Unternehmen als zentrale Governance-Akteure im Themenbereich Wirtschaft und Menschenrechte. Deutlich wird, dass die Autorität von Unternehmen sich nicht in die Unterscheidung von öffentlich und privat einordnen lässt, die gleichwohl für die Governance-Forschung und für das internationale Menschenrechtsregime prägend ist. Vielmehr haben Unternehmen sowohl öffentliche als auch private und darüber hinaus auch hybride Governance-Rollen inne. Ausgehend von den Konzepten privater Autorität und öffentlicher Autorität schlägt das Paper daher vor, Unternehmens-Autorität als eine dritte Form zu verstehen, die gleichzeitig zwischen und jenseits von Öffentlichkeit und Privatheit situiert ist. Diese Perspektive trägt zu einem erweiterten Verständnis von Unternehmens-Autorität in der Global Governance bei und erlaubt sowohl konzeptuelle als auch normative Anknüpfungspunkte.

Dieses Wuppertal Paper befasst sich mit folgenden Leitfragen: Wie wichtig sind Stadtwerke für die Energiewende? Was sind dabei die besonderen Beiträge von Stadtwerken? Hier ist insbesondere zu berücksichtigen, dass kommunal betriebene Kraft-Wärme-Kopplungs-Anlagen (KWK-Anlagen) ein wichtiger Komplementär zum Ausbau der erneuerbaren Energien darstellen und dass kommunale KWK-Anlagen inzwischen einen nennenswerten Beitrag zur Sicherstellung der Residuallast liefern. Zudem geht es um die Leitfrage, welche Rahmenbedingungen die Rolle von Stadtwerken als zentrale Akteure der Energiewende und insbesondere als Betreiber von KWK-Anlagen erschweren., This Wuppertal Paper addresses the following questions: How important are municipalities for the energy transition? What are the specific contributions of public utilities? This is especially important to note that local combined heat and power plants (CHP plants) are an important complement to the development of renewable energy sources and that municipal CHP systems now provide a significant contribution to ensuring the residual load. In addition, it comes to the main question, which make it difficult environment, the role of public utilities as key actors in the energy revolution, and especially as the operator of CHP plants.

What is necessary to reach net zero emissions in the transport sector on a global level? To keep limiting global warming to 1.5° C within reach, the world has to decarbonise by mid-century, with every sector contributing as much as possible as soon as possible. This paper identifies what has to be done in road transport, aviation, and shipping to achieve net zero emission in the transport sector. For this purpose, it first sets the scene by providing an overview of the origins and impacts of the concept of net zero emissions in international climate policy as well as of the current state and future prospects of global transport emissions using currently available scenarios for low-emission and net zero transport. While for staying below 1.5° C, the basic approach to reducing transport emissions remains unchanged from what has been suggested in the past, the set, intensity and pace of actions as to shift fundamentally. Without first drastically reducing traffic volume and shifting transport demand to low-emission modes, reaching net zero transport will not be feasible: the amount of additional electricity required to fully electrify the sector with renewable energy is otherwise just too huge. After portraying key instruments for achieving net zero emissions in land transport, aviation, and shipping, this paper identifies key barriers for net zero transport. Based on this analysis, the authors recommend the following to be able to move transport to net zero: 1. Adapt Decarbonisation Strategies to Different Transport Sub-sectors; 2. Prioritise and Significantly Increase Investment in Zero-/low-carbon Infrastructure; 3. Massively Invest in the Development and Roll out of Zero-/low-emission Technologies; 4. Focus on a Just Transition to Overcome Social and Political Barriers; 5. Increase International Support and Cooperation.

China hat durch den Bau und die Militarisierung künstlicher Inseln im Südchinesischen Meer strittige Tatsachen geschaffen. Insbesondere von Seiten der USA wird dieses Verhalten als offensiv und regional-hegemonial charakterisiert, während China das eigene Verhalten anhand defensiver Zielsetzungen rechtfertigt. Basierend auf den theoretischen Prämissen des offensiven Realismus und vor dem Hintergrund der ressourcenbedingten, sicherheits- und geopolitischen Relevanz des Südchinesischen Meers analysiert diese Studie das Verhalten der Volksrepublik in der dortigen Weltregion in den Jahren 2014-2015. Das Ergebnis zeigt, dass China durch kalkuliert offensives Verhalten in der Lage ist, die eigene Position im Südchinesischen Meer relativ risikofrei zu stärken, ohne dabei in eine direkte militärische Konfrontation oder gar einen Krieg mit Anrainerstaaten oder den USA zu gelangen., China has created controversial facts by building and militarizing artificial islands in the South China Sea. Therefore, Chinese behavior in one of the world's most intense territorial disputes is characterized by the U.S. as offensive and regional hegemonic, whereas China justifies its behavior by referring to defensive objectives. Along with its behavior in the years 2014 to 2015, this paper analyses China's resource-related, security, and geopolitical interests in the South China Sea from the perspective of offensive realism. This paper shows how China can strengthen its position in the South China Sea relatively risk-free through calculated offensive behavior without getting into a direct military confrontation or even a war with neighboring states or the United States of America.

This note gives a short overview of the first 50 contributions to the Data Observer series that were published between 2016 and 2022. 21 papers deal with data on individuals or household, 12 with data on establishments or enterprises, 2 with linked employer-employee data, 9 cover aggregate data for regions or countries, 3 look at other data, and 3 papers introduce research data centers or data service centers that provide data. Table 1 lists all contributions by the broad categories.

This paper offers a broad historical and comparative analysis of territorial organisation and autonomy in Russia from the early modern age to the present. To what degree, when, and why did the Russian and Soviet authorities accommodate and even promote regional and national autonomies on their expanding territory? The paper reviews efforts at decentralisation (and in some cases fede ralisation) as a set of imagined, proposed, and (partially) implemented measures. In so doing, it identifies historical 'moments' at which autonomous solutions became particularly important. It also highlights commonalities and differences, continuities and ruptures in longterm perspective while tracing the specificities of the Russian case. While different forms of territorial autonomy co-existed throughout Russian history, most were shortlived or heavily constrained.

This working paper investigates the livelihoods, trajectories, networks and self-generated opportunities of vulnerable migrants in refugee-like situations in Dar es Salaam. Its main purpose is to arrive at a deeper understanding of protracted displacement through a 'figurational approach', which stresses the networks and the interdependencies of urban refugees in Dar es Salaam, across Tanzania, and across national borders. Refugees' social relations do not unfold in a vacuum but are shaped by the regimes of aid and asylum that govern their lives. In a context of constant fear of imprisonment and deportation, this working paper gives particular attention to the alliances that the vulnerable migrants build within Dar es Salaam. It underlines their agency and coping strategies, as they bring with them many valuable skills. Capitalising on these skills can result in longstanding partnerships between vulnerable migrants and locals. Spaces of freedom where displaced people do not need to live in a perpetual state of fear and uncertainty are equally important. More than focusing on constraints, this paper underlines the urban refugees' agency and survival strategies. We pay particular attention to the mobility and connectivity of female urban refugees, also within a digital context. Through (social media) entrepreneurship, women in refugee-like situations have managed to overcome immobilisation and create new opportunities for themselves. By analysing a variety of life situations throughout this paper, we seek to recognise and pro mote urban refugees' agency and dignity.

Ausgehend von den aufgeregten Reaktionen auf Michael Rothbergs deutsche Übersetzung von Multi-directional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization im Jahr 2021, zwölf Jahre nach der Veröffentlichung des Originals, untersucht dieses Arbeitspapier die Debatte in Deutschland aus der spezifischen Perspektive von Migrant*innen der zweiten und dritten Generation. Zunächst wird beleuchtet, dass der migrantische Teil der westdeutschen Gesellschaft nicht ausgenommen war von der sukzessiven Vergegenwärtigung der Menschheitsverbrechen des nationalsozialistischen Völkermords ab Ende der 1970 Jahre - eine Tatsache, die heute ignoriert wird. Anschließend wird die Frage gestellt, wie sich Garantien der Nichtwiederholung, ein wichtiger Grundsatz von Erinnerungsarbeit, in einem Land auswirken, das große Anstrengungen unternommen hat, um dem Vergessen der Verbrechen entgegenzuwirken und ein Lernen aus der Geschichte umzusetzen. Am Beispiel jüdischer Reaktionen auf die Ermordung der ägyptischen Apothekerin Marwa el-Sherbini in Dresden im Jahr 2009 entwickelt die Autorin die These, dass sich im Zuge der anhaltenden Gewalt in Deutschland (NSU, Halle, Hanau) muslimisch-jüdische Solidaritätsnetzwerke entwickeln. Diese Verbindungen sind derzeit - bewusst oder unbewusst - Ziel heftiger verbaler Angriffe. Man muss sich fragen, warum nicht-jüdische Deutsche bereit sind, Juden in Deutschland und deutsche Juden, die solche Empathie-Bande aufbauen, als "antisemitisch" zu charakterisieren? Die Autorin schlägt vor, die "hermeneutische Schikane", mit der auf Beiträge von Michael Rothberg und Susan Neiman im sogenannten Historikerstreit 2.0 reagiert wurde, im Kontext jüdisch-muslimischer Solidarität zu verstehen. Stellen Kolonialhistoriker, postkoloniale Theoretiker und Wissenschaftler der vergleichenden Völkermordforschung tatsächlich die Einzigartigkeit des Holocausts in Frage? Oder sind andere Motive im Spiel, die über Deutschland hinausweisen, um ihnen zu unterstellen, eine, Departing from the fierce reactions to the German translation of Michael Rothberg's Multi-directional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization, published in 2021, twelve years after the original first appeared, this working paper investigates the debate in Germany from a migrant second and third generation point of view. To start, the paper looks into the awakening of West German society to the atrocities of the Holocaust in the late 1970s, zooming in on its migrant counterpart that was not exempted from this learning process - a fact ignored today. The paper then asks how guarantees for non-repetition, an important cornerstone of commemoration as a means of preventing future persecution of minorities, plays out today in a country that has invested much effort into countering the forgetting of past carnages. Choosing the murder of the Egyptian pharmacist Marwa el-Sherbini in Dresden in 2009 as a decisive event in time, I put forward the thesis that Muslim-Jewish networks of solidarity have developed in the wake of ongoing anti-migrant violence (NSU, Halle, Hanau), are now, explicitly or implicitly, the target of fierce verbal attacks. One must ask why non-Jewish Germans are ready to revert to casting Jews in Germany and German Jews who pursue such linkages, as "Antisemites"? This paper proposes to come to an understanding of the "hermeneutical chicane" that authors like Michael Rothberg and Susan Neiman have been confronted with in the so-called Historikerstreit 2.0 in the frame of such Muslim-Jewish bonds. Are historians of colonialism, postcolonial theorists and scholars of comparative genocide studies indeed questioning the uniqueness of the Holocaust? Or are other motives at play that point beyond Germany, which insinuate that they allegedly seek to construct a competition of sorts among victims?

Das Working Paper untersucht Ansätze der 'Dekolonisierung' in kanadischen Universitäten und Museen. Kanada zählt zu den auf Siedlerkolonialismus aufgebauten Staaten, die sich ihrer kolonialen Gewaltgeschichte und deren anhaltenden Implikationen ausdrücklich stellen; unter anderem mit Einrichtung einer Wahrheits- und Aussöhnungskommission, die Forschung, Dokumentation und die Entwicklung von konkreten Handlungsempfehlungen an Politik und Gesellschaft zum Ziel hatte. Die Kommission legte 2015 ihre Abschlussberichte sowie einen Katalog an Maßnahmen vor, die den Weg zu einem post-kolonialen Frieden im Land bereiten würden. Aber was bedeutet es, das Leben in einem Land zu 'dekolonisieren', das auf tiefgreifenden und nachhaltig wirksamen Strukturen des Siedlerkolonialismus aufgebaut wurde? Wie haben staatliche Institutionen auf diese Herausforderung reagiert? Die Universitäten und Museen, die das WP darauf hin anschaut, haben eine Schlüsselrolle in der Verbreitung von Narrativen und Bildern der gewaltvollen Vergangenheit für Gegenwart und Zukunft inne. Die Ergebnisse zeigen ein Spektrum von unterschiedlichen Ansätzen, das vor Augen führt, wie strittig und ambivalent das Anliegen der Dekolonialisierung ist., In this Working Paper, we analyse attempts at decolonizing domestic relations in place in Canadian universities and museums. Canada is among the settler colonial states that confront their violence history and its present implications, inter alia with systematic research and evidence based policy recommendations: the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Canada issued a report about its 7-years' long work in 2015, and the Canadian government declared the willingness to push through what the TRC recommended as calls to action, to foster post-colonial peace in the country. But what does that actually imply in a country that was built on the deep intrusions of settler colonialism? How have state institutions reacted to the call? Universities and museums are key state institution when it comes to spreading narratives and images of the violent past for the present and the future. We found a spectrum of initiatives and institutions with varying degrees of commitment. The data and most different examples from the spectrum illustrate how contested and ambivalent decolonizing work remains to be.

Das Working Paper stellt dar, wie eine Gruppe von Menschen aus Syrien, die sich politisch gegen das Assad-Regime engagierten und zwischen 2014 und 2015 nach Deutschland kamen, ihren persönlichen familiären Sozialisationsprozess kritisch reflektieren und daraus praktische Konsequenzen für ihr Leben in Deutschland ziehen, indem sie den Kontakt zu Ehepartnern, Eltern oder anderen nahen Angehörigen abbrechen. Das Paper untersucht die Thematik anhand von drei Leitfragen: Wie beschreiben die Befragten ihre Familienbeziehungen und -erlebnisse in Syrien vor 2011 (insbesondere in Bezug auf familiäre Rollenbilder, Geschlechterverhältnisse, Erziehungsmethoden); inwiefern haben die Ereignisse in Syrien seit 2011 und die Ankunft in Deutschland ihre Sicht auf ihre familiäre Sozialisation beeinflusst; und inwiefern lassen sich bei den Befragten heute Veränderungen dieser Sichtweisen, das heißt Re-Interpretationen von Geschlechterrollen, familiären Beziehungen und Strukturen, feststellen? Das Working Paper zeigt, dass die sehr persönliche Reflexion über familiäre Sozialisation und der schwerwiegende Entschluss, familiäre Beziehungen abzubrechen, (auch) die Konsequenz einer politischen Haltung gegenüber der gesellschaftlichen und politischen Ordnung in Syrien beschreiben und stellt die These auf, dass diese kritische Haltung zum Zerfall des Patriarchats in der syrischen Gesellschaft beiträgt., The working paper presents how a group of people from Syria who were politically active against the Assad regime and came to Germany between 2014 and 2015 critically reflect on their personal family socialization process and draw practical consequences for their lives in Germany by breaking off contact with spouses, parents or other close relatives. The paper examines the topic based on three guiding questions: how do respondents describe their family relationships and experiences in Syria before 2011 (especially with regard to family role models, gender relations, upbringing and education; to what extent have events in Syria since 2011 and their arrival in Germany influenced their views of their family socialization; and to what extent can changes in these views, i.e. re-interpretations of gender roles, family relationships and structures, be observed among respondents today? The working paper shows that the very personal reflection on family socialization and the serious decision to break off family relationships (also) describe the consequence of a political attitude towards the social and political order in Syria, and proposes that this critical attitude contributes to the disintegration of patriarchy in Syrian society.

Traffic jams are an important problem both on an individual and on a societal level and much research has been done on trying to explain their emergence. The mainstream approach to road traffic monitoring is based on crowdsourcing roaming GPS devices such as cars or cell phones. These systems are expectedly able to deliver good results in reflecting the immediate present. To my knowledge there is as yet no system which offers advance notice on road conditions. Google Search intensity for the German word stau (i.e. traffic jam) peaks 2 hours ahead of the number of traffic jam reports as reported by the ADAC, a well known German automobile club and the largest of its kind in Europe. This is true both in the morning (7 am to 9 am) and in the evening (5 pm to 7 pm). I propose such searches as a way of forecasting road conditions. The main result of this paper is that after controlling for time of day and day of week effects we can still explain a significant portion of the variation of the number of traffic jam reports with Google Trends and we can thus explain well over 80% of the variation of road conditions using Google search activity. A one percent increase in Google stau searches implies a .4 percent increase of traffic jams. Our paper is a proof of concept that aggregate, timely delivered behavioural data can help fine tune modern societies.

This paper discusses how household panels in general?and the German Socio- Economic Panel (SOEP) in particular?can serve as reference data for researchers collecting datasets that do not represent the full universe of the population of interest (e.g., through clinical trials, intervention studies, laboratory and behavioural experiments, and cohort studies). We first discuss potential benefits of using questions similar to those in the SOEP for studies where researchers are interested in using the SOEP as reference data. We present a comprehensive list of SOEP core questions that we recommend researchers to consider when collecting their own data. We focus on seven topics: (1) demographic and parental characteristics; (2) labour market; (3) health; (4) personality, preferences, and subjective orientations; (5) subjective wellbeing; (6) political involvement and participation, and finally, a set of core questions for young children before they enter school. Of course the selection of a minimum set of questions depends on the research question. In this paper, we offer general advice for the selection of variables to researchers interested in comparing their own data with the SOEP.

Der "local turn" in der Peacebuilding-Forschung zielt explizit darauf, sowohl die Forschung zu als auch die Praxis der internationalen Friedenskonsolidierung zu transformieren. Allgemein gesprochen geht es darum, Perspektiven, Erfahrungen und Praktiken aus dem Globalen Süden in den Prozess der Friedensförderung mit einzubeziehen und damit die Vorherrschaft nordwestlicher Konzepte und Blaupausen in Peacebuilding-Praxis und -Forschung zu überwinden. Das vorliegende PRIF Working Paper untersucht die Umsetzung dieser Zielsetzung durch eine systematische Analyse einschlägiger wissenschaftlicher Publikationen zum "local turn" in der Friedenskonsolidierung. Dabei stehen drei Fragen im Zentrum: (1) Inwieweit überdenken Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler, die darauf abzielen, dass "lokalen" Akteuren Handlungsfähigkeit und Ownership übertragen wird, ihre eigenen Konzepte und normativen Prämissen? (2) Inwieweit beziehen sie hierbei Perspektiven und Ansätze aus dem Globalen Süden ein? (3) Inwieweit und auf welche Weise sind Wissenschaftler*innen aus dem Globalen Süden an dieser akademischen Debatte beteiligt?, The local turn in peacebuilding studies represents an explicit and important attempt to transform both the research on and the practice of international peacebuilding. The aim, generally speaking, is to incorporate views, experiences and practices from the Global South and, thereby, overcome the predominance of Northwestern concepts and templates in the practice and scholarship of international peace operations. This PRIF Working Paper empirically assesses this attempt by systematically analyzing the existing scholarship that represents the local turn in peacebuilding. It specifically addresses the three questions (1) whether and how scholars that aim at giving agency and ownership to "the locals" rethink their own concepts and normative premises; (2) to what extent they do so by incorporating views and approaches from the Global South; and (3) to what extent and in what ways scholars from the Global South are an active and relevant part of this scholarly debate.

Es gehört zwischenzeitlich zum Standardrepertoire großer transnationaler Unternehmen, ein Corprate Social Responsibility Engagement zu entwickeln und darüber zu berichten. Die Idee einer unternehmerischen Verantwortung (Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR) hat sich global verbreitet, aber zugleich haben sich unterschiedliche regionale und nationale Verständnisse entwickelt. In diesem Papier schlage ich vor, konstruktivistische Theorieansätze der Normlokalisierung zu nutzen, um nationale Dynamiken im Themenfeld CSR zu analysieren. Die Lokalisierungforschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen hat zu einem besseren Verständnis beigetragen, wie internationale Normen sich in verschiedenen nationalen Kontexten verbreiten, welche Rolle lokale Akteure dabei spielen und wie dies den Inhalt von Normen beeinflusst. Das Papier leistet sowohl einen Beitrag zur Normenforschung, indem Unternehmen als Adressaten von Normen untersucht werden, als auch zur Forschung über CSR in Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländern. Ziel ist es, einen theoretischen Rahmen vorzuschlagen, der helfen kann, unterschiedliche nationale CSR-Praktiken zu verstehen und zu erklären. Das theoretische Argument wird mit einer kurzen Fallstudie zu CSR in China illustriert. Die Idee von CSR fand um das Jahr 2005 Eingang in den nationalen Diskurs und wurde als unternehmerischer Beitrag zur "harmonischen Gesellschaft" gerahmt. Die Politik und Praktiken chinesischer Unternehmen zeichnen sich jedoch durch einige spezifische Charakteristika aus. Nationale CSR-Standards wurden entwickelt, die teilweise mit internationalen Standards konkurrieren., It is nowadays a standard practice for large transnational corporations to engage in and report about their Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) activities. The idea of CSR has diffused globally, but at the same time different regional and national understandings have developed. In this paper I propose to use constructivist norm localization theory to analyze national-level dynamics in the field of CSR. Localization research in International Relations (IR) has advanced the understanding of how international norms are traveling to different contexts, what role local actors play and how this affects the content of norms. The paper contributes to research on norms by applying it to corporations as norm addressees and to research on CSR in emerging economies and developing countries. The aim of this paper is to provide a framework for understanding and explaining different national CSR practices. I illustrate the argument by looking at the case of China. The idea of CSR entered into the national discourse after 2005 and was introduced as corporate contribution to "harmonious society". Policies and practices of Chinese corporations, however, display some unique characteristics and national Chinese CSR standards were developed that compete with international ones.

Pastoral counties in northern Kenya are expected to undergo massive social-ecological change in the coming years as a result of the government's 'Vision 2030' with its large-scale investments and infrastructure projects. The Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) corridor project is an ambitious infrastructure development project that links with other continental transport corridors traversing the country. The 500m-wide corridor is to consist of a railway, a highway, a fibre-optic cable and a crude oil pipeline, linking oil fields in Turkana county in the far north-west to a 32-berth port at Lamu on the Kenyan coast. A 50-km wide "special economic zone" straddling the corridor will attract investors, and the development will be accompanied by several associated projects, including three planned resort cities, oil processing facilities and airports. Proponents of the corridor point to its potential to "open up the north" and to reverse previous marginalisation. However, a growing body of work on frontiers and economies of anticipation surrounding development projects points to the potentials for dispossession of local populations and disregard of local dynamics. Further, such projects stimulate future-oriented activities and a variety of visions of the future among the different actors, which may converge or diverge, leading to contestations. This Working Paper is part of a larger project called "Future Rural Africa: Future-making and socialecological transformation" by the Universities of Bonn and Cologne and BICC in collaboration with USIU-Africa and other Kenyan universities, which is interested in the kinds of claims being made on land and its resources and how these may change existing dynamics of organised violence. In this Working Paper, the author seeks to understand the dynamics of participation and anticipation and how these relate to conflict and contestation along the LAPSSET Corridor area (in the following referred to as 'LAPSSET'). He takes

Das BICC Working Paper untersucht Herausforderungen und Bedarfe der Radikalisierungsprävention in Justizvollzugsanstalten (JVAen) Nordrhein-Westfalens. Die Ergebnisse basieren auf Interviews, die das Projektteam am BICC 2021 mit Akteur:innen der Präventionsarbeit innerhalb und außerhalb des Justizwesens von NRW führte. Das BICC Working Paper unterscheidet zwischen drei Arbeitsbereichen der Prävention: Erstens, direkte und indirekte Maßnahmen, die Radikalisierungsprozesse in JVAen gar nicht erst entstehen lassen oder in einem sehr frühen Stadium unterbinden wollen (u. a. religiöse Seelsorge für Inhaftierte, Angebote der politischen Bildung). Zweitens, der Umgang mit bereits radikalisierten Gefangenen in Haft, insbesondere die Arbeit der staatlichen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Ausstiegsprogramme in JVAen. Drittens, die Bedeutung von Prävention in der Arbeit der Bewährungshilfe, also nach der Haftentlassung. Im Vergleich zu den anderen Bereichen haben Programme der Radikalisierungsprävention im Justizwesen diesen Aspekt bisher vernachlässigt. Schließlich ist eine wichtige Erkenntnis, dass sich die Problemwahrnehmung in den JVAen in letzter Zeit diversifiziert hat. Standen ursprünglich islamistische Bewegungen im Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit, arbeiten Präventionsakteur:innen zunehmend auch rechtsextremen Hinwendungstendenzen entgegen.

Today's internet is shaped largely by privately operated platforms of various kinds. This paper asks how the various commercially operated communication, market, consumption and service platforms can be grasped as a distinct organizational form of enterprise. To this end, we make a basic distinction between (1) the platform-operating companies as organizing and structuring cores whose goal is to run a profitable business, and (2) the platforms belonging to these companies as more or less extensive, rule-based and strongly technically mediated social action spaces. While platform companies are essentially organizations in an almost archetypical sense, the internet platforms they operate constitute socio-technically structured social, market, consumption or service spaces in which social actors interact on the basis of detailed and technically framed rules, albeit, at the same time, in a varied and idiosyncratic manner. The thesis of this paper is that the coordination, control and exploitation mechanisms characteristic of the platform architectures are characterized by a strong hierarchical orientation in which elements of co-optation and the orchestrated participation of users are embedded. In this hybrid constellation, the platform companies have a high degree of structure-giving, rule-setting and controlling power - in addition to exclusive access to the raw data material generated there. While this power may manifest, at times, as rigid control, direct coercion or en-forceable accountability, for the majority of rule-obeying users it unfolds nearly imperceptibly and largely silently beneath the surface of a (supposed) openness that likewise characterizes the platforms as technically mediated spaces for social and economic exchange.

This paper presents the main outcomes of a joint research project conducted at ZMO Berlin between March 2018 and July 2021 with funding from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research. The project analyzed how Syrians remembered their "normal lives" through daily interactions with each other, in neighbourhoods, institutions, or families, as well as routine encounters with the state through the interface of infrastructural provision and bureaucratic practices. Describing three distinct modalities of connection through which incomers of Syrian origin continue to engage with their distant homeland, the paper demonstrates that 'crisis' and 'normality' are not mutually exclusive states of reality, but can be experienced as overlapping states of being that may shape a given life alternately or simultaneously. Secondly, engaging with efforts to communicate the research findings to a wider public, this paper discusses the communicative "balancing acts" that arise when presenting and discussing the project findings with members of the public in Germany. It is suggested that social and political hierarchies inherent to "integration" contexts may complicate or hinder communication. Thus, opportunities to learn about life in Syria, but also Germany, from the perspective of new citizens, may be obscured and even lost. In conclusion, this paper argues for a perspective that does not essentialize (and generically flatten) people as "refugees" despite the distinct and specific legal and political regimes that shape their condition and set them apart from other categories of migrants. Rather, their experiences must be seen in the context of longer-term trajectories that encompass Syrian and German realities as intertwined and linked in many, often unexpected, ways.

Empirical studies to verify and refine theoretical models are increasingly important in economics. This is reflected in a rising number of empirical contributions to journals where the authors have collected their own research data or used external datasets. However, so far there have been few effective means to access the results of economic research within the framework of the corresponding article. Also to cite, to replicate or to make the research data that was used in a paper available for repurposing often is not possible. Initially our paper describes the status quo in regard to the management of research data in economic scholarly journals. In a second step the results of an empirical study conducted by the DFG-funded research project EDa- WaX (European Data Watch Extended) are presented and discussed. The project evaluated the data availability policies of some economic scholarly journals. Based on the results of the study the question is raised how publication-related research data can reasonably be made available., In den Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften nehmen empirische Untersuchungen an Bedeutung zu. Dies schlägt sich auch in einer steigenden Anzahl von entsprechenden Beiträgen in Fachzeitschriften nieder, bei denen Autoren eigene Forschungsdaten erhoben oder externe Datensätze verarbeitet haben. Allerdings bieten bislang nur wenige Zeitschriften effektive Möglichkeiten, die verwendeten Forschungsdaten im Kontext der zugehörigen Zeitschriftenartikel aufzurufen. Auch eine Zitation, Replikation oder eine Nachnutzung dieser Daten ist oftmals nicht möglich. Unser Paper beschreibt zunächst den Status Quo in Bezug auf das Forschungsdatenmanagement in wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Fachzeitschriften. In einem zweiten Schritt werden die Ergebnisse einer Studie des DFG-geförderten Projekts EDaWaX (European Data Watch Extended) präsentiert und diskutiert, bei der die Richtlinien von Fachzeitschriften zur Übermittlung von Forschungsdaten untersucht wurden. Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen der Studie wird die Frage aufgeworfen, wie eine sinnvolle Bereitstellung solcher publikationsbezogenen Forschungsdaten erfolgen kann.

This paper explains the emergence of financialisation of nonfinancial corporations (NFCs) in the USA by way of the increased pension fund savings of white-collar workers which can be considered by Monetary Circuit Theory (MCT) as 'leakages' causing equity issuances to be replenished. The indirect causal nexus can briefly be explained that pension fund savings of white-collar workers have been facilitated by the increasing wage differential between white-collar and blue-collar workers which is driven by the increased market concentration. Since pension funds savings are channelled to financial markets instead of being spent for consumption goods, liquidity deficits of firms being replenished throughout stock markets and because of excess inflows into financial markets, profit expectations of NFCs from liquid financial assets have come to exceed the quasi-rent expectations from illiquid capital assets due to depressed demand for consumption goods. This paper stands as a reconstructive summary of findings of three published articles on each arguments of causal nexus and a contribution to MCT which has not yet considered market concentration.

Der NDR-Audio-Podcast "Das Coronavirus-Update" war in der COVID-19-Pandemie ein besonders erfolgreiches Format des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks, das das Ziel verfolgte, mit Hilfe von Gesundheitsexpert:innen wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse einem breiten Laienpublikum verständlich zu vermitteln. Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich auf Basis einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse der Transkripte von 113 Podcast-Folgen subjektiven Medientheorien im Podcast und fragt, inwieweit im Rahmen des Formats Vorstellungen zu a) Medieninhalten, deren b) Entstehungsbedingungen und c) Wirkungen vermittelt wurden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass subjektive Medientheorien im Podcast regelmäßig formuliert wurden, wobei häufig ein tendenziell negatives Medienbild gezeichnet und ein starker Einfluss der Medieninhalte auf die öffentliche Meinung und das politische Handeln angenommen wurde., The NDR audio podcast "Das Coronavirus-Update" ("The Coronavirus Update") was a particularly successful format of German public broadcasting during the COVID-19 pandemic, which pursued the goal of understandably communicating scientific facts to a broad lay audience with the help of health experts. Based on a qualitative content analysis of the transcripts of 113 podcast episodes, this paper addresses subjective (lay) media theories in the podcast and asks to what extent the podcast presents which ideas about a) media content, its b) conditions of origin and its c) effects. The results show that lay theories of mass media were regularly formulated in the podcast which often drew a negative image of the media and assumed a strong influence of media content on public opinion and political action.

Die Untersuchung der Wirkung von Responsibility Frames in sozialen Medien zum Thema Depressionen ist von hoher Relevanz für die Kommunikationswissenschaft. Dies ergibt sich daraus, dass mediale Verantwortungszuschreibungen Folgen für die (Ent-)Stigmatisierung der psychischen Störung haben können. Der Beitrag untersucht die Wirkung dreier Responsibility Frames (individuell, soziales Netzwerk, kombiniert) in Instagram-Posts zu Depressionen auf die Verantwortungszuschreibungen der Rezipierenden und erweitert damit die bestehende Forschung. Das Online-Experiment (N = 1.015) zeigte erstens, dass in Inhalten sozialer Medien solche Responsibility Frames, die die Verantwortung sozialer Einflüsse (soziales Netzwerk) für Depressionen betonen, soziale Zuschreibungen am effektivsten stärken. Der individuelle Responsibility Frame intensivierte hingegen die Auffassung, dass Betroffene selbst verantwortlich sind am meisten. Entgegen bisherigen Erkenntnissen zu anderen Gesundheitsproblemen zeigte unser Experiment zweitens, dass eine Kombination beider Frames in Instagram-Posts die Verantwortungszuschreibungen zu sozialen Einflüssen nicht am effektivsten intensiviert und gleichzeitig die Zuschreibungen zum Individuum erhöht. Am Ende werden Implikationen für die (Ent-)Stigmatisierung von Depressionen durch Responsibility Frames sozialer Medien abgeleitet. So könnte man im Kontext sozialer Medien vor allem mit Frames des sozialen Netzwerks der Stigmatisierung von Depressionen entgegenwirken., Investigating effects of responsibility frames regarding depression on social media is of high relevance for communication science. This results from the fact that responsibility attributions in the media can have consequences for the (de)stigmatization of the mental disorder. This paper examines the effects of three responsibility frames (individual, social network, combined) in Instagram posts about depression on recipients' attributions and thus extends existing research. First, the online experiment (N = 1,015) showed that in social media depictions, frames emphasizing social responsibilities (social network) for depression strengthened social attributions most effectively. By contrast, the individual responsibility frame intensified the belief that affected persons themselves are responsible to a great extent. Second, contrary to previous findings on other health problems, our experiment revealed that a combination of both frames in Instagram posts did not intensify social attributions in the most powerful way, while simultaneously increasing attributions to the individual. Finally, implications for (de)stigmatizing depression through responsibility frames on social media are derived. In the context of social media, particularly frames of the social network could contribute to counteract the stigmatization of depression.

Der Beitrag übersetzt die Anliegen des menschenrechtlichen Verständnisses von Inklusion in einen Analyserahmen für die Fluchtforschung. Anhand eines Forschungsprojekts zum Thema "Flucht und Inklusion - Historische und zeitgenössische Analysen zur Teilhabe von Geflüchteten" verdeutlicht er die Perspektive junger Geflüchteter in Deutschland auf ihre Schul- und Bildungssituation. Zentrales Ergebnis ist, dass die Beschulung der Logik von Integration, nicht von Inklusion folgt. Die Ergebnisse knüpfen an Erkenntnisse zur Beschulung der Kinder von Migrant_innen in der Vergangenheit an und rekonstruieren Formen der Separierung als pfadabhängige Umgangsweise mit Migration in Deutschland. Der Beitrag plädiert für eine Zusammenführung der Diskussionen zu Inklusion in den pädagogischen Teildisziplinen und eine Inklusionspädagogik, welche Teilhabeprozesse aus Akteur_innensicht beforscht und Räume der Teilhabe gestaltet. Stichworte: Inklusion, Teilhabe, UN-Behindertenrechtskonvention, Schule, Bildung, Migration und Flucht, Separierung, Assimilation, Integration., The paper translates the concerns of a human rights based understanding of inclusion into an analytical framework in flight research. Based on the research project "Flight and Inclusion - Historical and Contemporary Analysis of the Participation of Young Refugees", the paper illustrates the perspective of young refugees on their schooling and education situation in Germany. The central result is that school and education follow the logic of integration, not of inclusion. The results build on findings on the schooling and education of migrant children in the past and reconstruct forms of separation as a path-dependent dealing with migration in Germany. The paper speaks for a joining of discussions on inclusion in the pedagogical disciplines and an inclusive pedagogy, which explores participatory processes from the perspective of the actors and arranges spaces of participation.

In Poland and Turkey, restrictions placed on abortion is just one of the many examples of democratic hollowing and attacks on the rights of women and marginalised genders in recent years. Civil society organisations (CSOs) in both countries advocate for access to safe and legal pregnancy terminations but face numerous restrictions in doing so. This paper explores these challenges, drawing on material collected from expert interviews, CSO publications and other media.

Dieses Skript enthält eine Fortsetzung der Erläuterungen zur Mehrebenenanalyse in No. 51 der Schriftenreihe des Instituts für Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Stuttgart (SISS). Der Text beschreibt die Logik der graphischen Darstellung von Mehrebenenmodellen und deren programmtechnische Umsetzung, so wie sie von Mplus vorgeschlagen werden. Zudem wird die graphische Modellierung von Mplus noch durch eine weitergehende graphische Modellierung ergänzt, die bereits in SISS-51 vorgestellt wurde., This paper is a continuation of the explanations on multilevel analysis in No. 51 of the publication series of the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Stuttgart (SISS). The text describes the logic of the graphical representation of multilevel models and its program-technical implementation as proposed by Mplus. In addition, the graphical modeling of Mplus is further extended by a more advanced graphical modeling as already presented in SISS-51.

In diesem Beitrag werden Wachstumskoalitionen und Wachstumskritiken am Beispiel von Reurbanisierungs- und Zuwanderungspolitiken im Rahmen der Fallstudie Jena untersucht. Hierbei liegen die folgenden Fragen zugrunde: Welche lokalen Wachstumskoalitionen gibt es mit welchen Wachstumszielen? Inwieweit führen Wachstumsgrenzen zu einer Erweiterung lokaler Wachstumskoalitionen mit dem Stadtumland? Welche wachstumskritischen Positionen gibt es in der Stadtpolitik und inwieweit stellen diese Wachstumspolitiken in Frage? Der Beitrag knüpft insbesondere an die theoretisch geführte Diskussion der Postwachstumsplanung an und bereichert diese mittels einer empirischen Reflexion, indem er Formen kommunaler Wachstumsskepsis oder -verweigerung sowie Grenzen der regionalen Kooperation untersucht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass in Jena eine ausgeprägte Wachstumskoalition besteht, die insbesondere das Ziel der Fachkräfteanwerbung zur Sicherung des Wirtschaftswachstums verfolgt. Aufgrund naturräumlicher Wachstumsgrenzen sowie dem Widerstand vereinzelter Anwohner stoßen die Zuwanderungspolitiken jedoch an ihre Grenzen, sodass als Ausweichlösung Stadt-Umland-Kooperationen angestrebt werden. Explizite Wachstumskritiken sowie eine grundsätzliche öffentliche Diskussion über die Wachstumspolitik sind hingegen erst im Entstehen begriffen., In this paper, growth coalitions and growth critiques are examined by using the example of in-migration policies in the context of Jena case study. This is based on the following questions: Which local growth coalitions do exist with which growth goals? To what extent do growth boundaries lead to an expansion of local growth coalitions with the urban hinterland? What kind of growth-critical positions are there in urban politics and to what extent do they question growth policies? The paper particularly ties in with the theoretical discussion of post-growth planning and enriches it by an empirical reflection by examining forms of municipal growth scepticism as well as limits of regional cooperation. The results show that there is a distinct growth coalition in Jena, which pursues the goal of attracting skilled workers to secure economic growth. However, due to natural growth limits and the resistance of individual residents, in-migration policies are reaching their limits, so that intermunicipal cooperation in the urban region is being sought as a fallback solution. Explicit critiques of growth and a fundamental public discussion about growth policies, on the other hand, just begin to emerge.

Prefiguration unites organizations and collectives as diverse as post-growth organizations, common good organizations, community-supported agriculture, transition towns, or ecovillages in their fundamental critique of contemporary capitalism and the belief in the urgency of a major social transformation toward sustainability. It refers to realizing imaginaries of radically alternative futures in social practices, of bringing about the future by enacting real utopias in the present. Prefiguration is an increasingly fashionable concept in the social sciences, but it is still rarely used in scholarship on infrastructures. This paper shows the potential relevance of this concept for studying infrastructures, in particular to address the social transformation of contemporary infrastructures toward radically alternative, revolutionary infrastructures. It therefore starts with providing insights into the common and yet rather narrow understanding of social change and transformation in literature on prefiguration. Building on scholarly reflections on the politics of social transformation and the crucial role of organizing in transformative social change processes, the paper derives a multi-political approach where prefiguration is considered in its intricate linkage to other forms of politics. Furthermore, the paper outlines the conceptual relationship between prefiguration and infrastructures, proposes conceiving radically alternative infrastructures as being created through prefigurative organizing, and discusses a few exemplary challenges of prefiguring alternative immaterial and material infrastructures. It generally suggests that a fundamental social transformation of our societies and infrastructures requires prefigurative organizing, understood through its multi-political lens.