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Jaime de Angulo (1886-1950) contributed a number of important early papers to the field of California ethnology. At the urging of two close friends, Franz Boas and Paul Radin, de Angulo formally began his academic career in northern California in the mid-twenties. As de Angulo had already met a number of Achumawi (Pit River) Indians at his ranch up in Alturas, he naturally chose Pit River culture as his primary area of concentration. In 1928 de Angulo's valuable introduction to Pit River religion,"La Psychologie religeuse des Achumawi," was published in the French journal, Anthropos. Two years later the author's study of Pit River grammar, "The Achumawi Language," was published by Boas in his International Journal of American Linguistics. The following excerpts have been drawn, almost at random, from a third and final previously unpublished paper in this series, The Achumawi: A Primitive Tribe of Northern California. A more open and less technical study than the two previous works, the paper provides early evidence of the good humor, rich insight, and irrepressible rambling narrative style that characterize the author's later classics Indians in Overalls and Indian Tales.

Jaime de Angulo (1886-1950) contributed a number of important early papers to the field of California ethnology. At the urging of two close friends, Franz Boas and Paul Radin, de Angulo formally began his academic career in northern California in the mid-twenties. As de Angulo had already met a number of Achumawi (Pit River) Indians at his ranch up in Alturas, he naturally chose Pit River culture as his primary area of concentration. In 1928 de Angulo's valuable introduction to Pit River religion,"La Psychologie religeuse des Achumawi," was published in the French journal, Anthropos. Two years later the author's study of Pit River grammar, "The Achumawi Language," was published by Boas in his International Journal of American Linguistics. The following excerpts have been drawn, almost at random, from a third and final previously unpublished paper in this series, The Achumawi: A Primitive Tribe of Northern California. A more open and less technical study than the two previous works, the paper provides early evidence of the good humor, rich insight, and irrepressible rambling narrative style that characterize the author's later classics Indians in Overalls and Indian Tales.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications of crop plants in the Cahuilla creation myth through a comparative study of agricultural motifs and elements which may be found elsewhere in Cahuilla mythology or in the myths of other California Indian groups. A number of assumptions will be made and several hypotheses will be tested. Before proceeding to these hypotheses, however, I should like to make several comments about the Cahuilla creation myth and problems which are posed by Mukat's last gift to his people—crop plants.

This paper presents some conclusions I have come to concerning the nature of political organization among the tribes of northern California. I concern myself mainly with the nature of the basic political units, ambilateral residential kin groups. However, these units were involved in several kinds of more complex social, political, and religious systems, which reflected rather favorable ecological conditions and what may seem to be very "exceptional" demographic conditions. Most of these systems were characteristic of "tribelets" which were semi-sedentary, rather than nomadic; organized at the levels of tribes or chiefdoms, rather than just at the "band level"; and which had population densities well above the one per square mile figure so often cited as the upper limit for hunting-gathering populations.

In this paper, I extend into the domain of plant life the consideration of intersection begun by Haas within the framework of body-part terms. Under discussion here are the diachronic complexities manifested by some northern Hokan morphemes occurring in terms for plants, trees, and bushes. These morphemes, all having a general interpretation 'of the plant world', make up two separate phonological subsets whose members are cognate. The fact that there are extra-Hokan similars for each subset leads to consideration of the possible extra-Hokan connections.

This paper focuses on the spatial and temporal relationships between the culture types which existed during the span encompassed by the Early and Middle Horizons in the Central California area within the regions of the lower Sacramento Valley, San Francisco Bay, and the North Coast Ranges. It seems clear that a simple unilineal sequence of culture types does not provide an adequate model for understanding the changes which appear to have taken place within this area during this time period and that the transition from one culture type to another did not take place uniformly throughout the area, but rather took place in different regions at different times. Thus, the absolute dating of transitions from one culture type to another must be determined independently for each region. It is recommended that an understanding of the changes which occurred in each region be sought through examination of both technoenvironmental and sociohistorical factors. The relationships proposed here are based upon published and unpublished data from the North Coast Ranges, as well as similar data from San Francisco Bay and the lower Sacramento Valley.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications of crop plants in the Cahuilla creation myth through a comparative study of agricultural motifs and elements which may be found elsewhere in Cahuilla mythology or in the myths of other California Indian groups. A number of assumptions will be made and several hypotheses will be tested. Before proceeding to these hypotheses, however, I should like to make several comments about the Cahuilla creation myth and problems which are posed by Mukat's last gift to his people—crop plants.

This paper presents some conclusions I have come to concerning the nature of political organization among the tribes of northern California. I concern myself mainly with the nature of the basic political units, ambilateral residential kin groups. However, these units were involved in several kinds of more complex social, political, and religious systems, which reflected rather favorable ecological conditions and what may seem to be very "exceptional" demographic conditions. Most of these systems were characteristic of "tribelets" which were semi-sedentary, rather than nomadic; organized at the levels of tribes or chiefdoms, rather than just at the "band level"; and which had population densities well above the one per square mile figure so often cited as the upper limit for hunting-gathering populations.

In this paper, I extend into the domain of plant life the consideration of intersection begun by Haas within the framework of body-part terms. Under discussion here are the diachronic complexities manifested by some northern Hokan morphemes occurring in terms for plants, trees, and bushes. These morphemes, all having a general interpretation 'of the plant world', make up two separate phonological subsets whose members are cognate. The fact that there are extra-Hokan similars for each subset leads to consideration of the possible extra-Hokan connections.

This paper focuses on the spatial and temporal relationships between the culture types which existed during the span encompassed by the Early and Middle Horizons in the Central California area within the regions of the lower Sacramento Valley, San Francisco Bay, and the North Coast Ranges. It seems clear that a simple unilineal sequence of culture types does not provide an adequate model for understanding the changes which appear to have taken place within this area during this time period and that the transition from one culture type to another did not take place uniformly throughout the area, but rather took place in different regions at different times. Thus, the absolute dating of transitions from one culture type to another must be determined independently for each region. It is recommended that an understanding of the changes which occurred in each region be sought through examination of both technoenvironmental and sociohistorical factors. The relationships proposed here are based upon published and unpublished data from the North Coast Ranges, as well as similar data from San Francisco Bay and the lower Sacramento Valley.