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Background: The purpose of this study was to further clarify the relationship between chronic rhinosinusitis (CRS) and osteoporosis in a Korean population., Methods: The Korean National Health Insurance Service-National Sample Cohort, with subjects ≥50 years old, was assessed for the time period 2002-2013. In total, 68,459 osteoporosis participants were matched with 68,459 control participants at a ratio of 1:1 with respect to age, sex, income group, region of residence, hypertension, diabetes, and dyslipidemia. We analyzed previous histories of CRS with/without nasal polyp in the osteoporosis and control groups. CRS and osteoporosis were included using codes from the International Classification of Diseases-tenth edition and claim codes. Crude and adjusted odds ratios (ORs) were analyzed using conditional logistic regression analyses. The 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were then calculated. Subgroup analyses were performed according to age and sex., Results: The rate of CRS with/without nasal polyp was higher in the osteoporosis group (3.0% [2078 of 68,459]) compared with the control group (2.0% [1344 of 68,459]) (p < 0.001). The adjusted OR of CRS with/without nasal polyp was 1.47 (95% CI, 1.37-1.58; p < 0.001) in the osteoporosis group. The results of the subgroup analyses were consistent., Conclusion: The ORs of CRS were increased in osteoporosis participants. This relation was consistent in all age and sex groups., (© 2019 ARS-AAOA, LLC.)

The purpose of this study is to investigate the change in body dimensions over time in both Western (US) and Eastern (Korea) populations. In order to analyse the change of body dimension between the past and present and between western and eastern population, 13 body dimensions relating to automobile driver seat design were extracted from the ANSUR and Size Korea datasets at two time points, the past (ANSUR I: 1988, Size Korea: 1992) and the present (ANSUR II: 2012, Size Korea: 2012). Most of the dimensions differed significantly between past and present, as well as between the US and Korea. Overall, the data show an increasing trend of body dimensions over time for both genders. Based on the results, all countries should be encouraged to conduct periodic and national anthropometric research because body dimensions are continuously changing over time worldwide. Practitioner summary: This paper describes a study that investigates the changes in body dimensions over time in Western (US) and Eastern (Korean) populations. Findings indicate increasing trends in most dimensions for both populations, crucial for user-friendly product design and preventing hazards caused by faulty products.

We examined long-term response (2008-2017) of the macrobenthos to the Hebei Spirit oil spill that occurred around the Taean coast, Korea, in December 2007. Oil concentrations were below the Korea/US environmental standards as of January 2008. Organic matter, chlorophyll-a, and zooplankton abundance dominated by Noctiluca scintillans were higher after the spill. Macrobenthic diversity recovered to pre-incident (2007) level in 2011. Biomass exceeded that level in 2011 and the increase prolonged for 5 years. Cross-correlation and regression analyses showed that chlorophyll-a at year t and zooplankton abundance at t-2 had a significant relationship with macrobenthic biomass at t (p < 0.05 for both), suggesting the transfer of increased organic matter (transformed from crude oil within the pelagic ecosystem) into the benthic ecosystem. Coastal wetlands around the incident area, vulnerable to oil pollution and slowly remobilizing accumulated oil, seemed to affect pelagic ecosystem processes and the unexpectedly increased and sustained biomass., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

"Medicine is an art of benevolence [Kr. 인술 Insul, Ch. Renshu]." This slogan is widely accepted in East Asia, and at least in South Korea, it is generally regarded as an innate medical ethic. However, the original meaning of 'In' (Ch. Ren), which means 'benevolence,' 'humanity,' or simply 'love for one another,' is a Confucian virtue emphasized by Mencius. It is unclear when this Confucian term became the representative medical ethic in South Korea. The term "medical ethic" was not coined until the 19th century in the West (Robert Baker and Laurence B. McCullough, eds. 2009). We often use the terms 'Insul,' 'affection,' 'Hippocratic Oath,' and other related concepts interchangeably, but these words come from different times and have different ideological implications (Shin 2000). This paper examines how 'Insul' has been recreated under the tensions between Western and Eastern Medicine in modern Korea. The arrival of Western medicine caused an existential crisis in traditional Korean medicine. The status of TKM doctors was demoted by the 'Uisaeng Regulation' in 1913 by the JGGK, which aimed to establish a unicameral medical system based on Western medicine. In response, the scientification of Eastern medicine became an inevitable task, and Eastern medicine had to maintain its identity while also modernizing itself to avoid being absorbed into Western medicine. Until the late Joseon period, 'Insul' was rarely used in medicine but rather for political practices. Medical practice was a peripheral way of conducting Ren, the Confucian benevolence. However, TKM rediscovered the concept during the modern era. With the Convention of Korean Uisaeng in October 1915, the TKM community actively used 'Insul' as their identity. At this convention, Governor General Terauchi Mastake used the term to mean traditional medicine and implied that without scientification, 'Insul' would be disused. This address was immediately and widely quoted in TKM journals. TKM doctors and adherents interpreted his address to mean that if they could achieve scientification of TKM, their medical ideal (Insul) would be used in the future. Soon, a number of articles on 'Insul' as a medical ethic were published in newspapers and journals. From the mid-1920s, regardless of whether the doctors practiced East or West medicine, people started to claim that only those who pursued 'Insul' were true medical personnel, and they used this as a criterion for evaluating medical doctors. The people's demand for 'Insul' influenced medicine in general, and Western doctors also linked their medical practices to 'Insul.' This is an interesting example of the localization of Western medicine in Korea. Through the rivalry relationship or interaction between East and West medicine that took place in modern Korea, 'Insul' gradually became a representative term of Korean medical ethics since the mid-1920s. The process took place gradually over a decade, and it has now become firmly established throughout medicine in Korea.

This study analyzes the annual reports of CMB in order to examine CMB's assistance of Korea. CMB originally assisted medical education in China, and it turned to assist Asia with changes in the international situation. This paper examines three periods spanning from 1953 to 1980 when Korea received CMB assist. The first period was from 1953 to 1962, when Korea received help with material resources that were lacking after the Korean War. The second period was from 1963 to 1972 during which the scale of assistance further expanded. Additionally, Seoul National University began to have human resources with the necessary support for education and research with the assistance from CMB. The third period was from 1973 to 1980, when the CMB newly established the overall direction of aid, the contents of assistance for Korea also changed. Throughout this period, Korean medicine was able to lay the foundation for independence, and public health, including community medicine, came to be considered as an important aspect of society.

To determine the driving mechanisms between submarine groundwater discharge (SGD) and massive blooms of the green alga Ulva, we examined the magnitude of SGD and SGD-derived nutrient fluxes from November 2019 to July 2020 in Ihotewoo (north) and Bangdu (east) bays, Jeju Island, Korea. The variability of SGD flux at both the sites, where the hydraulic gradient is low, closely followed the daily variability of the tidal range, indicating that SGD flux is primarily driven by tidal pumping. Although the average annual SGD-driven nutrient fluxes were 24-37 % lower in Bangdu Bay than in Ihotewoo Bay, massive Ulva blooms only occurred in Bangdu Bay. A longer residence time (poor water exchange) and continuous SGD input with high dissolved inorganic nitrogen play a significant role in the growth and extentsion of Ulva blooms., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

There is no doubt that the colonial period was a critical time for the establishment and expansion of modern Western medicine in Korea. However, did this act as a catalyst for the overall decline of traditional Korean medicine? While previous studies mainly focus on research based on the concept of Uisaeng (traditional Korean medicine doctor) and the medical policies implemented by the Japanese Government-General of Korea, this paper begins with the Korean herbal medicine industry, and comprehensively investigates the distribution and consumption of Korean herbal medicines during the colonial period from three perspectives: the policies for Korean medicine merchants implemented by the Japanese Government-General of Korea, changes in the Korean herbal medicine industry, and consumption of Korean herbal medicines in the Korean society. The colonial authorities' intention was to foster the advancement of Western medicine and phase out traditional Korean medicine. However, they merely imposed limitations on Uisaengs' operations-this policy loophole objectively left a window for Korean medicine merchants. Moreover, against the backdrop of the growing popularity of Western medicine and restrictions on the development of traditional Korean medicine by colonial authorities, the Korean herbal medicine industry, as one of the few "national industries" dominated by and serving Koreans, showed its tenacious vitality during that time. Korean medicine merchants responded to market changes with ease. They built different drugstores, such as traditional herbal stores mainly selling traditional Korean medicines, hybrid drugstores that simultaneously dealt with the manufacture and sale of patent medicines, and ginseng drugstores that specialized in the ginseng business. This classification promoted the commercialization of traditional Korean herbal medicine. Another crucial condition for the vitality of the Korean herbal medicine industry is Koreans' preference for traditional Korean medicine. It is an indisputable fact that Western medicine gradually became popular and was recognized by the common man during the colonial period; nonetheless, Eastern medicine and Western medicine were not playing a zero-sum game. Through comprehensive macro and micro analysis, this paper demonstrates that, during the colonial period, when old and new ideas interacted, most Koreans, including upper-class elites and intellectuals who were open-minded about emerging concepts and options and had ample opportunities to avail western medical treatment, preferred traditional Korean medicine. Using Korean herbal medicines for illnesses remained the primary choice, While Western medicine assumed the role of a supplement to traditional treatment. This paper argues that the first reason for this phenomenon is the inertia of tradition, and the second is that Western medicine was not necessarily more effective than Korean herbal medicine at that time. Specifically, it can be considered that, during the colonial period, the growing popularity of Western medicine failed to bring about a radical change in Koreans' regular medical interventions. Simultaneously, the Korean herbal medicine industry, one of the pillars offering medical support to the common man, adapted suitably while relying on the inertia of its own tradition. The industry's vitality and dynamism during the colonial period certainly underscore the need to amend the one-sided narrative of medical modernization vis-à-vis Western medicine.

The atomic bomb attack on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 is one of the most powerful global memories. While the literature on global memories has greatly expanded in recent decades, Hiroshima remains surprisingly understudied. In addressing this lacuna, this paper develops a new theoretical prism for the study of global memories. It argues that the Hiroshima memory cannot be understood in isolation, but rather as the hub in a broader memory complex. This complex is the result of symbolic dialogues that connect Hiroshima with such different events, situations, and memories as Nanjing, Pearl Harbor, the Cold War, and so on. The paper demonstrates how these dialogues have been forged, often in the context of substantial controversy. While distinctly sociological in orientation, the paper takes its main theoretical inspiration from cultural, literary, and history scholars such as Jan and Aleida Assmann, Sebastian Conrad, Astrid Erll, Ann Rigney, Michael Rothberg, Aby Warburg and Mikhael Bakhtin., (© 2019 London School of Economics and Political Science.)

Asian Americans have the lowest organ donation registration rates in the United States, and the reason for this is incompletely understood. Aiming to understand the reasons for low organ donation registration rate among Asian Americans, more specifically Chinese and Korean Americans, we conducted a systematic search of databases, websites, and gray literature. Altogether, 34 papers were retained after the assessment of relevance and quality. Commonly reported barriers to organ donation registration among Chinese and Koreans in the literature included lack of knowledge about organ donation, distrust of health-care and allocation system, cultural avoidance of discussion of death-related topics, and desire for intact body mainly stemming from the Confucian concept of filial piety. Strong family values coupled with a cultural reluctance to discuss death-related topics among family members appear to underscore the reluctance to organ donation among Chinese and Koreans. Notably, improved knowledge negatively impacted organ donation intent and religion seemed to play a more important role when making decision about organ donation among Koreans, and the distrust of the allocation system is more prominent among Chinese. This information should be used to inform the development of culturally competent organ donation educational materials., (© 2019 Steunstichting ESOT.)

This paper focuses on the criticism of tuberculosis statistics published by the Japanese Government-general in colonial Korea and a research on the reality of tuberculosis prevalence by medical doctors from the Department of Hygiene and Preventive Medicine at Keijo Imperial University (DHPMK). Recent studies have shown that colonial statistics shape the image of colonial subjects and justify the control to them. Following this perspective, this paper explores the process of producing the statistical knowledge of tuberculosis by medical scientists from DHPMK. Their goal was to find out the resistance to tuberculosis as biological characteristics of Korean race/ethnicity. In order to do so, they demonstrated the existence of errors in tuberculosis statistics by the Korean colonial government and devised a statistical method to correct them based on the conviction that the Western modern medicine was superior than Korean traditional medicine as well as the racist bias against Korean. By analyzing how the statistical concepts reflected these prejudices, this paper argues that the statistical knowledge of tuberculosis created images that Japanese people was healthier and stronger than the Korean people and justified the colonial government's control over Korean.

In this paper, we report data on the development of Korean infants' perception of a rare fricative phoneme distinction. Korean fricative consonants have received much interest in the linguistic community due to the language's distinct categorization of sounds. Unlike many fricative contrasts utilized in most of the world's languages, Korean fricatives (/s*/-/s/) are all voiceless. Moreover, compared with other sound categories, fricatives have received very little attention in the speech perception development field and no studies thus far have examined Korean infants' development of native phonology in this domain. Using a visual habituation paradigm, we tested 4‒6-month-old and 7‒9-month-old Korean infants on their abilities to discriminate the Korean fricative pair in the [a] vowel context, /s*a/-/sa/, which can be distinguished based on acoustic cues, such as the durations of aspiration and frication noise. Korean infants older than 7 months were able to reliably discriminate the fricative pair but younger infants did not show clear signs of such discrimination. These results add to the growing evidence that there are native sound contrasts infants cannot discriminate early on without a certain amount of language exposure, providing further data to help delineate the specific nature of early perceptual capacity., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

The purpose of this study is to understand the reality of imperial medicine by exploring the strategic attitude of the Japanese authority targeting the public who were not patients of Hansen's disease. For this purpose, this study examines the mass media data related to Hansen's disease published in Korea and Japan during the Japanese colonial rule. Research on Hansen's disease can be divided into medical, sociohistorical, social welfare, and human rights approach. There are medical studies and statistics on the dissemination of medical information about Hansen's disease and management measures, the history of the management of the disease, guarantee of the rights of the patients and the welfare environment, and studies on the autobiographical, literary writings and oral statements on the life and psychological conflicts of the patients. Among existing research, the topics of the study on Hansen's disease under the Japanese colonial rule include the history of the Sorokdo Island Sanatorium, investigation on the forced labor of the patients in the island, human rights violations against the patients, oral memoirs of the patients and doctors who practiced at that time. All of these studies are important achievements regarding the research on the patients. An important study of Hansen's disease in modern Japan is the work of Hujino Utaka, which introduces the isolation of and discrimination against the patients of Hansen's disease. Hujino Utaka's study examines the annihilation of people with infectious diseases in Japan and its colonies by the imperial government, which was the consequence of the imperial medical policies, and reports on the isolation of Hansen's disease patients during the war. Although these researches are important achievements in the study of Hansen's disease in modernity, their focus has mainly been on the history of isolation and exploitation in the Sorokdo Island Sanatorium and discrimination against the patients within the sanatorium, which was controlled by the director of the sanatorium. Consequently, the research tends to perceive the problem within the frame of antagonism between the agent of imperialism and the victims of exploitation by the hands of imperialism. Hence, it has limitations in that it has not fully addressed the problem of the people who were not Hansen's disease patients and as such, existed somewhere in between the two extremes in the process of administering medicine under the imperial rule. The purpose of this study is to identify the direction of imperial medicine in the history of Hansen's disease in Japan and to comprehend the characteristics of policy on Hansen's disease developed by Mitsuda Kensuke, who was behind the policy of imperial medicine, and examine the process of imperial medicine reaching out to the people (of Japan and its colonies). To achieve the goal, this study explores how the agent of imperial medicine gain the favor the public, who are not Hansen's disease patients, by means of the mass media. Specifically, this paper examines data in the Japanese language related to Korean patients of Hansen's disease including the mass media data on Hansen's disease in the source book titled The Collection of Data on Hansen's Disease in Joseon under the Colonial Rule(8 volumes) compiled by Takio Eiji, which has not been studied until now. It also reviews the cultural and popular magazines published in Japan and Joseon at that time.

In Korean traditional medicine, though herbal decoction, acupuncture, and moxibustion are all used to treat diseases, restorative medicines are the most widely preferred treatment method. This paper explores the historical background of restorative herbal medicines and ginseng among the Korean public and Korean traditional medicine practice. It also seeks to clarify how social and cultural perspectives on drug use have changed since restorative medicine became mainstream during the Joseon era. Drug use tendencies were affected by the medical system of the Joseon Dynasty, patients' desires for reliable treatment, and perceptions of the human body and the causes of disease. In the late Joseon Dynasty, medicine, an industry originally monopolized by the government, began to be manufactured and traded on the free market, and medical personnel began to participate in medical activities on a large scale. As the health preserving theory became more popular and medical personnel became more accessible, medicinal preferences also changed. Specifically, whereas preference was first given to common medicines, such as Cheongsimwon, which are effective for various symptoms, restorative medicines, such as ginseng, gradually became more popular. These restorative medicines were faithful to the basic tenet of East Asian traditional medicine: to avoid disease by making the body healthy before the onset of illness. Patients' desires for safe treatment and growing competition among commercial doctors who wanted stable profits further increased the popularity of milder medicines. Ultimately, as ginseng cultivation was realized, its use expanded even further in a wave of commercialization.

This paper explores the introduction process of Daehan Hospital from Japan as the modern medical facility in Korea, and the architectural planning characteristics as a medical facility through the detailed building process of Daehan Hospital main building. The most noticeable characteristic of Daehan Hospital is that it was designed and constructed not by Korean engineers but by Japanese engineers. Therefore, Daehan Hospital was influenced by Japanese early modern medical facility, and Japanese engineers modeled Daehan Hospital main building on Tokyo Medical School main building which was constructed in 1876 as the first national medical school and hospital. The architectural type of Tokyo Medical School main building was a typical school architecture in early Japanese modern period which had a middle corridor and a pseudo Western-style tower, but Tokyo Medical School main building became the model of a medical facility as the symbol of the medical department in Tokyo Imperial University. This was the introduction and transplantation process of Japanese modern 'model' like as other modern systems and technologies during the Korean modern transition period. However, unlike Tokyo Medical School main building, Daehan Hospital main building was constructed not as a wooden building but as a masonry building. Comparing with the function of Daehan Hospital main building, its architectural form and construction costs was excessive scale, which was because Japanese Resident-General of Korea had the intention of ostentation that Japanese modernity was superior to Korean Empire.

There are several methods available in measuring food taste. The sensory evaluation, for instance, is a typical method for panels to test of taste and recognize smell with their nose by measuring the degree of taste characteristic, intensity, and pleasure. There are many issues entailed in the traditional sensory evaluation method such as forming a panel and evaluation cost; moreover, it is only localized in particular areas. Accordingly, this paper aimed to select food in one particular area, and compare and review the content between sensory evaluations using a taste biological sensor, as well as presenting an analysis of brainwaves using EEG and finally a proposal of a new method for sensory evaluation. In this paper, the researchers have conducted a sensory evaluation whereas a maximum of nine points were accumulated by purchasing eight types of rice wine. These eight types of Makgeolli were generalized by generating multidimensional data with the use of TS-5000z, thus learning mapping points and scaling them. The contribution of this paper, therefore, is to overcome the disadvantages of the sensory evaluation with the usage of the suggested taste biological sensor system.

This paper traces how Koreans of north area became medical doctors in colonial Korea. Most of the past research have focused only on the well-known medical doctors, or even when they discussed a great number of doctors, many research tended to only pay attention to the explicit final results of those doctors. This research, on the other hand, includes ordinary medical doctors as well as the renowed ones, and adjusts the focus to the lifetime period of their growth and activities. As a result, the misunderstanding and obscurity about the Korean medical doctors of north area during this period have been cleared. The new characteristics of the Korean medical doctors of this period have been found, along with their embodiment of historical significance. At the time, Koreans had to get through a number of qualifications in order to become doctors. First is the unique background of origin in which the family held interest in the modern education and was capable of supporting it financially. Second is the long-term status of education that the education from elementary to high school was completed without interruption. Third is the academic qualification that among various institutions of higher education, medical science was chosen as a major. Fourth is the condition of career in which as the career as a doctor had consistently continued. Thus, in oder to become a modern medical doctor, Koreans had to properly complete these multiple steps of process. The group of Korean medical doctors in north area, which was formed after getting through these series of process, possessed a number of characteristics. Firstly, as the upper-middle classes constituted the majority of medical doctors in Korea, the societal status of doctors rose and the foundation for the career as a doctor to be persisted as the family occupation settled. Secondly, the research career and academic degree became the principal method to escape from the discrimination and hierarchy existed between doctors. A PhD degree, especially, was the significant mark for clearly displaying the abilities and outcomes of the doctors. Lastly, the research career, education experience, clinical training and such that the Korean doctors of the period had built up were weak at the time, however, they were important sources for the future medical science development. Indeed, after Liberation, the rapid settlement and growth of Korea's medical science field were largely beholden to thus. Therefore, the growth of the Koreans as doctors did not cease in colonial Korea, but instead continued onto the history of future generations. In spite of the fact that the Korean doctors's growth and activities were greatly limited under the forceful policy of colonial domination of the era, the efforts the Korean doctors had put were not in vain. Likewise, if we do not fix our attention at the dominating policy and system, but rather put together the actors' correspondence and struggles of the period, then the Korean doctors will be a part of the living history. Hereby, the clue to the paradox between the suppression of medical science in colonial Korea and its leap after Liberation can be untied.

This paper aims to examine the preventive measures taken against the plague in colonial Korea, particularly as applied to the control of Chinese coolies in 1911, soon after the annexation. The Government General of Korea began preventive measures with a train quarantine in Shin'uiju and Incheon in response to the spread of the plague to the Southern Manchuria. Shin' uiju had become urbanized due the development of the transportation network, and the seaport of Incheon was the major hub for traffic with China. Examining the transportation routes for the entry and exit of Chinese to and from Korea makes clear the reason why the Korea Government General initiated preventive measures in mid-January, 1911. The Government General of Korea tried to block the entry of Chinese through the land border crossing with China and through ports of entry, primarily Incheon. During the implementation of the preventive measures, quarantine facilities were built, including a quarantine station and isolation facility in Incheon. It was also needed to investigate the population and residential locations of Chinese in Korea to prevent the spread of plague. A certificate of residence was issued to all Chinese in Korea, which they needed to carry when they travelled. The preventive measures against plague which broke out in Manchuria were removed gradually. However, there was no specific measures against Chinese coolies, those who had migrated from China to work in the spring in Korea. Still the Government General of Korea had doubt about an infection of the respiratory system. As a result, the labor market in colonial Korea underwent changes in this period. The Government General recruited Korean laborers, instead of Chinese coolies whose employment had been planned. This move explains the Government General's strong preventive measures against plague and uncertainty in the route of plague infection, which influenced subsequent regulations on the prohibition of Chinese coolies working on the public enterprise sites and the improvement of labor conditions for Korean laborers.