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Histoplasmosis is an endemic fungal infection caused by Histoplasma capsulatum. In immunocompetent persons, histoplasmosis is often asymptomatic or localized to the pulmonary system. However, in immunocompromised persons, histoplasmosis can manifest [...]

This article examines the socio-political and urban-cultural transformation of space in Guatemala City between 1871 and 1920, spearheaded by the rise of a new political regime known as the liberal reform period. By focusing on the social construction of the new public spaces of power, this study explores how the transformation of the capital city was one of the key instruments of the authoritarian regimes to legitimise their authority, power and new secular values in the urban space. The urban transformation redefined the use of land for capitalist development (expropriation of church properties and privatisation of communal lands), setting up new boundaries and reorganizing the capital in a new dynamic of urban segregation. It also meant the exclusion of the Indigenous population from living in the city. This study pays special attention to the role of three figures as the main protagonists and promoters of the localized urban transformations in Guatemala City during their respective reigns: Justo Rufino Barrios (1873-1885), Jose Maria Reyna Barrios (1892-1898) and Manuel Estrada Cabrera (1898-1920). Lefebvre's conception of the social production of space is mobilized to analyze the creation of the material setting and the construction of those new spaces of power carefully planned and embedded with political meaning during the first period of modern urban growth in Guatemala City. Drawing on a variety of primary sources such as official records (Laws and Decrees, Memoirs of Public Works, Municipal records), newspapers, commercial guides, illustrated journals, city plans, postcards and photo albums, the article demonstrate how the new modern urban space was reorganized with clear political and economic interests, setting up a new process of urban segregation. The study also highlights the limitations and contradictions of the selected urban transformations, which ended abruptly with the earthquakes of 1917-18. Keywords: Guatemala City, public space, social production of space, urban modernization, urban segregation, nation-building Cet article examine la transformation sociopolitique et urbanoculturelle de l'espace dans la ville de Guatemala City entre 1871 et 1920, transformation suscitee par l'emergence de l'ere politique connue sous le nom de << la reforme liberale >>. Se concentrant sur la construction sociale des nouveaux lieux publics du pouvoir, cette etude montre que la transformation de la capitale est l'un des instruments cles utilises par les regimes autoritaires pour legitimer leur autorite, leur pouvoir et leurs nouvelles valeurs laiques dans l'espace urbain. La transformation urbaine redefinit l'utilisation des terres en vue d'un developpement capitaliste (expropriation des biens ecclesiastiques et privatisation des terres communales), etablit de nouvelles limites et reorganise la capitale dans une nouvelle dynamique de segregation urbaine. L'une de ses consequences est l'exclusion la population autochtone de la vie urbaine. Cette etude accorde une attention particuliere au role de protagonistes et de promoteurs des transformations urbaines localisees de Guatemala City qu'ont joue trois hommes au cours de leur regne respectif : Justo Rufino Barrios (18731885), Jose Maria Reyna Barrios (1892-1898) et Manuel Estrada Cabrera (1898-1920). La conception de la production sociale de l'espace, formulee par Lefebvre, est mobilisee dans l'analyse de la production du cadre materiel et de la construction de ces nouveaux lieux du pouvoir, soigneusement planifies et charges de signification politique, au cours de la premiere periode de croissance urbaine moderne de Guatemala City. S'appuyant sur diverses sources primaires telles que des documents officiels (lois et decrets, memoires de travaux publics, archives municipales), des journaux, des guides commerciaux, des revues illustrees, des plans de villes, des cartes postales et des albums de photos, l'article montre que l'espace urbain modernise est reorganise pour servir des interets politiques et economiques precis, et qu'il instaure un nouveau processus de segregation urbaine. L'etude souligne egalement les limites et les contradictions des transformations urbaines selectionnees, interrompues abruptement par les tremblements de terre de 1917-1918. Mots-cles : Guatemala City, espace public, production sociale de l'espace, modernization urbaine, segregation urbaine, formation de la nation, Introduction The period from 1880 until 1930 was a landmark in the transformation of the urban landscape in Latin America, especially in the capital cities. (1) One striking case is [...]

JAIRO MORENO. Sounding Latin Music, Hearing the Americas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2023. 376 pp. ISBN: 9780226825687. Jairo Moreno's Sounding Latin Music, Hearing the Americas explores how music making [...]

Guided by Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT; Giles et al. 1987), this qualitative study documents the perceptions of Spanish-speaking Latin American immigrants regarding the communicative behaviors that native speakers make when interacting with them in the Canadian workplace. The findings of this phenomenological study resulted from a thematic analysis of 24 semi-structured interviews. Participants gave their accounts of those communicative behaviors by native speakers that they considered helpful to facilitate interactions and enhance their relations (accommodation). Participants also shared examples of nonaccommodative instances where they perceived that their native-speaking peers did not adjust or sufficiently adjust their communicative behaviors (underaccommodation) or engaged in a communicative behaviour that went beyond what was necessary for the interaction (overaccommodation). Based on these findings, this study offers insights into those behaviors and practices that could contribute to constructive interactions between nonnative and native speakers in the workplace. Keywords: Language diversity, communication accommodation theory, Spanish-speaking Latin Americans, Canadian workplaces, phenomenological study. Guidee par la theorie de l'accommodation de la communication (CAT ; Giles et al. 1987), cette etude qualitative documente les perceptions des immigrants latino-americains hispanophones concernant les comportements de communication que les locuteurs natifs adoptent lorsqu'ils interagissent avec eux sur le lieu de travail canadien. Les resultats de cette etude phenomenologique resultent d'une analyse thematique de 24 entretiens semi-directifs. Les participants ont donne leur avis sur les comportements communicatifs de locuteurs natifs qu'ils consideraient comme utiles pour faciliter les interactions et ameliorer leurs relations (accommodation). Les participants ont egalement partage des exemples de cas non accommodants ou ils ont percu que leurs pairs de langue maternelle n'avaient pas ajuste ou suffisamment ajuste leurs comportements de communication (sous-accommodation) ou s'etaient engages dans un comportement de communication qui allait au-dela de ce qui etait necessaire pour l'interaction (sur-accommodation). Sur la base de ces resultats, cette etude offre un apercu des comportements et des pratiques qui pourraient contribuer a des interactions constructives entre locuteurs non natifs et natifs sur le lieu de travail. Mots-cles : Diversite linguistique, theorie de l'accommodation de la communication, latino-americains hispanophones, milieux de travail canadiens, etude phenomenologique., INTRODUCTION How can employees with different linguistic backgrounds communicate more effectively with each other in the workplace? This is a key question for organizations with high levels of linguistic diversity [...]

Washing myself in the airport restroom, I felt thoroughly drained. I had now spent three days in the same clothes, without sleeping in a proper bed. But at the same [...]

The trajectory of research in communication illustrates a sensitive issue: the search for a paradigm that would help to understand the phenomenon in question. As time progressed, the paradigm itself [...]

The flagship store of Santoni (Shanghai) Knitting Machineries Co., Ltd. In Brazil has grandly opened in Sao Paulo on August 13, 2024. This is another pivotal milestone in the global [...]

Conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs) are increasingly common in Latin American countries and have become the main strategy for combating poverty and social inequality. Among many, noteworthy programs include Progresa-Oportunidades, later renamed Prospera, in Mexico in 1997; Programa Familias en Accion in Colombia; Chile Solidario in Chile in 2002; and Bolsa Familia Program in Brazil in 2003. The central feature of the Bolsa Familia Program (BFP) was that the receipt of monetary benefits by families was tied to the fulfillment of certain conditions, or conditionalities, involving healthcare and education for children and adolescents. The purpose of this design was, in the short term, to combat the negative effects of poverty on family well-being through the transfer of monetary resources, and in the long term, through the requirement of conditionalities, to break the poverty trap caused, in large part, by intergenerational transmission of income and education. The literature on conditional cash transfers has largely focused on entry conditions, paying less attention to exit conditions. This study aims to explore the trajectory of participant families in the Bolsa Familia Program, using information obtained from the cohort of individuals born in the city of Pelotas in 2004. The research focuses on the socioeconomic characteristics of families at the time of their child's birth in 2004 and the follow-up conducted in 2015. Survival analysis models are used to analyze the probability of exiting the program. The results reported by the survival analysis, Kaplan-Meier method, indicate that a BRL 1.00 (US$ 0.30) increase in income reduces, on average, the likelihood of successful departure from the BFP beneficiary family by 1%. Conversely, exercises conducted by family groups indicate that for families receiving benefits above the average, BRL 141.00 (US$ 42.32), the mother's age and her employment status positively influence the chances of leaving the program. Overall, the results demonstrate that the values of the benefits received are subject to decreasing returns. For families receiving benefits below the average, a one-unit increase in the amount received reduces the probability of exiting the program by an average of 1%. Regarding successful exits, it was observed that having a white father increases the chances by 40%, and if the father is employed, it increases the likelihood of successfully exiting the program by 48%. These results indicate that the successful exit of families from the program is primarily associated with parental characteristics. JEL Classifications: H75, I32, I38, P46 Keywords: Exit Strategies, Bolsa Familia Program, Conditionalities, Cash Transfer Program., INTRODUCTION Conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs are increasingly prevalent in Latin American countries and have become the primary strategy for addressing poverty and social inequality. Notable programs include Progresa-Oportunidades, later [...]

The Caribbean region faces a daunting challenge as it confronts the COVID-19 pandemic. This study aims to shed light on the intricate relationship between governance quality and the economic performance of Caribbean nations, especially in the context of a global health crisis. Our research method involves a panel-random effects model, which captures the effects of governance quality and the COVID-19 pandemic on economic growth. We utilize data from various Caribbean countries, considering six dimensions of governance quality, trade openness, inflation, investment, and human capital. This comprehensive approach ensures a nuanced understanding of the region's economic landscape during these turbulent times. Our findings expose a significant negative association between the various dimensions of governance and the ongoing pandemic crisis. Specifically, governance indicators such as voice and accountability, rule of law, political stability, and absence of violence, along with government effectiveness, emerge as positive catalysts for economic growth. On the contrary, the control of corruption and regulatory quality demonstrate a notable negative impact on growth. Furthermore, our research unveils that investment and human capital significantly contribute to boosting output growth in the Caribbean. Conversely, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, inflation, and trade openness is observed to be detrimental to economic growth. These findings corroborate existing empirical evidence on the governance-growth nexus, underscoring the complex interplay between governance and economic development. These results emphasize the urgency of long-term strategies to enhance governance quality in Caribbean countries. It is imperative to bolster the capacity of governments to address future epidemic episodes, recognizing the persistent threat of pandemics. Policymakers should prioritize measures that promote voice and accountability, rule of law, political stability, and government effectiveness while addressing corruption and regulatory quality issues. This research holds profound significance for both academics and policymakers, offering a pathway to stable and sustainable long-term economic growth and calling for proactive preparedness in the face of future global health challenges. It also invites further research in this critical area. JEL Classifications: F63, O10, C33, C01 Keywords: COVID-19, virus, governance quality, economic growth, Caribbean, panel-random effects model, INTRODUCTION The novel COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic has had a major impact on the economies in the Caribbean and elsewhere. This is reflected in the number of COVID-19 cases and deaths, [...]

The share of US residents who were born in Latin America and the Caribbean plateaued in the last decade or so at about 6 percent of the total US population, [...]

Lerner, Cusk, Greenwell, Hemon, Cole, Dyer, Self, Sinclair, Craig, Hamburger ... The list of Anglophone writers who bear a real or critically imposed debt to the German W. G. Sebald [...]

This column is compiled quarterly from a variety of sources, including publisher and vendor websites and announcements. If you are an author or editor of a recently-published music book and [...]

The viability of populism--a political strategy used by charismatic politicians to forge highly personalistic ties with voters--is preconditioned on the alienation of voters from non-populist, patronage-based or identity-based parties. In Indonesia, a collapse in the ties between voters and such parties has opened up strategic space for charismatic political entrepreneurs to make personalistic appeals to atomized voters through the media, without relying on the organizational infrastructure of political parties to connect them to grassroots politics. Since the introduction of direct presidential elections in 2004, the mobilization of party infrastructures has become increasingly irrelevant to a candidate's chances of success, with media-based populism now the default mode of electioneering. However, constantly changing electoral rules have made it increasingly difficult to register a new political party and for that party to nominate a presidential candidate. As a result, populist presidential candidates have been forced to enter into pre-election coalitions with existing parties as a condition of running for president. This article argues that electoral rules have therefore played a crucial role in sustaining the systemic importance of political parties within Indonesia's presidential democracy despite the weak bonds between parties and voters, thus ensuring the cooperation of presidents with party bosses. Keywords: Populism, electoral systems, party institutionalization, political linkages, presidentialism., The viability of populism--'a political strategy through which a personalistic leader seeks or exercises government power based on direct, unmediated, uninstitutionalized support from large numbers of mostly unorganized followers' (1)--depends [...]