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The War on Terror, created by the Bush administration in the wake of 9/11, has brought about changes in domestic intelligence and protest policing that have proven hard to conclusively identify, track, and explain despite the importance of these changes to research on the repression of social movements. This paper argues that a second important trend has also been part of the War on Terror: increasing government secrecy regarding its protest control and anti-terrorism programs. Using battles over access to information on NYPD's and the City of New York's planning for, and execution of, protest control strategies at the 2004 Republican National Convention, this article examines how information secrecy operates by using fears of terrorism as a veil and examines the collateral damage to academic inquiry, and therefore also to public dialogue and debate, created by increasing government secrecy. Keywords: repression; protest; 9/11; terrorism; secrecy

Leadership has proven a difficult concept to define, with the proliferation of definitions of leadership being more notable than any individual definition. This article takes a different approach to understanding leadership dynamics by identifying and studying 'leading tasks.' Specifically, tasks associated with leadership in existing research are enumerated. Using data on two 'strategic voting' mobilizations in 2000 and 2004, the empirical salience of various leading tasks to key organizers is traced and explained. The data suggest that although leadership was not evident in strategic voting, organizers did identify, prioritize, and take action on specific leading tasks. Keywords: leadership; leaders; social movements; strategic voting

The best predictor of patellofemoral pain (PFP) is examined. The most predictive measure of PFP was the static-alignment discriminant function (81.3 percent cases) whereas kinematic function was predictive in 69 percent of the cases and EMG function was predictive in 67 percent of the cases.

Strategic voting, which was frequently described as 'Nader trading,' emerged during the 2000 U.S. Presidential Election as a way for voters to redefine their participation in the American electoral process. As a movement that emerged online, strategic voting not only presents potential political ramifications, but raises important issues for social movement scholars. In particular, movements that emerge online, which we refer to as 'e-movements,' may challenge movement theories based on offline, pre-Internet forms of activism. In this paper, we use detailed data on the forms of strategic voting and the creators of the movement to address the literature on social movement leadership. We find that biography plays a strong role in the generation of strategic voting leaders, but in ways that differ from previous expectations about movement leadership processes. Further, we find that specific characteristics of leaders' backgrounds also shape the forms of strategic voting implemented by leaders. We suggest a new institutionalist interpretation of this finding, arguing that scripts for appropriate forms of action generate diverse approaches to strategic voting.

Studying collective action with newspaper accounts of protest events, rare only 20 years ago, has become commonplace in the past decade. A critical literature has accompanied the growth of protest event analysis. The literature has focused on selection bias--particularly which subset of events are covered--and description bias--notably, the veracity of the coverage. The 'hard news' of the event, if it is reported, tends to be relatively accurate. However, a newspaper's decision to cover an event at all is influenced by the type of event, the news agency, and the issue involved. In this review, we discuss approaches to detecting bias, as well as ways to factor knowledge about bias into interpretations of protest event data. Key Words protest, selection bias, description bias, news source, social movements, protest event analysis, INTRODUCTION Scholarship in collective action and social movements has developed a rich research tradition that uses data culled from newspaper reports of these events, among other sources. (1) Subsequent research [...]

Hypotheses about police presence and police action at social movement protest events in New York State between 1968 and 1973 are tested with the aim of understanding the broad mechanisms of social control used by authorities during this cycle of mass protest. Contrary to the popular perception of overzealous police repression of protest in this period, results show that police did not attend the majority of protest events. Tests of dominant explanations of police presence using logistic regression analysis indicate that the best predictor of police presence at a protest event was how threatening the event was--police attended larger protest events and those that used confrontational tactics. Tests (using multinomial logistic regression) of explanations of police action, given police presence at an event, indicate that extreme forms of police action were also triggered by threatening characteristics of events. Events in which subordinate groups and social movement organizations participated were also more likely to draw police action. Novel contributions include the comparison of dominant explanations of protest policing and methods that move beyond the tradition of examining repression through police presence or absence.

The combination of hip rotation and abduction exercises resulting in the greatest activity of the Gluteus medius (GM) and whether it responds to increased loads in these exercises is determined. It was concluded that the GM is most active when performing abduction and internal rotation of the hip.