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The current British electoral system was put in place in 1884, and has survived to the 21st century because it provides for widespread debate while creating a stable power structure. Sporadic attempts to change this system have failed, but there are further inquiries about reform in 2000.

Historians writing about present history should concentrate on the inclinations and reasons behind events, not their results, and place that information within the perspective of a more distant past. Defining the contemporary period, determining its time span, juggling the varying perceptions of each nation, and remaining neutral are just a few of the problems historians confront when writing about contemporary history. All history should focus on the broad aspects of what occurred instead of particular viewpoints that can distort the reality presented.

In the build up to general elections there is invariably a wealth of discourse on constitutional and transitional issues and even on the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of the civil service, but rarely is there any debate on the manner in which politicians manage the government machine. This article seeks to address this deficiency. It examines the operational factors common to the core executive, assesses the problems usually associated with the government as an organization and reviews alternative solutions. Finally, it offers managerially oriented advice, reasoning that it is the role of policy analysts to prescribe and that it is irresponsible to ignore this function. It is clearly emphasized that management solutions are not synonymous with business solutions. The article draws on universal principles of management, seeking to avoid normative suggestions and concentrating instead on practical considerations. Those considerations include personnel selection, collective responsibility, leadership style, organizational structure and team mentality. The conclusion is that strong managerially based leadership should not be dismissed as incompatible with the political constraints placed upon Prime Ministers but rather it should be the predominant impulse.

The UK was undergoing industrialization in the early nineteenth century, and this was linked to a rise in the urban population, despite high mortality rates. Skilled artisans were affected by the rise of factory work, and lack of work also affected outworkers in rural areas. Attention was focused on the sanitary conditions of the poor by Chadwick, and the need for a sewage and water system was addressed after the 1866 and 1872 Sanitary Acts. Education was seen as increasingly important as a means to integrate members of society, whereas previously it was feared that education might encourage revolution.

England's Labour party was influenced by the free church when the church's traditional party, the Liberals, experienced a decline in power between the two world wars. Many Labour members of Parliament rose from the ranks of the free church but did not sustain any majority within the Party. The individual nonconformists produced by the church had a more lasting effect on the party, stressing individual responsibility and aligning socialism with a moral imperative. Their numbers waned as the church and local politics became less influential, but their impression on the Labour Party was a lasting one.

There was pressure to revise the Vienna Settlement in Europe by the 1920s, and strain came from both nationalist forces and the decline of Austria. Britain sought to maintain the balance of power in Europe and avoid involvement in European wars. The 1848 revolutions had little impact except in weakening Austria. The unification of Germany and Italy represented a defeat for liberal nationalism and the rise of dynastic states. Turkey was affected by revisions to the Vienna Settlement and lost control of Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania in 1878.

When the historians of the late twentieth century come to write their versions of events they may discover that one major source will be found wanting: television. Like film before [...]

William D. Rubinstein. Twentieth-Century Britain: A Political History. New York: Palgrave. 2003. Pp. 368. £55.00. ISBN 0-3337-7223-7. This book is obviously intended as a textbook and seems, from the number [...]

A critique of the Conference Report written by James Vernon regarding the state of post-war British literature is presented. It is regrettable that Vernon is wrong on two accounts. The first is the absence of a prescribed solution for the state of British literature during this period. The second is the role of Aunt Sallies in historiographic deficiencies. Factual errors in the report are recounted.

An A-level history question about British imperialism should be answered fully, with a conclusion drawing together all points made earlier. The student 'Chris' fails to do this, and jumps to another subject in his conclusion. His answer would have been better if he had relied less on opinion and more on evidence. However, Chris was right to break down a question into its parts before trying to answer it.

Beckett, John The Rebel Who Lost His Cause: The Tragedy of John Beckett, MP. Francis Beckett. London: London House, 1999. 244 pp. $35.00. 'Beckett's attempt to explain his father's behavior […]

Video enters history -- official. Or at least with the blessing of the BBC who have just indicated that clips from the archives of the British History Video Trust may [...]

There were some 50 revolutions in Europe during 1848, following growing demand for constitutional reform since 1846. The French Revolution led to similar uprisings across Germany, the Habsburg Empire and Italy. In France it was demonstrations by the Parisian working class that led to a revolution. Nationalism presented a problem inthe Habsburg Empire and this was a theme throughout the revolutions of 1848 in Europe, where there was no clear balance between state and nation.

The balance of power was changed because of the Second World War, and attempts were made by Britain and France to regain it, although the Axis countries ultimately won the power battle. Even though Britain thought that Germany was in a poor economic situation and could not, therefore, hold out for long during a war situation, it was Britain which became dependant upon the United States for credit and materiel in 1941. The United States entered the war in 1941 and considered Germany as its most significant threat.