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A growing body of research has documented the phenomenon of climate change anxiety (CCA), defined broadly as negative cognitive, emotional, and behavioral responses associated with concerns about climate change. A recently validated scale of CCA indicated two subscales: cognitive emotional impairment and functional impairment (Clayton & Karazsia, 2020). However, there are few empirical studies on CCA to date and little evidence regarding whether CCA is associated with psychiatric symptoms, including symptoms of Major Depressive Disorder (MDD) and Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD), and whether engaging in individual and collective action to address climate change could buffer such relationships. This mixed methods study draws on data collected from a sample of emerging adult students (ages 18-35) in the United States (N = 284) to address these gaps. Results indicated that both CCA subscales were significantly associated with GAD symptoms, while only the Functional Impairment subscale was associated with higher MDD symptoms. Moreover, engaging in collective action, but not individual action, significantly attenuated the association between CCA cognitive emotional impairment and MDD symptoms. Responses to open-ended questions asking about participants' worries and actions related to climate change indicated the severity of their worries and, for some, a perception of the insignificance of their actions relative to the enormity of climate change. These results further the field's understanding of CCA, both in general and specifically among emerging adults, and suggest the importance of creating opportunities for collective action to build sense of agency in addressing climate change., Author(s): Sarah E. O. Schwartz [sup.1] , Laelia Benoit [sup.2] [sup.3] [sup.4] , Susan Clayton [sup.5] , McKenna F. Parnes [sup.1] , Lance Swenson [sup.1] , Sarah R. Lowe [sup.6] [...]

Author(s): John Butler [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.261331.4, 0000 0001 2285 7943, Ohio State University, , Columbus, OH, USA Taking place in Mississippi in 1964, the Freedom Summer was one [...]

In response to a political comment from NBA superstar LeBron James, a Fox News commentator suggested he 'shut up and dribble.' James and many others considered the comment racist. Defenders suggested the comment was driven by political ideology rather than race. Interestingly, both perspectives could find support in existing research, as some studies depict race as a central factor in responses to political athletes, while other studies dismiss the role of race and find that political ideology and nationalistic sentiments drive how people see activist athletes. Using responses to a large national survey asking whether respondents find athlete political activism 'acceptable,' here I find strong evidence that both ideology and race shape attitudes on the subject. The picture that emerges reveals that party and ideology matter, but even after controlling for them, the race and racial views of the respondent help shape their perspective on political athletes. Establishing the importance of race and racial views here helps illuminate why the intersection of sports and politics generates such fierce responses including unvarnished vitriol from some political figures., Author(s): David Niven [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.24827.3b, 0000 0001 2179 9593, Department of Political Science, University of Cincinnati, , PO Box 210375, 45221, Cincinnati, OH, USA Do racial views [...]

Nonprofit organizations play a critical role in society. To fulfill their missions, they require sufficient supply to meet demand. In addressing how nonprofits can work towards meeting the needed demand through donors, the marketing literature focuses primarily on leveraging individual differences, message characteristics, motives, or social norms to secure donor time, talent, or treasure. Other ways in which donors make impactful contributions, however, are less studied. One of these less examined cases is donor activism, a social mechanism by which donors act to increase supply for nonprofits. Through an ethnographic study of donors organizing a Guinness World Records attempt for the most living organ donors gathered together, we investigate the mechanisms underlying donor efforts to positively influence the supply of living donors. Our findings suggest that donation behaviors that increase supply may lead to varying degrees of activism. Managerial implications of these findings are presented with specific suggestions for how donors and nonprofit organizations may interact within consumer movements to support supply generation., Author(s): Tonya Williams Bradford [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.266093.8, 0000 0001 0668 7243, The Paul Merage School of Business, University of California Irvine, , 92697, Irvine, California, USA [Displayed Quote]You [...]

In the collaborative project Breaking Bread: Insurgent Black Intellectual Life (1991) with Cornel West, when interviewing West, bell hooks traces 'the roots of (her) own critical consciousness' to her early experiences in the Black church and with religion in general, to the extent that her role as an intellectual is predicated on 'spiritual practice.' It is through this practice that hooks perceives her role as an intellectual as one that 'links religiosity to solidarity with the poor,' in a measured effort that avoids what she refers to as 'the commodification of religion.' To be sure, this form of commodification limits what an intellectual can and should do, when she views that role within the intersectionality of meaningful activism, critical religiosity, and the engaging of the public sphere. For hooks, an intellectual must be deeply invested in 'the kind of compassion, love, and openness' necessary for inclusiveness in the face of increasingly exclusive practices of the Black community, ultimately employed in how larger society devalues and degrades Black women and Black womanhood. Because of this, hooks ascribes to an insurgent intellectualism that, while recognizing her own situatedness between activism, religiosity, and the public sphere, is contingent on a kind of process thought: her intellectual insurgency is always 'becoming' and contains a phenomenological intendedness with moving beyond her ontological blackness and epistemological womanhood towards a metaphysical intellectualism and a deontology fundamentally inherent in it. She presents a Black feminist/Womanist thinking into an insurgent Heideggerian-like question of the meaning of being, as both a Black woman and a Black intellectual. To do this, her insurgency in the role of the public intellectualism is grounded on both Frederick Douglass' notion of 'a heavy and cruel hand' (1853) and James Baldwin's belief that being relatively conscious means 'to be in rage almost all the time' (1969)., Author(s): Hue Woodson [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (Aff1) grid.422791.b, 0000 0000 9563 3898, Tarrant County College, Northwest Campus, , Fort Worth, TX, USA Born Gloria Jean Watkins, 'bell hooks' is more [...]

Social scientists have proposed various explanations of why Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election including racism, dissatisfaction among white collar workers-especially in rust belt states, Russian interference, Facebook ads, and Christian Nationalism. In the current work, we look to Donald Trump's core base, white evangelicals, to better understand the 2016 election outcome. White evangelicals believe that men and women are different--and that men are natural leaders. Traditional white evangelicals, both women and men, accept the idea that women are responsible for home and family life and recognize male authority in both private and public spheres. Evangelical religious activism defines the Trump presidency and allows an understanding of why many women support this president and why the abortion issue is central to their cause. Evangelical religious activism brings two questions to the forefront: how do we understand the separation of church and state (as a religious precept-outlawing abortion aims to define a civic society) as well as how embedded sexism and misogyny are within our culture., Author(s): Elizabeth Monk-Turner [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.261368.8, 0000 0001 2164 3177, Sociology/CJ, Old Dominion University, , 23529, Norfolk, VA, USA Since the early 1990s, more Americans have identified as [...]

Feminists report engaging in more activism for gender equality than non-feminists, yet the label 'feminist' is widely perceived as stigmatizing. This study assessed whether the stigmatizing effect of the term 'feminist' suppressed self-reported activism among women who may not identify as feminist. An online (Amazon's Mechanical Turk) sample of 302 women reported activism on the original or one of two modified versions of Foster and Matheson's Measure of Collective Action. Modified versions either minimized stigmatizing scale language by characterizing activist behaviors as broadly related to 'gender equality,' not 'feminism,' or maximized stigmatizing language by characterizing behaviors as explicitly for 'feminism.' Replicating past studies, there was a strong correlation between feminist identification and activism ([beta] = .56) and a main effect of sexual minority status on reported activism, such that sexual minority women reported significantly higher rates of activism. Extending past research, our results clarify these effects in suggesting that they are not artifacts of either priming feminist identity or using stigmatizing scale language. Specifically, at the highest level of feminist identification, there was no significant difference in reported activism as a function of timing of reporting identification (before versus after activism reporting) and no significant difference in activism rates between the two modified scale versions (minimized versus maximized stigma). Practically, these results highlight the importance of promoting women's feminist self-identification as a route toward increased activist participation., Author(s): Sarah E. Conlin [sup.1] , Martin Heesacker [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (Aff1) 0000 0004 1936 8091, grid.15276.37, Department of Psychology, University of Florida, , 945 Center Drive, 32611, Gainesville, FL, [...]

Author(s): David Withun [sup.1] [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) 0000 0004 0435 1879grid.431861.9Faulkner University, Montgomery, AL, USA (2) Savannah Classical Academy, Savannah, GA, USA There has been a surge of recent [...]

This article examines Black student activism in the context of the Black activist-intellectual tradition. It explores activism as a form of learning. Examining the Black Student Movement in Los Angeles from 1965 to 1975 in the context of student engagement and high impact educational practices reveals that (1) it is appropriate to analyze the Black Student Movement, and related social movements, in the context of student engagement and high impact practices highlighting the intellectual agency of Black student activists, and (2) that the Black Student Movement of the 1960s and 70 s were part of the Black activist-intellectual tradition requiring a reconceptualization of Black student activists as intellectuals. This case study draws upon autobiographies and semi-structured interviews of former Black student activists illustrating that activism is an intellectually and academically enriching activity., Author(s): M. Keith Jr. Claybrook [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.253552.6, 0000 0001 2219 4764, Department of Africana Studies, CSU, , Long Beach, USA Black students were a major force in [...]

The black church was the most important institution in the African-American community before the civil rights movement. Using data from the 1996 National Black Election Study, this research examines the role of religiosity in encouraging community activism among contemporary black Americans in the modem era. The findings suggest that a delineation between politicized and non-politicized churches facilitates an understanding of community activism among black Americans. Keywords African Americans. Black church. Community activism. Politicized church

A generation ago, Barber and Rifkin [The North Will Rise Again: Pensions, Politics and Power in 1980s (Beacon Press, Boston)] envisioned a new strategy for American Labor that would make extensive use of the capital in multi-employer and public pension plans. They argued that organized labor could influence how these funds were invested in order use this capital as both a weapon in struggles with recalcitrant management and as a tool to generate new union jobs. A number of union officials took this advice seriously, to make labor-connected individuals and organizations were among the most determined and successful investor activists of the 1990s. It is, however, hard to find evidence that this activism has effectively met the goals of organized labor, leading to the ironic conclusion that the innovations of labor's investor activist will do more to assist the investment community than the American labor movement. KEY WORDS: CalPERS, corporate governance, job creation, labor unions, pension funds, shareholder activism, shareholder resolutions

This is an important and timely contribution both to the sociology of professions in general, and more specifically to social work as a field of professional practice. The authors surveyed randomized domized samples of U.S. rank and file social workers at two points in time: in 1968 (Epstein) and in 1984 (Reeser), in order to understand their characteristics on a number of dimensions. The book presents a comparison of these two 'snapshots' in order to discover what evolutionary trends might be discernible within the social work profession over time. In their discussion, the authors integrate their findings with the extant literature on the professions in general, and on social work in particular, making this a valuable review of the current state of the art in the sociology of professions. The authors used the data from their own study to explore three areas of interest: social workers' levels of activism and professionalization in the |sixties and |eighties; the importance of various social factors in the backgrounds of the sampled population (such as gender, race, age, and religion), and the influence of each factor on social, workers' level of political activism; and finally, the evolution of the relationship between professionalization and social activism among social workers during the intervening sixteen years. The book is important because it opens up new ways of understanding the continuing tensions within social work, i.e., between its identification as a social movement, and its identity as a profession. This friction, between social work as political work and as psychological work, has a long history. However, one of the points that the book clearly makes is that the form of this conflict has changed over time, as society has also changed. The study is therefore also timely, for two main reasons: first, in a general sense it has emerged into discourse at a point where social services and the welfare state have been under sustained attack from the political right for some years now, throughout nearly all of the industrialized world. Declining resources for social programs within the infrastructures of states have been accompanied by increasing expressions of need from various social groupings within civil society. Social workers, as important mediators between the state and civil society, have therefore experienced a dramatic increase in job pressures and stresses. The Reeser/Epstein study gives some indications, in a broad U.S. context, of how these external pressures have influenced the attitudes and behaviours of social workers in relation both to their profession, and to aspects of the broad political and economic context of their work. Second, in a more specific sense, it potentially sheds light on particular political conflicts within social work, which have been shaped and propelled by the particular forms of institutional relations existing within each jurisdiction. For example, in Ontario where this reviewer lives, there is at this moment an increasingly virulent political struggle going on between the Professional Association, which is hard at work lobbying the government for a Social Work Act, and a relatively more diffuse but growing opposition (the Social Work Reform Group), which views such legislation as a concession to the conservative right. In Ontario the Association clearly represents the dimension of professionalization in social work, while the opposition represents the dimension of social action. It is worthwhile going further into some of the important aspects of this conflict, since it represents issues which are so crucial to the evolution of social work as a profession, and also because the Reeser/Epstein book suggests new ways of understanding them. The Association cites three main reasons for its lobbying activities: first, the increased autonomy and self-regulatory capacity, which a Social Work Act would assign to it, will increase its ability tot protect the public by disciplining those of its members who act unethically. Second, an Act would legitimize the Association's representation of client groups, thus enabling it to lobby more effectively for social resources from the state. And finally, the erection of barriers to practice, through credentialing and enforcement of standards, will raise he quality of the service available to client populations. Therefore, the position of the Association is clear: there is no essential conflict between the interests of client groups for more resources with better quality, and the interests of social workers for greater autonomy and higher levels of professionalism. On the other hand, social workers having a more social activist orientation hotly dispute these claims. Maton (1988( for example, has suggested that even if it is assumed that professionalization raises the quality of a service, there is evidence from other professions that credentialism and barriers to practice tend to reduce its availability in society. If the quality of any individual unit of professional service may go up, the overall quality of service available to the community will simultaneously most likely go down. The other question he raised was: what is quality in social work, if regulations is intended to raise it? There is little agreement on this point, apart from a consensus that exploiting vulnerable clients for self-gratification is unethical. Furthermore, the existence of social activist and professional perspectives represent two important competing notions of quality. In effect, professionals tend to treat social problems as if they resided within the populations who exhibit the problems, while activists understand them as integral to systemic problems within society itself. This focus and problem definition profoundly influences the theoretical and practical approaches to assisting clients. In the view of activists, the ascendancy of professionalism in social work might mean the permanent defeat of the social activist idea of quality in social work (Carniol and Kitchen, 1990). Organizing clients and raising their political and social awareness might give way to the dominance of psychologistic principles and technique. If professionalism increases the institutional capacity of social workers to mystify and control their clients with legitimated technology, then professionalization represents a real conflict between the interest of social workers and their client groups. In their study, Reeser and Epstein provide a useful, empirical indication of how professionalization really works out over these issues. Over-all, they suggest that things do not turn out quite as badly as the social activists suggest On the other hand, some of their fears also turn out as they have predicted. In reviewing their discussion in a little more detail, it is helpful to divide the study into three parts: the Foreword by Richard Cloward; the body of the study, which is by far the lengthiest and most important; and the concluding chapter, where the authors discuss the implications of their study for social work in the future. In the body of the study, the author suggest the following conclusions: (1) U.S. social workers in the sixties were more polarized and fragmented in their behaviour and attitudes on the dimensions of professionalism and social activism than they are currently. Although in the sixties they were more likely to view poverty as caused by the poor themselves, they were also more involved in non-institutionally sanctioned forms of protest and activism. In the eighties, social workers tend to view poverty as more associated with social structures and unequal distributions of power. However, they are also less inclined to directly confront these power structures; they are more willing to use institutionally sanctioned forms of advocacy for clients; and they are less likely to want to serve the poor primarily, or to endorse an activist goal orientation for social work. Thus, despite their attribution of poverty to systemic causes, social workers in the 1980s apparently do not regard the elimination of poverty as a priority of their occupation. Instead, they view the role of social work as helping individuals of all classes to adapt to the environment (page 30). (2) In both periods, the influence of demographics on social activism was as expected in most ways. African-American groups, and Jewish religious groups were more activist than other racial-religious groups. Social workers who identified with a left-wing party or ideology were more activist than Republicans, Democrats, or those without party affiliation. Younger social workers were more activist than older social workers in non-institutionalized ways, and less so in more institutionalized ways. Finally, men were found to be more activist than women. (3) On the index of professionalism the authors found an increasing homogeneity among social workers in their values and behaviours. These were seen to have converged over time. However, this was not necessarily a convergence on a norm at the professional end of the spectrum. Their results led the authors to differentiate between professionalism as an ideology, and professionalization as a sociological process of group formation. While social workers are increasingly 'professionalizing', i.e., increasing their commitment to their colleagues as a professional reference group, they are not more 'professionalist' than before. For example, they are less committed to the belief that their problem definitions are superior to those of their clients (page 100). (4) In the relation between professionalization and social activism, the authors tested the assumption among many activists, that professionalism constitutes an ideological core in social work emphasizing neutrality, decorum, professional self-regulation, and social distance from the poor. The consequence of involvement in this professional community, and commitment to this ideological core, is assumed to be greater conservatism and lesser activism among social workers. The authors suggest that this expectations was not fulfilled in the study: Our evidence indicates that this paradigm describes neither the professional structure of social work nor its ideological core and does not adequately predict differences in social workers activism. More specifically, the empirical findings based on the 1968 sample neither support the claim to professional community, nor do they suggest that the attributes of professionalization that do exist are associated with a neutralist professional ideology. Finally, the findings for the sixties negate the popular assertion that greater social worker professionalization is associated with lesser activism (page 126). These results, and the discussions which accompany them in the book, are very important in the progression towards a greater understanding of the political conflicts which are currently going on in social work circles within many jurisdictions. Unfortunately, in the concluding chapter the authors are forced to constrain any further detailed analysis of their data because of an inability to agree on the necessary theory and political strategy to apply to it. Consequently, they end up with a highly truncated version of a structural-functional, institutionalist analysis, which does not go nearly far enough in its effort to criticize the influence of liberalism in social work. However, Richard Cloward provides a Foreword which compensates very well for this inadequacy. This reviewer read the Foreword twice, once before and once again after reading the book. It was highly rewarding on both occasions, for its coherent encapsulation of the study's meaning, and for its essential optimism about the future of a progressive form of social work under conditions of professionalization. Reading Cloward was a most suitable way to bracket a reading of this very important book. References Maton, B.: 1988, |Social Work Regulation in the Canadian Provinces: Prospects and Problems', Canadian Social Work Review 5 (Winter), pp. 78 - 90. Carniol, B. and Kitchen, B.: 1990, |The OAPSW Proposal is a Disaster and Must Be Defeated', Canadian Review of Social Policy, issue no. 25, May.

'The revolution is not an apple that falls when it is ripe! You have to make it fall,' the Argentinean Marxist Che Guevara once declared. (1) At the time he [...]

In this article, we document the growing influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the realm of socially responsible investing (SRI). Drawing from ethical and economic perspectives on stakeholder management and agency theory, we develop a framework to understand how and when NGOs will be most influential in shaping the ethical and social responsibility orientations of business using the emergence of SRI as the primary influencing vehicle. We find that NGOs have opportunities to influence corporate conduct via direct, indirect, and interactive influences on the investment community, and that the overall influence of NGOs as major actors in socially responsible investment is growing, with attendant consequences for corporate strategy, governance, and social performance. KEY WORDS: corporate governance, corporate social responsibility (CSR), corporate stakeholders, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), shareholder activism, socially responsible investing (SRI), ?

Consumer activism in Korea has a long history, starting from an anti-colonial social movement and developing into one which targets consumers' interests at both individual and societal levels. As a social movement, consumer activism needs to be understood within a political and economic environment, particularly in Korea which has gone through dynamic changes both politically and economically. While understanding of the political environment sheds further light on governmental consumer policies as well as manifested consumer activism, eminent consumer problems and issues were acknowledged according to the stage of economic development. This political-economic approach deepens our understanding of the Korean consumer movement and provides a framework for analyzing consumer activism in other Eastern Asian countries which are experiencing similar political or economic developments.

An important goal of ethical investment is to influence companies to improve their ethical and environmental performance. The principal means that many ethical funds employ is passive market signalling, which may not, on its own, have a significant effect. A much more promising approach may be active engagement. This paper reports on a questionnaire study of a sample of 1146 ethical investors in order to assess whether U.K. ethical investors would support more activist ethical investment and whether they would be prepared to invest in companies which are failing ethically in order to do so. The results show general support for the current practice of passive signalling accompanied by 'soft' engagement in the form of lobbying and the development of dialogue in order to improve corporate practice. The 'harder' options of investing in companies that err in order to change them is, however, favoured by consistent minorities.

Was the sixties activist merely acting out unresolved Oedipal conflicts? Is the analyst who interprets the activist's neurotic conflicts actually 'neutral'? Issues from the sixties debate are relevant to today's discussion of activism in public mental health. For instance, why, at a time of shrinking public service budgets and unprecedented suffering on the part of mental patients, have the providers and consumers of public mental health services not become more active in struggles to reorder our unfortunate social priorities? The discussion proceeds to an exploration of the therapeutic effect of activism.

This study investigated the predictors of participation in a school-based, anti-tobacco activism program. Subjects in this study consisted of 7th grade students participating in the intervention component of Project S.H.O.U.T., a tobacco use prevention program in San Diego County, California. In the activism component, a newsletter containing an activism contest was distributed to each student. Small prizes were awarded to contest winners at each school. 'Activism' included letter and petition writing, anti-tobacco poster contests, merchant education, peer surveys and magazine subscription cards. A total of 170 students participated in the activities, with 81.1 percent participating two or more times. Of those who participated, 59 percent were female and 60 percent were White, non-Hispanic. Two sets of logistic analyses were conducted. Variables such as SES, gender, ethnicity, friends' tobacco use and parental tobacco use were used to predict participation in activism activities. The choice of variables was intended to provide information regarding activism participation in reference to known tobacco risk factors. Results of the first analysis indicated that students with a higher SES, and in an urban vs. rural location were more likely to participate in the activism activities. The second analysis used the same set of characteristics to predict 'ever-use' of tobacco. Results of this analysis indicated that male gender, low grades, White, non-Hispanic ethnicity, friends' and parents' tobacco use were positively associated with tobacco experimentation.

In 1985, residents of a suburban community in South Florida became concerned when several young women were diagnosed with breast cancer. First as individuals, then through a community-based effort, they attempted to gain attention and action on what they believed to be a cluster of breast cancer. Through their efforts to find out whether some agent or toxic exposure existed in the community that might have caused breast cancer, the women formed a community-based organization. This paper describes the activism of the women to resolve the issue through an epidemiologic study of the breast cancer occurrence in their community. Furthermore, it substantiates the need and role of rational community response in resolving community threats and concerns.

London and New York: Routledge, 2009. 225 pages. $150hb. ISBN: 978-0-415-47869-4 In writing this book, Lei Xie has brought together three subjects which in the early twenty-first century should be [...]

The current study used the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) to examine multiple structural models of low-risk and high-risk activist intentions (Ajzen, 1991). Results indicated a good model fit for both a traditional TPB model (CFI = .96; RMSEA = .06; SRMR = .05; [chi].sup.2(125) = 283.28, p < .001) and an identity TPB model (CFI = .95; RMSEA = .06; SRMR = .05; [chi].sup.2 (194) = 434.20, p < .001). The identity TPB model, which included activist identity as a mediator for the TPB variables, accounted for notably more variance in both low-risk activist intentions (44.2% in comparison to 20.1%) and high-risk activist intentions (27.3% in comparison to 12.2%) than the traditional TPB model. The current study increases our understanding of factors that may contribute to low-risk and high-risk activist intentions and highlights the importance of an activist identity to both. The merits of each of the structural models and the practical implications for practice and research are discussed., Author(s): Gilbert Jew [sup.1] , Alisia G. T. T. Tran [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.459941.4, 0000 0000 9763 7243, Counseling Psychology, Phoenix College, , Phoenix, AZ, USA (2) grid.215654.1, 0000 [...]

Colorblindness and social dominance orientation (SDO) are social attitudes that contribute to the continuation of racism in the United States (U.S.). Colorblindness encourages people to no longer see race, so when race does matter, they cannot see it. SDO reflects the extent to which people support group equality. The current study was conducted to examine if those social attitudes affected young adults (age 18-35) activist behavior against racism in the U.S. Two hundred twenty-two participants completed a survey consisted of previously validated scales: Colorblind Scale as reported by Neville et al. (Journal of Counseling Psychology 47:59-70, 2000 (See CR24)), Social Dominance Orientation.sub.7(s) as reported by Ho et al. (Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 109:1003-1028, 2015 (See CR15)), and Activism Orientation Scale as reported by Corning and Myers (Political Psychology, 23:703-729, 2002 (See CR8)). The survey was distributed at a University in the Mid-Atlantic region with results revealing that colorblind attitude and social dominance orientation significantly associated negatively with activist behavior. I conclude with explaining the importance of combating colorblind ideology in the fight against racism in the U.S., Author(s): Kendell A. Daughtry [sup.1] , Valerie Earnshaw [sup.1] , Robin Palkovitz [sup.1] , Bahira Trask [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.33489.35, 0000 0001 0454 4791, University of Delaware Newark, , [...]

African American youth have responded with hope and action to protect their well-being in violent political, economic, and social conditions, through organizing. While contemporary organizing frameworks prioritize self-care to promote sustainability, there is little research on the meaning and definition of self-care for African American youth organizers, in their own words. In this paper, findings from interviews with 20 Black youths in navigating organizing spaces in New York City will be presented, highlighting how they destabilize the narrowness of commonly defined self-care to embody 'collective-self' care strategies. Implications for community practice, recovery from systemic violence, and historical trauma among African Americans will be explored., Author(s): Anna Ortega-Williams [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.257167.0, 0000 0001 2183 6649, Silberman School of Social Work at Hunter College of the City University of New York, , 2180 Third [...]

Although complaining is well-recognized by psychologists and economists, its political potential is still far from obvious. Dissatisfaction with social services, non-democratic relationships between authorities and citizens, and the ignoring of significant social identities are communicated in everyday conversations. Even when complaining is perceived as 'grumbling', the informal nature of the communicated inconveniences may be more important than the formal participatory instruments through which collective claims are placed. Criticism and communication of grievances can lead to political activism only in particular circumstances. This article provides a conceptual frame of complaining enhancing into political claims. The proposed frame distinguishes between inactive complaining and complaining aimed at making a change, which may be reinforced or reduced. The essential role in this process of complaining is given to the objects of complaints/addresses, and agents such as media, politicians, institutions such as NGOs, social movements, whistleblowers, activists and leaders., Author(s): Maciej Kowalewski [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (Aff1) grid.79757.3b, 0000 0000 8780 7659, Institute of Sociology, University of Szczecin, , Ul. Krakowska 71-79, 71-017, Szczecin, Poland Dissatisfaction is considered to be [...]

Abstract Public opposition to fracking is one of numerous movements expressing concern about health or environmental risks of a (usually) new technology. These have at their core an esoteric dispute [...]

Author(s): Peter Wood [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) National Association of Scholars, 12 East 46th Street, 6th Floor, 10017, New York, NY, USA Sisyphean Sickle My colleague David Randall relieved me [...]

Teaching was a popular career option pursued by African American women prior to the 1970s; since then, there has been a steady decline of interest in the profession. Historically, black sororities helped to recruit new teachers and provided social networks of support for professional African American women. In this article, we examine research literature from multiple disciplines that links the historic mission of black sororities to the ethic of caring and othermothering routinely practiced by teachers in their communities. We contend one way black sororities may demonstrate their relevance in contemporary society is by employing new strategies to help recruit and retain African American women teachers. Keywords African American sororities * Black teachers * Othermothering * Community service, Introduction In this paper, we explore the question of how historically black sororities can assist in the efforts to recruit and retain African American schoolteachers. To address this question, an [...]

This article illuminates the contribution of stakeholder dialogues to environmental policy making. It makes a distinction between stakeholder dialogues as consensus building and stakeholder dialogues as deliberation. Although consensus building seems to be the dominant approach in participatory environmental policy making, this article questions the merits of consensus building and it uses the experience of the Dutch stakeholder dialogue project Climate OptiOns for the Long term (COOL) to explore, in a deliberative design, the shortcomings of a consensus-building approach and how they are possibly dealt with. The article presents the results of two deliberative methods that have been used in the COOL project--the repertory grid analysis and the dialectical approach--to demonstrate how a deliberative design can help policy makers to critically assess arguments in favor of and against a broad range of policy options, and deal with stakeholder conflict in an early phase of the policy process. Keywords Stakeholder dialogue * Deliberation * Climate change * Consensus building * Repertory grid * Dialectical approach

Consistent ethic of judicial restraint is analyzed against the backdrop of appointment of conservative judges to the US Courts by President Bush. A consistent ethic of judicial restraint depends upon a certain kind of populism, a trust in wisdom and virtue of ordinary American citizens against the intellectuals.

Politics can be pursued for reasons like excitement, a sense of purpose and other psychological benefits. Anybody familiar with US politics would soon understand that obstacles to success reside everywhere.

Byline: Phillip J. McKnight (1), Anthony Lowrie (2), Chris Coles (3) Keywords: layoff announcement; share price; social implications; United Kingdom Abstract: This study examined the effect of layoffannouncements on shareholder wealth. Second, itfurther discusses the social implications oflayoffs and the extent to which investorreactions towards layoffs may have changed overtime. Details of layoff announcements for UKlisted companies were gathered for the periods1980 to 1984 and 1990 to 1995 inclusive.Comparative to prior U.S. findings, the resultsshow that UK investors do respond negatively toannouncements categorised as reactive. Twofindings not established by prior researchwere: (1) UK investor reactions appear to bemuch more sensitive to layoffs in the 1990's asopposed to the 1980s, and (2) UK investorsappeared increasingly sensitive toward layoffscompared to their US counterparts. Author Affiliation: (1) Cardiff Business School, University of Wales, Cardiff, Wales, UK, CF1 3EU (2) Cambridge University, Cambridge, UK (3) Abertay University, UK Article History: Registration Date: 05/10/2004

There is increasing interest in working at the intersections of intimate partner violence (IPV) and violence against children (VAC), especially in the family, yet few programmatic strategies exist or have been evaluated to assess the combined impact of strategies on both types of violence. This paper addresses this gap by exploring the influence that Indashyikirwa-a programme designed to reduce IPV in Rwanda- had on VAC in the families of couples participating in the programme. Indashyikirwa included a 21-session couples' curriculum, safe spaces for IPV survivors, and community activism against violence. In addition to reductions in IPV, a randomized control trial found significant reductions in parent's reports of children witnessing IPV, parents' attitudes condoning harsh physical punishment of children, and parents' use of corporal punishment as discipline. This paper uses qualitative data to better understand how and why the couples' curriculum influenced parenting and VAC. Twenty-eight participants (fourteen male-female couples) were individually interviewed at three time points, once before and twice after the couples' curriculum implementation. Six men and six women who completed the curriculum and subsequently carried out activism were also interviewed at two time points. The data were analyzed thematically. Pathways motivating couples' attitude and behavior changes towards children included reflecting on the consequences of IPV for children and appreciating the benefits for children of non-violent, gender equitable households. This analysis suggests that working with co-habiting couples presents a viable strategy for working to prevent IPV, VAC and promote more gender equitable family dynamics., Author(s): Erin Stern [sup.1] [sup.2] , Lori Heise [sup.1] , Kristin Dunkle [sup.3] , Sangeeta Chatterji [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.21107.35, 0000 0001 2171 9311, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of [...]

Within men's activism to address gender inequities and prevent gender-based violence, and social justice movements more broadly, questions about the usefulness and limitations of the term 'allyship' have surfaced. Moreover, studies demonstrate that social justice activists with privilege often perpetuate inequalities, perhaps despite their best intentions. To explicate the current understanding of allyship and to apply it to male activism, this paper synthesized the primary elements of allyship as defined by 40 activist and academic sources. Eight unique and discrete themes surfaced: constant action of the 'everyday ally'; prioritizing a structural analysis of oppression and privilege; non-self absorbed and accountable self-reflection; amplify marginalized voices; welcome criticism and be accountable; listen+shut up+read, ally is not a self-adhesive label; and allyship: unlikely or undesirable?. While surfacing as discrete concepts, the themes inter-relatedness and interdependence appeared equally crucial. The implications of this synthesis for allyship discourse and scholarship are offered. This synthesis provides conceptual and practical insights that can be applied to men's gender equity promotion and gender-based violence prevention work., Author(s): Juliana Carlson [sup.1], Cliff Leek [sup.2], Erin Casey [sup.3], Rich Tolman [sup.4], Christopher Allen [sup.5] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.266515.3, 0000 0001 2106 0692, School of Social Welfare, University of [...]

Purpose Bystander programs are central to efforts to address CSV prevention. In the U.S., they are mandated in the 2013 Campus Sexual Violence Elimination (Campus SaVE) Act. This practice note shares early exploration on one university campus in re-envisioning bystander programs by centering experiences, analyses, and activism of Black, Indigenous, and other women of color, students and youth, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and gender non-conforming people (LGBTQI +). Method We conducted a narrative review of the theoretical and empirical literature on bystander intervention programs, drew from documentary and visionary materials on alternative perspectives and practices, and reflected on research, policy, and practice challenges on our own campus. Results Bystander programs are designed to: enhance community members' awareness, skills, and intervention intentions; address all members of a community; and change behavior by countering widespread misperceptions about the prevalence and acceptability of sexual violence. All three design elements remain aspirational. Intersectional, anti-racist, gender-transformative, and anti-carceral approaches offer strategies for shifting community and social norms to promote community accountability and transformative justice. Conclusions CSV prevention may be enhanced by re-envisioning U.S. bystander intervention programs and encouraging systemic approaches that integrate intersectional, anti-racist, gender-transformative, and anti-carceral insights and initiatives to promote more inclusive and transformational measures to prevent CSV., Author(s): Lisa D. Brush [sup.1] , Elizabeth Miller [sup.2] [sup.3] Author Affiliations: (1) https://ror.org/01an3r305, grid.21925.3d, 0000 0004 1936 9000, University of Pittsburgh, , Pittsburgh, PA, USA (2) grid.21925.3d, 0000 0004 [...]

Public opposition to fracking is one of numerous movements expressing concern about health or environmental risks of a (usually) new technology. These have at their core an esoteric dispute between technical experts, but laypeople also become actively involved, usually as volunteers. They may live close to pertinent sites, motivated by fears for their families and property, or they may be people living farther away, attracted to the opposition for ideological reasons. (Opposition to fracking is a politically liberal position.) Activism is increasingly motivated when the issue is 'hot' and diminishes when it cools down. According to Quantity of Coverage Theory (QCT), the 'hotness' of an issue - therefore the degree of activism -- largely depends on its presence in the mass media. The American anti-fracking movement arose fairly quickly around 2010-11. News coverage peaked during 2012-14 and is now diminishing. Similar peaks and declines are observed in British and German news media, consistent with the power of central American media to influence news coverage in other industrial nations. Inferentially, from declining news coverage, the anti-fracking movement is waning, perhaps dying. Lacking direct measures of activism, QCT provides a lens through which to see the rise and fall of the movement., Author(s): Allan Mazur [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (Aff1) 0000 0001 2189 1568, grid.264484.8, Syracuse University, , 435 Crouse-Hinds Hall, 13244, Syracuse, NY, USA In April 2017 Maryland became the third American [...]

Not all numerical minorities classify as 'minorities' in any political or legal sense, even when they possess easily definable biological or social characteristics. Twins are an example of such a group. The article discusses minorities as the result of minority building, i.e., a process through which some specific human characteristic becomes the basis of group identity, networking, mobilization, and claims on rights and recognition. It presents some of the existing discourse and research on twins as a biological and social category. Subsequent sections inspect twins' potential claims and mobilization. Many of the claims refer to our culture's treatment of twins as one social unit, and to the assumption of a 'special bond' between them. Although probably not a biological reality, it is a strong social reality with effect on twins' lives. The idea of the 'special bond' conflicts with the prevailing Western discourse on individual personhood and agency. Not unlike other such efforts, a possible twins' activism would need to find a balance between essentialist and constructionist definitions of the group. The essentialist discourse is part of the claimed problem, but at the same time, it may be necessary in order to legitimate the minority's claim for recognition. Twins are hardly a repressed minority, but there are specific situations in which they could claim for recognition and more sensitivity., Author(s): Mikko Lagerspetz [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.13797.3b, 0000 0001 2235 8415, Faculty of Social Sciences, Business and Economics, and Law, Åbo Akademi University, , Fänriksgatan 3 A, 20500, Åbo, [...]

Despite a recent increase in academic attention, little is known about how the general population perceives BDSM practitioners. Though the gay/lesbian community has undergone de-medicalization and de-stigmatization over time, the same process for BDSM practitioners is in its infancy. Past research suggests that BDSM practitioners do expect to be stigmatized by others, especially in the healthcare system; however, little is known about how the general population currently perceives and stigmatizes the BDSM community. In the current study, we found that the general population (N = 257) does stigmatize BDSM practitioners more than the gay/lesbian population, and both are stigmatized more than a low-stigma comparison group (people in romantic relationships), F(2, 253) = 21.70, p < .001, [Formula omitted] = 0.15. These findings help to inform mental healthcare providers and the general population about BDSM practitioners, with the goal of inspiring additional research and activism aimed at combating misinformation and reducing stigma toward this population., Author(s): Ashley A. Hansen-Brown [sup.1] , Sabrina E. Jefferson [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.253292.d, 0000 0001 2323 7412, Bridgewater State University, , Bridgewater, MA, USA Though BDSM (bondage/discipline, dominance/submission, sadism/masochism) [...]

With the tide of progressive reforms facing strong headwinds today, this essay offers a retrospective look at the progressive movement in the U.S.A. and reflects on the lessons to be learned from its triumphs and failures. The case is made that major advances in the progressive agenda came at historical junctions precipitated by dramatic events. The stretch between 1900 and 1920 saw the first wave of social reforms following the late nineteenth century recessions and upsurge in labor unrest. The New Deal took shape in the 1930s in the aftermath of the Great Depression. The Civil Rights movement burst onto the scene in the 1960s in the face of bitter attempts to shore up segregationist practices in southern states. And the 2020s spike in progressive activism gained momentum against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic and the January 6 Capitol riots. Special attention is paid to the interfaces between Social Gospel theology and efforts to ground progressive rhetoric in what John Dewey called 'common faith,' Robert Bellah 'civil religion,' and Richard Rorty 'liberal pragmatism.', Author(s): Dmitri N. Shalin [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.272362.0, 0000 0001 0806 6926, University of Nevada, , Las Vegas, NV, USA The Rev. W. D. P. Bliss did not mince [...]

Examining past experiences of student activism at Berkeley this article suggests that the present storm of political correctness sweeping American universities represents more than just another of the periodic crusades that have disrupted academic life over the years. The current wave of activism is different largely because the ever-present minorities of militant faculty and student activists have gained significant reinforcements in their struggle to transform the culture and mission of higher education. Over the last several decades federal regulations and funds have created an alternative bureaucracy within universities that is devoted, not to the core academic mission of teaching and research, but to improving the social climate of university life. The legitimacy and power of the social climate bureaucracy depend on heightening the perception that academic life involves a dangerous environment, from which students need protection - a service provided through creating safe spaces, helping students to recognize micro-aggressions, training them in sexual assault prevention, conducting sensitivity training for faculty and the like. Devoted to heightening this perception of the university campus as a hostile environment, the climate bureaucracy has become a source of institutionalized discontent., Author(s): Neil Gilbert[sup.1] Author Affiliations: Neil Gilbert is the Chernin Professor of Social Welfare at U.C. Berkeley and a Fellow of the American Academy of Social Work and Social Welfare. [...]

The #MeToo Movement, which originated in the USA against sexual harassment and violence, has caught on in Singapore. This article suggests that the recent debate on toxic masculinity in the country, brought to public attention in a speech by Corinna Lim, chief of the Association of Women for Action and Research (AWARE), is an extension of the #MeToo Movement. The debate on toxic masculinity has largely revolved around the issue of whether the mandatory National Service (NS), which all Singaporean men have to perform, is a site of toxic masculinity. This article is a preliminary attempt to connect the dots and examine the implications of the debate for civil society, NS, and women's activism in contemporary Singapore., Author(s): Ying-kit Chan [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.412434.4, 0000 0004 1937 1127, Visiting Scholar, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Department of History, Philosophy, and English Literature, Thammasat University, , Bangkok, Thailand [...]

On both questions about the political makeup of academia and conservative activism on educational issues, Gross makes definitive causal claims. He postulates a variation of self-selection that relies on political typing of occupations. On conservative activism he argues that moral entrepreneurs utilize animosity towards progressives in higher education to express a populist ideology uniting distinct elements within the conservative movement. As it concerns potential political bias, I argue that self-selection and barriers of discrimination and bias both play important roles in producing progressive academic institutions. On issues of conservative activists' attention to educational issues, I contend that concern about progressive academics is both a unifying populist message and a realistic assessment of a political threat. I largely agree with the content of Gross's finding but disagree with the degree the processes he outlines answers these two research questions. I have a both/and approach whereby other factors must be taken into consideration. Ideally future research will assess not only the different factors within these answers, but also which factors have the most explanatory power relative to other factors. Keywords Self-selection * Academic discrimination * Educational issues, Neil Gross's book Why are Professors Liberal and Why do Conservatives Care? (Gross 2013) investigates the important issue of the political makeup of academia within our current political economy. The [...]

As a consequence of exposure to sexualized messages, girls and women may internalize the belief that sexual attractiveness to men is an important aspect of their identity. Whereas research on internalized sexualization has mainly focused on its consequences for girls' well-being and academic outcomes, the present study (N = 222, women, aged 20 to 29) examined whether internalized sexualization is related to sexist attitudes and tolerance of sexual harassment among young women. It also analyzed internalized sexualization' links to women's views of notorious sexual abuse allegations in the so-called Weinstein scandal and attitudes towards the #MeToo movement, a campaign aimed at combatting sexual harassment and sexual assault. The study was conducted in Italy, a context characterized by pervasive sexualized messages and diffuse criticism against the #MeToo movement. The findings showed that internalized sexualization was associated with stronger endorsement of sexist attitudes and higher acceptance of sexual harassment myths, which worked as sequential mediators of skepticism towards sexual abuse allegations in the Weinstein scandals. Endorsement of sexist attitudes mediated the relation between internalized sexualization and negative attitudes towards the #MeToo movement. This study extends the knowledge on the correlates of sexualization, suggesting that women's internalization of the belief that they should be sexually attractive to men might contribute to reinforce ideologies and attitudes that perpetrate women's mistreatment while diminishing support for social activism on women's behalf., Author(s): Silvia Moscatelli [sup.1] [sup.2] , Francesca Golfieri [sup.1] , Carlo Tomasetto [sup.1] , Rebecca S. Bigler [sup.3] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.6292.f, 0000 0004 1757 1758, University of Bologna, , [...]

This article examines the life and activism of Clarie Collins Harvey--entrepreneur, civil rights activist, and ecumenical leader. Despite her significant contributions to various aspects of American life, Harvey has not received the kind of scholarly attention she deserves. This essay offers a holistic presentation of Harvey's life in an effort to demonstrate not only the dynamic vision that guided her leadership, but also the significance of her work locally, nationally, and internationally. Furthermore, it underscores the importance of Black women's activism in movements for social justice. Keywords Mississippi * Civil rights movement * Womanpower unlimited * Church women united * Black women's activism, Clarie Collins Harvey was accompanied by her husband at a State Capital ceremony when she received the Outstanding Mississippian Award from Governor William Waller in honor of her 'noteworthy achievements [...]

There are many histories on the US Civil Right Movement, but none approaches the familiar saga of the Black freedom struggle with the intent to ground it within the discipline of Africana Studies. Mark Christian relies on decades of student curiosity and wonder about the Civil Rights Movement to structure his retelling in ways that align with his pedagogy. He features African American historical contexts, analyses of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr., the activism of Black women in the Movement, and insightful chapters on the era's liberal politics. Christian prompts readers to broaden their application of the movement's contemporary interpretation by boldly offering more sociological and psychological explanations of racism and pathology and by grounding his arguments in an Africana Studies disciplinary lexicon., Author(s): Christel N. Temple [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.21925.3d, 0000 0004 1936 9000, University of Pittsburgh, , Pittsburgh, PA, USA The Civil Rights Movement is a dynamic twentieth-century era of [...]

Forty years after emerging from student protest, Black Studies continues to wrestle with its identity. While Black Studies established itself in academia, the racialethnic diversity of faculty began to change and the racialethnic composition of Black Studies departments changed as well. This study uses Mannheim's theory of cohort driven social change to examine how Black Studies faculty members differ in their views of the field. The analyses suggest that differences in professional attitudes are related to demographic trends in the field: much of the disagreement over the field's distinctiveness from other disciplines stems from an older cohort of non-African American professors. Recent cohorts of Black and non-African American Black Studies professors appear to have similar views of the field. We suggest that this may be a response to the political activism that motivated the field at its inception, which may not be a formative experience for recently hired professors. Keywords Black Studies * Faculty attitudes * Cohort analysis * Student activism * Intellectual change, Introduction The Civil Rights Movement sparked many profound changes in American higher education. Following desegregation, enrollments diversified as African American, Latino, and Asian American students sought advanced degrees in larger [...]

Byline: Kathryn J. Norlock (1) Keywords: Forgiveness; Virtue; Pessimism; Ecocitizenship Abstract: Our attitudes toward human culpability for environmental problems have moral and emotional import, influencing our basic capacities for believing cooperative action and environmental repair are even possible. In this paper, I suggest that having the virtue of forgivingness as a response to environmental harm is generally good for moral character, preserving us from morally risky varieties of pessimism and despair. I define forgivingness as a forward-looking disposition based on Robin Dillon's conception of preservative forgiveness, a preparation to be deeply and abidingly accepting yet expecting human error. As with other virtues, however, preservative forgiveness is available to some of us more than others in the second half of this paper, I consider the deep challenge posed by rational pessimism, especially on the part of those who have been given many reasons not to hope for the very moral improvements for which they strive. I conclude that for those of us with the power roles and personal resources especially conducive to environmental activism, preservative forgiveness inclines us to remain engaged in environmental activism with fellow flawed human beings, recognizing our own mutual depredations while committing us to cooperatively respond. Author Affiliation: (1) St. Mary's College of Maryland, 18952 E. Fisher Rd., St. Mary's City, MD, 20686, USA Article History: Registration Date: 02/06/2009 Accepted Date: 27/05/2009 Online Date: 12/06/2009

An in-depth content analysis of five web sites and eight paper zines (self-produced and distributed magazines) was conducted to uncover the inspiration, content, and unique strategies associated with text -based contemporary menstrual product activism. Menstrual product activism is loosely defined as various attempts to expose the hazards of commercial 'feminine protection' to both women's bodies and the environment and the promotion of healthier, less expensive, and less resource-intensive alternatives. This activism's discourse draws on many traditions to produce its resistance to mainstream menses management. The movement, first and foremost, is the legacy of several decades of related activism, dating to the mid1970s. Contemporary menstrual product activism updates and modifies this tradition with the 'do it yourself' ethic and anti-corporate philosophy of Punk culture and Third Wave feminist ideals of anti-essentialism, inclusion, humor, irony, and reappropriation. To date, this activist agenda has received little scholarly attention, yet it promises to yield meaningful insight into so called Third Wave feminist theory and practice and reveal the resilience of a woman-centered modern history of resistance. Keywords Menstruation * Women's health activism * Third wave feminism

A grounded theory model of feminist-activist identity development was constructed from semistructured interviews with volunteers of the first Women's Rights Association (NANE) in Hungary. This article focuses on NANE volunteers' feminist identity development, which emerged through interpersonal solidarity with Western women; the development of self-confidence and an assertive 'voice' in their relationships; and an increased awareness of the violence and oppression against women. A grounded theory approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was used to analyze the interviews. The core category, 'Internalizing Western Feminist-Activism: Importing an External Culture to Revolutionize One's Own,' describes volunteers' conceptualization that their feminist-activist beliefs emerged from imported ideologies gained through exposure to Western ideas and the international women's movement, which were then adapted to make changes in Hungary. KEY WORDS: feminism; activism; Hungary; international; consultation.

Byline: Mordecai Lee (1) Keywords: nonprofit organizations; nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); management; chief executive officers (CEOs); movies; cinema; pop culture Abstract: This article explores the cinematic image of chief executive officers (CEOs) of nonprofit organizations in the U.S. Movie CEOs head a broad range of the nongovernmental organizations, including hospitals, colleges, social service agencies, prep schools, labor unions, legal aid, faith-based and youth-serving. They are predominantly white males. Their professional backgrounds include medicine, teaching, union organizing, social activism, clergy, law and environmental activism. Movie audiences see nonprofit CEOs involved in the mundane and inspirational elements of day-to-day management. One of their primary responsibilities consists of overseeing 'line' functions, including fund raising, media relations, managing volunteers and board relations. But, nonprofit managers are also responsible for broader concerns, such as protecting the organization's values and equilibrium. Some movie nonprofit CEOs are shown multitasking and trying to balance competing demands from multiple stakeholders. Author Affiliation: (1) University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Suite 6000, 161 West Wisconsin Avenue, Milwaukee, WI, 53203--2602 Article History: Registration Date: 20/10/2004