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This study aims to examine the vocal system in regional languages in South Kalimantan, focusing on eighteen varieties of local languages, namely Banjar, Sunda, Bakumpai, Lawangan, Dayak Halong, Dusun Deah, Flores, Manyan, Abal, Sasak, Javanese, Bugis, Samihin, Bajau, Madura, Berangas, Bali, and Mandar. The research method used is a qualitative descriptive approach with literature data analysis. The results showed variations in the vocal system between regional languages, with some languages having unique vowels while others showed anomalies in the distribution of vowels. The study found that the vowels /i/, /u/, /e/, and /a/ were found in all of the regional languages studied, while the vowels /ə/ were found in seventeen languages, the vowels /o/ in thirteen languages, and the vowels /ɔ/ in six languages. This research makes an important contribution to the development of language typology in South Kalimantan and can be the basis for further research on vocal anomalies in the regional language.

Since Russia has always been a multicultural and multilingual country, there are many regions where several official languages (apart from the Russian language) coexist. Needless to say, bilingualism has its own peculiarities in each region. What would be the difference between the linguistic situation in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) and the Republic of Tatarstan? In the present article, we are aiming to investigate the peculiarities of bilingualism in the two above-mentioned republics. Based on the analysis of the historical background of minority languages and current language policies, the article provides an overview of the linguistic situation in terms of language status and language use of minority languages in the educational system. It has shown that despite similar language policies, the actual situation in Tatarstan and Yakutia is different, especially in terms of preference for learning the minority language at school. It is concluded that it is necessary to develop bilingualism in the regions and organize the necessary methodological support for parents and teachers.

The objective of this study is to explore the sociolinguistic paths of students dealing with the issue of discrimination on linguistic pretexts (or glottophobia) in Brittany, a region where the question of linguistic minority has been visibly raised for a long time. Just over 100 participants enrolled at Rennes 2 University participated in a semi-directive online quantitative survey. The responses reveal a significant linguistic plurality, especially of family origin and to which respondents say they are attached. In particular, there is a significant place held by a regional language, Breton, alongside languages from elsewhere (about half of the witnesses grew up with several languages and say they practice several of them today). The normative norm of French (perceived as above all academic, Parisian, socially marked) occupies an important place both as a reference and as a declared practice. A stigmatization of their forms of French is reported by nearly 50% of respondents, which creates a certain linguistic insecurity. The notion of glottophobic discrimination appears to be very well identified. In the last three years, more than 50% have witnessed it and about 10% have been victims (the use of « immigration » languages being the main pretext mentioned). About 20% spoke to relatives and none to a mediation or appeal body. Implementing a glottopolitical intervention requires establishing a diagnosis of a sociolinguistic situation at a time T by including the glottopolitical orientations of social actors (the « agents », in the Guespin-Marcellesi terminology). This study confirms that an information and vigilance system is necessary to ensure respect for fundamental language rights and fair treatment of people regardless of the language(s) and variety of French used.

In this article, the author has analysed educational reforms and educational policy in general, which was implemented in Ukraine during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych. A few political cases were analysed, in particular the opposition of the National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” to the educational trends implemented by the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine under the leadership of Dmytro Tabachnyk. The manifestations of colonial policy in Ukrainian education, which were aimed at the rapprochement of Ukraine and Russia and the positioning of Ukraine as a colonial part of the imperial body, have been outlined. It has been discussed in what implicit way the colonial strategy was implemented in the educational reforms in Ukraine, in particular in the aspect of teaching humanitarian disciplines, e.g. Ukrainian literature. Forms of possible resistance to colonial strategies in the educational field, the principles of overcoming imperial pressure and intensifying the narrative of resistance, which made it possible to avoid further splitting of the Ukrainian identity in the imperial body, have been analysed. The legislative activity, which was focused on strengthening the status of the Russian language as a regional language, has been outlined. Linguistic colonial approaches at the level of legislative initiatives in language policy have been spotlighted, in particular in the Kivalov-Kolesnichenko Law.

Cet article s’intéresse aux conditions de production d’un récit territorial régional unifié dans deux régions marquées par des mouvements de revitalisation linguistique (Grenoble et Whaley, 2006). La Bretagne abrite deux communautés linguistiques– bretonne et gallèse – porteuses de revendications de statut (Gusfield, 1986). La Lusace est un territoire revendiqué par les locuteurs des langues basse-sorabe et haute-sorabe. Les deux territoires régionaux revendiqués par les militants linguistiques diffèrent des territoires de l’action publique. Nous montrons que malgré des tentatives militantes de produire un récit territorial unifié de la région revendiquée, des rapports de concurrence et de domination entre les groupes linguistiques viennent morceler cette entreprise. En partant du postulat que l’action collective linguistique construit l’image sociale du territoire (Avanza et Laferté, 2005) tout autant que l’image sociale du territoire la construit en retour, nous nous intéressons aux usages militants des multiples récits régionaux et aux enjeux politiques qu’ils drainent.

The paper discusses and analyses the situation of regional languages in Poland against the background of phenomena taking place in Europe. The phenomena discussed include language extinction, language revival and raising the prestige of linguistic varieties generally considered inferior to recognised languages, i.e. state, national or official ones.

The paper considers promotion of regional languages in mass media. The experience of European countries in ensuring the presence of regional languages in the media in the context of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (the Charter) has been discussed. The relevance of the research is determined by the fact that the development of information technologies and, as a consequence, the globalization processes lead to the displacement and loss of national cultural phenomena, primarily national or regional languages. We have analyzed the state periodical reports of Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom of Great Britain on the implementation of obligations stipulated in Article 11 of the Charter and Committee of Experts’ evaluation reports, which allowed studying the current situation of regional languages in media communications, as well as favorable and negative trends. The provision of favorable conditions for the functioning of regional languages in the media in the context of the Charter is due to state support, the provision of financial assistance, the creation of organizations and councils responsible for promoting regional media and their cooperation with each other and with the authorities, and finally, regulatory documents, which guarantee the fulfillment of these conditions. The results obtained are of importance for modern sociolinguistics, because the experience gained allows us to determine the most universal factors favorable for the development and support of the media functioning in regional languages.

Symbolic crusades in Lusatia and Brittany? An analysis of minority language movements from the perspective of status politics This paper proposes to analyse mobilizations for regional minority languages in Lusatia and Brittany from the perspective of “status politics”. In a post-modern context, where traditional speech communities are fragmented by territorial and social mobility, speaking a minority language seems to be a matter of personal choice, structured through engagement and activism. Assuming that languages are part of a linguistic economy shaped by power conflicts and struggle for classifications, this article approaches the promotion of regional and minority languages as a struggle for social recognition of particular cultures, styles of life and collective prestige. By using the tools of political sociology, our ambition is to examine actions for Upper and Lower Sorbian, Breton and Gallo as symbolic ones, aiming at influencing the distribution of social prestige in Lusatia and Brittany, thus exceeding mere language issues. Today, campaigners for minority languages of Lusatia and Brittany participate in “revitalization movements” which also assert visions of the social world. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with language activists and on participatory observations, the idea is to consider to what extent linguistic mobilizations can be qualified as symbolic crusades”, and in what ways this sociological notion could be useful to understand the mechanisms at work in linguistic collective action in general. Krucjaty symboliczne na Łużycach i w Bretanii? Próba spojrzenia na aktywizm mniejszości językowych poprzez analizę polityki statusu Artykuł proponuje spojrzenie na mobilizację użytkowników regionalnych języków mniejszościowych na Łużycach i w Bretanii z perspektywy polityki statusu. W ponowoczesnym kontekście, w którym tradycyjne wspólnoty komunikacyjne zostały rozbite przez wzrost mobilności terytorialnej i społecznej, używanie języka mniejszościowego wydaje się kwestią jednostkowego wyboru, realizowanego poprzez osobiste zaangażowanie i aktywizm. Przyjmując założenie, że języki stanowią element ekonomii lingwistycznej, kształtowanej przez konflikty władzy i potrzebę klasyfikacji, artykuł traktuje promowanie języków regionalnych i mniejszościowych jako walkę o akceptację konkretnych kultur i stylów życia oraz o prestiż społeczny. Korzystając z narzędzi socjologii politycznej, autorka stawia sobie za cel zbadanie działań na rzecz języków górnołużyckiego, dolnołużyckiego, bretońskiego i gallo jako działalności symbolicznej, mającej prowadzić do zmian w dystrybucji prestiżu społecznego na Łużycach i w Bretanii, a zatem wykraczającej poza kwestie czysto językowe. Obecnie działacze na rzecz języków mniejszościowych na Łużycach i w Bretanii biorą udział w „ruchu rewitalizacyjnym”, który przedstawia również własną wizję świata społecznego. Opierając się na częściowo ustrukturyzowanych wywiadach z aktywistami językowymi oraz na obserwacji uczestniczącej, autorka próbuje określić, do jakiego stopnia mobilizacja językowa może być uznana za „krucjatę symboliczną” i w jaki sposób ta wywodząca się z socjologii koncepcja może być przydatna dla zrozumienia mechanizmów funkcjonujących w szerszym kontekście działań zbiorowych o charakterze językowym.

This article follows up on a paper presented in 2013 and references a research project carried out from 1996 to 2018. Drawing on examples of situations of public, bilingual and symbolic marking in several areas of Brittany, it examines the links between culture and the economy. How do they function? When the regional language is used in the public space for no other reason than to allow an exchange between speakers of that language, is it still a language? And what future is secured for the language through these uses? The article examines these sociolinguistic fields by presenting language as an unending string of social practices, a continuum of situations and environments that are themselves social. Through these public display practices, which are necessarily social and in many cases economic, new relationships to the object language are established through a modification of the communication codes. What is important here is not so much the intention to address the public with words but rather what these words reference. Does this then make the language a paralinguistic element? Such situations can bring together economists, sociolinguists, and so on, to contribute to the debate in order to identify, together, how we can act to better control the balance between culture’s contribution to the economy and the economy’s contribution to culture.

Events of 2014 in Ukraine and around it confirmed that Russian languages, as well as the Russianspeaking population, have been involved into a cruel political game in which the ruling circles of that country are ready to go as far as physical extermination of national minorities. The article analyzes the legal status of the Russian-speaking population in Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine, and the possibility of obtaining basic and higher education in Russian. Taking into consideration the priority of such areas as the protection of rights of Russian-speaking compatriots, the article proposes possible ways of improving the efficiency of using funds allocated to support the Russian-speaking education in these states.

The impact of new information and communication technologies on European societies could not have been foreseen at the time the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML) was adopted two decades ago. Although the text of the ECRML contains no reference to such technologies, they clearly have a role in the context of linguistic communication, given their current social ubiquity. The measures outlined in the ECRML concerning, inter alia, media and cultural facilities, are precisely those being affected by the new media landscape. We can therefore be certain that the internet has some sort of impact on regional and minority languages in Europe, yet detailed assessments of this impact at the policy level are lacking. This article seeks to uncover the extent to which the Committee of Experts of the ECRML assesses the impact of the internet on those languages that have been selected by state parties for protection and promotion under the provisions of the ECRML. Findings show that references to the internet have increased in the reports of the Committee of Experts since monitoring began. However, the role of new technologies in inhibiting or facilitating regional and minority languages is seldom evaluated.

The protection of speakers and of regional or minority languages is a major topic in the Romanian multicultural and ethnically diverse background. The Romanian law approach on this subject is inspired mainly by two distinct theories developed in international law with regard to the notion of language. The first theory, more classical, was developed in many international conventions such as the Convention for the protection of the national minorities. It considers the language from a subjective point of view as a component of the identity of a minority. Therefore, the protection of the language represents a right guaranteed to that minority. This approach inspired the Romanian legislation towards a protection of the language through the protection of their speakers. Consequently, Romanian law incorporates the linguistic issue in the legal framework of the judicial status of national minorities and of the equality principle. The second theory inspiring the Romanian legislation is a more modern and objective approach of the notion of language, as it considers it as a cultural asset, part of a regional, national or European heritage that has to be preserved. The Charter of the regional or minority languages and the specific EU law on this field are the main European references developing this theory. As they constitute a binding legislation for Romania, they should be progressively integrated in the national law. Thus, the protection of speakers and of minority or regional languages is developed in Romania on a clear legal framework founded under the strong influences of international law and it continues to evolve in accordance with the national specificity.

The European Union (EU) today counts 23 national languages with as many as 65 regional and minority languages, only a few of which enjoy recognition in the EU. We assess the perspectives of regional and, particularly, endangered languages in Europe in three steps. First, we argue that the current approach of nation-states, defining both national and regional/minority languages from the top down, is increasingly at odds with the idea of cross-border migration and communications. We illustrate this with the examples of Estonian and Latvian, official languages of EU member-states with around one million native speakers each. Second, we attest the end of 'traditional' forms of minority language, contending that if they are to survive they cannot do so as mirror copies of minority languages. To make our point clear, we discuss regional efforts to increase the use of the Breton and the Welsh languages. We outline a research agenda that takes into account the nation-state dominated linguistic regulations and the future of an increasingly borderless Europe, and suggest how both can be accommodated.

The aim of this article is to bring together available, but still scattered and incomplete, information on events relating to 'dialect languages' under the Vichy regime. After providing a historical perspective and an overview of the measures taken in favour of 'dialect languages' under the Vichy regime, the author analyses the remarkable continuity with which movements in favour of the regions, their languages and their cultures have survived, without major upheavals, the various regimes that have provided the foundations of the State in France since the 19th century.

The real Brittany would be the one where Breton language is spoken, the false one where Gallo language is spoken, the real Normandy the one of the camp, the false one the one of the field. As a general rule, there is a correlation between « parcels » of identity and linguistic practices. However, on the border, this intellectual order is disrupted since there is a disjunction between criteria that are usually combined. At least between criteria that dialectology and ethnolinguistics have accustomed us to consider as integral: language and culture. The paradox can thus be formulated. On the one hand, people of different languages (Breton language speakers and Gallo language speakers) recognise a common cultural and historical identity. But, on the other hand, people with the same language claim a different identity (Bretons of the border and Normands).

The author posits the concept of language communities, as opposed to that of national language, as a more adecuate categorization in explaning the development of European language policies. Using the case of French, he argues that globalization and the current migration waves render the distinction centre / periphery, in terms of dominat vs. regional or subordinate languages, meaningless, since what have been traditionally considered national languages are being exposed to constant instances of creolization. Such a phenomenon, far from empoverishing these languages' cultural idiosincracy, enriches them by enlarging their communicative effectiveness.

If there is a 'French sociolinguistic exception', particularly in the relationship between the French language and the other languages of France, the practical day-to-day realities do not reveal it clearly: the concept of diglossia describes them quite well. After discussing the thesis of the 'French exception' as seen through the prism of language policy, the author examines the concept of 'colinguism' and finally concludes that there is a national linguistic ideology.

How come we still speak Occitan, Breton, etc.? How is it that the enormous disproportion of apparatus and prestige has not wiped out the so-called regional languages more quickly? It seems difficult to credit this (relative) persistence to the renaissantist movements, the defenders of these languages. The fact that, with the specific exception of Alsace-Lorraine, the language question (or a language question) has never been a major public issue in France attests to their powerlessness. Barring a major cataclysm, it is difficult to imagine that Occitan could be established today in the same terms as French has been. The only realistic approach is to analyse the foundations of French linguistic ideology in order to bring out an Occitan, a possible Breton.

As a declared discipline, sociolinguistics arose from the contradictory aspect of certain postulates of linguistics: « all languages are equal in structure », « all speakers are equal in competence »; but at the same time, linguistics notes the de facto inequality of languages and speakers, and various sources of linguistic alienation. In France, there are two main areas of research: school sociolinguistics, in the broad sense of the term, which looks at the difficulties encountered at school, depending on the various components of the situation, and sociolinguistics which looks at the problems of regional languages, or more precisely, minority languages.

Since the 1988 Matignon-Oudinot Accords and the 1998 Noumea Agreement, New Caledonia –also called Kanaky by pro-independence people-, has enjoyed a very specific status within the constitutional framework of the French Republic. These Accords led to a period of appeasement and to autonomous consociational politics, which put an end to a situation nearing civil war at the beginning of the 1980s. They acknowledged the legitimacy of a decolonisation process and of a territorial right to self-determination. This process has recently culminated in three referenda, which have in fact failed to clear the path for the future of the archipelago, in spite of the French government’s claims.Implements were created in order to acknowledge the specific identity of the territory. The teaching certificate in Kanak languages is one of these tools this paper seeks to explore, as it epitomizes existing contradictions in the process of decolonisation. The latter, though it is supposed to give back their place to key local actors and aspects of Kanak culture, remains informed by an utterly centralised organisational pattern.