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Purpose – This paper investigates the effect of state-society relations on the industrially-related growth paths of developed countries. Design/methodology/approach – It introduces a novel theoretical framework, the state-business-labor relations (SBLR) framework, where four main actors are identified: the state, big businesspersons or tycoons, owners and managers of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) or Entrepreneurs and labor. Different SBLR categories or modes are introduced depending on levels of coordination and power relations between the studied actors. The paper then investigates how these SBLR modes, through adopting various policies targeting the industrial sector, lead to different growth paths. Rather than focusing only on economic growth, this research regards a growth path as a matrix of the performance in long-run growth and equality of distribution. Findings – Using regression analysis and statistical data, the results suggest that the Co-Balanced mode, having higher levels of coordination and lower favoritism, leads to the best growth path among the four introduced modes, especially with its emphasis on high levels of venture capital availability and easiness of starting business. while the Lib-Capture mode, characterized by lower coordination and higher favoritism, seems to have the worst growth path and the best implemented policy for this mode is suggested to be high profit taxes that seem to counter the negative impact of the existing high levels of favoritism. Research limitations/implications – Despite the important findings that this research has reached, this paper is mainly meant to open a further investigation into this topic and open this dimension that the research on VoC and political economy have under-researched. A deeper investigation of SBLR typologies that could only be possible by having richer datasets with more data on coordination for the whole world, rather than only the advanced economies, would further our understanding of the dynamics that shape the growth paths of different countries of the world. Practical implications – To realize the best industrial growth path, fighting favoritism should be an important objective. The negative impact of favoritism on innovation could not be disregarded in the eve of the fourth industrial revolution, where innovation is increasingly pivotal to future industrial development. Actively engaging societal groups in the policymaking process is important in addressing their concerns and balancing them at the same time. This should lead to the double benefit of formulating better policies that should foster growth as well as provide better distribution of this growth. High levels of coordination should help in realizing this objective. Yet, this could only be possible if societal groups are free to associate and aggregate their power and when there are means of preventing one actor from gaining more favorite treatment and exclusive influence over policymakers. The presence of both powerful and broadly represented business associations and labor unions and the existence of a government interested in coordinating their efforts-rather than letting itself be controlled by one group at the expense of the others-should help in the realization of the best growth path. Thus, institutional reform that empowers societal groups and enables them to defend their interests as well as fights all forms of corruption should lead to the realization of a more prosperous and equitable industrial development, with the “re-industrialization” of the developed world being no exception. The technological and social challenges of intensive automation and digitalization accompanying the fourth industrial revolution make the envisaged institutional reform more urgent. Originality/value – This paper is introducing a novel theoretical framework for studying the effect of state-society relations, particularly SBLR, on the industrial growth paths of developed countries. It integrates three important bodies of literature in order to build a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of state-society relations and their economic consequences. These are the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC), State-Business Relations (SBR) and Industrial Relations. The SBLR framework differentiates between tycoons and entrepreneurs, an important distinction that often goes unnoticed. Different SBLR categories or modes are introduced, depending on levels of coordination and power relations between the actors. It is proposed in this research that the effect on growth paths goes beyond the simple dichotomy between CMEs and LMEs usually present in the literature of VoC and that power relations provide an essential complementary dimension in explaining this causality.

The focus of this paper is income inequality and, more pointedly, its persistence throughout generations. In the spirit of Atkinson (2014, 2015) and Roemer (1998), we take a normative stand and make concrete proposals to combat the persistence of inequality. In the view presented here, those inequalities derive, to an important extent, from inequalities in opportunities, themselves arising from “abnormal” differences in human capital endowments. The proposal developed in the paper relies on financial markets to complement extant government transfer programs and open universal access to services required for the formation of human capital.

The current paper aims to study the application of this theory in the current economic context in Romania, contributing to filling the gaps in the existing research on this subject. Thus, in the practical part of the paper, a non-linear regression model was created using the volume of greenhouse gases as the dependent variable (representing environmental degradation) and the GDP per capita as the independent variable (representing the economic development of the country). The results suggest a significant impact of economic development on environmental pollution in Romania between 1990 and 2022. The positive correlation between GDP per capita and greenhouse gas emissions, as indicated by the positive coefficient of DPIB (-1), underscores the importance of managing economic growth sustainably to mitigate environmental impacts. This finding aligns with Kuznets' environmental curve theory, which proposes that initially, rising per capita income can result in higher pollution and greenhouse gas emissions as developing nations prioritize economic advancement over environmental concerns. However, as economies progress and mature, there is an opportunity for the adoption of cleaner technologies, the implementation of environmental regulations, and investments in sustainability, potentially leading to a reduction in both greenhouse gas emissions and pollution.

Economic inequality poses a significant challenge in achieving sustainable development goals on a global aspect. The present paper delves into the complex relationship between economic inequality and sustainability trends, exploring how disparities in income and wealth distribution influence environmental degradation. In order to answer the present question, the author proposes a multidimensional approach, incorporating theoretical frameworks, empirical evidence, and a case study in order to highlight the impact of inequality. The paper examines the mechanisms through which economic inequality hampers progress towards sustainability. Also, it explores potential pathways for reducing these challenges, in ways that include policy interventions, community initiatives, and corporate CSR approaches. By exploring the existing literature and offering insights into future research directions, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex interconnection between economic inequality and sustainability, in the end aiming to inform strategies for fostering more equitable and environmentally resilient societies.

Previous investigations on the military spending-inequality nexus (in South Africa) were underpinned by the assumption that military spending and inequality behaves in symmetric fashion and employed linear autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model in their analysis. This paper extends and improves upon prior studies by investigating the short-run and long-run asymmetric effect of military spending on South Africa’s income inequality. Using annual data from 1980 to 2017 and the asymmetric autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) model by Shin et al. (2014), our paper revisits the military spending-income inequality nexus. We find evidence to suggest an asymmetric association between military and income inequality—income inequality responds differently to positive and negative shocks of military spending in the long- and short-run. Based on these findings, we conclude that the NARDL model delivers more accurate estimates and provides nuanced insights that the traditional linear ARDL.

The global pandemic has accentuated inequalities, with vulnerable populations in developing countries fairing worst. In rural sub-Saharan Africa, restrictions on mobility to limit the spread of COVID-19 negatively impacted access to extension services and inputs by farmers. In response, countries deployed digital technologies to meet some of these challenges in the context of existing income, gender and spatial inequalities and historic declines in funding for public extension. Focusing on Uganda, which had one of the longest and strictest lockdowns, the paper used panel datasets of farmers from 2005 to 2019/2020 and found persistent socio-economic and gender inequalities in access to extension. Data from rapid rural surveys from 2020 to 2021 and a review of recent literature suggest these inequalities increased during the pandemic. The paper then builds on the structure and reforms of the current extension system to assess the potential of the digital services and their added value given the inequalities observed. The paper finds that the ability of government-led, inclusive, digital extension services is limited unless investments in extension are increased. In light of long-term declines in funding for extension, future research should focus on the effectiveness of policies to encourage private sector-led digital extension efforts to strengthen the pro-poor nature of agricultural growth.

Purpose – In this paper, the author introduces a degenerate exponential integral function and further studies some of its analytical properties. The new function is a generalization of the classical exponential integral function and the properties established are analogous to those satisfied by the classical function. Design/methodology/approach – The methods adopted in establishing the results are theoretical in nature. Findings – A degenerate exponential integral function which is a generalization of the classical exponential integral function has been introduced and its properties investigated. Upon taking some limits, the established results reduce to results involving the classical exponential integral function. Originality/value – The results obtained in this paper are new and have the potential of inspiring further research on the subject.

A conceptualisation of the COVID-19 pandemic through the analytic lens of a ‘necropolitics as evil’ brings to the fore Hannah Arendt’s theorisation that evil is both an expression of, and a threat to, humanity and its plurality as an intersectional assemblage, and by extension as freedom in political action. Arendt accepts that while evil—as an expression of our humanity—can never be eradicated, it must—as a threat to our common humanity—be confronted. From this perspective, the functioning of race, gender, and wider structural inequalities as operational hinges of COVID-19 capitalism required spaces for resistance and change within the political economy of global inequalities during the recent pandemic. This (concept) paper explores such a conceptualisation through stories of the pandemic and with a particular focus on Indigenous people, marginalised groups such as migrants and asylum seekers, as well as the homeless. It is through the viral logics of cytopathic COVID-19 capitalisms that we confront and resist theoretical pathologies by re-theorising evil as conceptual currency to confront this conjuncture, critique limitations, and meaningfully translate the current societal landscape through this lens. This allows for engaging in a particular kind of reading of Arendt that is contextualised in terms of the stakes of the paper: the importance of thinking about convivialising solidarities in the ongoing pandemic that has been perpetuated by ‘evil political formations/evil governance’ under capitalism, and as such, the structural pathologies that exacerbate COVID-19’s deathly effects.

Abstract This paper addresses the long-standing question of whether parental separation shapes offspring school performance drawing on retrospective data from a group of university students in Italy, a country that has historically had very low separation rates yet has experienced an important rise in family dissolution over the last two decades. Using survey data from 1st-year enrollees in undergraduate courses in Economics and Statistics at two points in time (2000 and 2017), we explore whether the association between parental separation and children’s school performance (i) is observed both at the level of middle school (MS) and high school (HS); (ii) varies according to the age at which students experienced separation, and (iii) varies by parental socio-economic status (SES). Our results suggest that students whose parents separated before MS completion score on average 2 points less on the end-of-middle-school exam relative to students whose parents did not separate or separated after MS completion. Similarly, students whose parents separated before HS completion score 1 point less on the end-of-high-school exam relative to their counterpart. As such, we document a parental separation penalty both at the level of MS and HS, yet lower by half when separation occurs later in students’ life course. Moreover, for HS grade parental separation is associated with more negative consequences when students experience it at very young ages (0–5), while for MS grade heterogeneity by age is less clear-cut. Such penalties are concentrated among children of low-educated mothers, particularly for HS, providing support to the “compensatory advantage” hypothesis predicting smaller penalties for children of high-SES parents. Overall, findings from this study corroborate existing evidence suggesting that the consequences of parental separation vary depending on a combination of social background and the “selectivity” of the educational outcome considered.

Abstract Participation in late life has been studied as a component of active aging. To effectively promote late-life participation, the study explored the relationship and heterogeneity between two forms of participation among older adults—familial participation and societal participation. This paper utilizes data from the 2020 China Longitudinal Aging Society Survey (CLASS) to examine the relationship between familial participation and societal participation among older Chinese adults. Linear regression results indicate that familial participation can facilitate societal participation among older adults. The MAIHDA model results suggest variations in familial and societal participation among older adults in different social positions. Specifically, older women with higher socioeconomic status and better health have higher levels of familial and societal participation, whereas older men with lower socioeconomic status and health have the lowest levels of participation. Socioeconomic status is the most significant factor contributing to participation disparities among different groups, and older adults with disadvantaged health status experience a compounding effect of multiple disadvantages. The research findings hold significant implications for formulating policies aimed at enhancing the participation of marginalized older adults, ultimately contributing to the realization of active aging.

Abstract Background A socioeconomic gradient affects healthcare expenditures and longevity in opposite directions as less affluent individuals have higher current healthcare expenditures but simultaneously enjoy shorter lives. Yet, it is unclear whether this cross-sectional healthcare expenditure gradient persists from a lifetime perspective. This paper analyzes lifetime healthcare expenditures across socioeconomic groups using detailed individual-level healthcare expenditure data for the entire Danish population. Method Using full population healthcare expenditures from Danish registries, we estimate lifetime healthcare expenditures as age-specific mean healthcare expenditures times the probability of being alive at each age. Our data enables the estimation of lifetime healthcare expenditures by sex, socioeconomic status, and by various types of healthcare expenditure. Results Once we account for mortality differences and all types of healthcare expenditures, all socioeconomic groups spend an almost equal amount on healthcare throughout a lifetime. Lower socioeconomic groups incur the lowest lifetime hospital expenditures, whereas higher socioeconomic groups experience the highest lifetime expenditures on long-term care services. Our findings remain robust across various socioeconomic measures and alternative estimation methodologies. Conclusion Improving the health status of lower socioeconomic groups to align with that of higher socioeconomic groups is costly but may ultimately reduce current healthcare expenditures. Enhanced health outcomes likely increase lifespan, leading to extended periods of healthcare consumption. However, since all socioeconomic groups tend to have similar lifetime healthcare expenditures, this prolonged consumption has limited impact on overall lifetime healthcare costs. Additionally, a significant benefit is the deferment of healthcare expenditures into the future. Overall, our results diminish concerns about socially inequitable utilization of healthcare resources while socioeconomic differences in health and longevity persist, even in a universal healthcare system.

At the heart of local government administration and the inherent ability to deliver core services to the people is a progressive and responsive policy that is inclusive of the social values of society. This manuscript examines the nexus between indigent policy and the challenges local governments face, focusing on the Amathole District Municipality (ADM) in South Africa. Grounded in Critical Race Theory (CRT), the study investigates how indigent policies intersect with socioeconomic disparities, drawing on secondary data sources and African theoretical perspectives. It highlights historical and contemporary factors shaping these policies and their impact on marginalised communities, revealing systemic inequalities within them. This paper employed an interpretivism paradigm and a qualitative approach, and it relied on secondary data that was analysed through themes. The study underscores the importance of inclusive and responsive policies in addressing core service delivery and societal values. While acknowledging the indigent policy's role in alleviating inequality and poverty, it identifies shortcomings in addressing unemployment. Recommendations include concurrent implementation of the policy with social grants, local economic development, and public works programs, alongside community empowerment and long-term monitoring for sustainable socioeconomic development. By offering insights for policymakers, practitioners, and scholars, the research contributes to evidence-based policymaking and social justice efforts in South Africa. It emphasizes the need for holistic approaches that prioritize equity and social justice, fostering inclusive and sustainable development.

Abstract Motivated by certain results known from the literature, in this paper we give several new dynamic inequalities for B-monotone functions with respect to time scales nabla calculus. If the time scale represents the set of real numbers, our results reduce to integral inequalities known from the literature. On the other hand, in the setting of positive integers, we obtain new discrete inequalities for B-monotone sequences.

Abstract Background and Aims One of the greatest public health problems of the 21st century is undernutrition in children under the age of 5 years (CAUFY). Globally, over 232 million CUAFY are undernourished and approximately 45% of mortality in this population are undernutrition‐induced. This paper reviewed and critically explained the factors perpetuating undernutrition in CUAFY in the global space. It further explained the multi‐level determinants that influence health inequalities and consequently exacerbate undernutrition amongst CUAFY globally. It also went further to explain the intervention models and approaches that can be used to tackle undernutrition in CUAFY. Methods/Literature Search Strategy Demiris et al.'s approach to narrative review was utilized for this paper. Relevant articles on child nutrition were retrieved from multiple credible databases and websites of foremost health organizations. Using an iterative process, multiple combinations of search terms were done by stringing relevant key terms and their synonyms with Boolean Operators. This process was constantly refined to align search results with the study aim. Database search produced relevant and resourceful publications which were utilized to develop this review. Results The global burden of undernutrition remains high, especially in Oceania with the highest prevalence of stunting and wasting (41.4% and 12.5%), with Africa and Asia following closely. Malnutrition eradication is a global health issue of high priority as demonstrated by the “Goal 2” of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the United Nations (UN) Decade of Action on Nutrition 2016–2025. The review identified no significant positive outcome from previous interventions due to the endemic health inequalities. Determinants of the multi‐level health inequalities associated with undernutrition in CUAFY, and probable solutions are explained with theoretical models of health inequalities. A diagonal intervention approach was proposed as a viable solution to ending undernutrition in CUAFY. Conclusion The application of relevant theoretical models and context‐specific intervention approaches can be utilized by stakeholders to close the existing inequality gaps, thereby reducing undernutrition amongst CUAFY globally.

This paper addresses inequality and marginality in Russia through an urban lens. Mono-industrial cities, in short “monotowns”, are attractive locations for this research because of the legacy of city-building enterprises, industrial reconstruction, and crisis. Approaching experiences of people, whose voices are rarely heard in studies of (pre-war) Russia, the paper addresses two interconnected questions: How do people in monotowns describe experiences with marginality in the everyday? What does marginality mean for politics and societal development in Russia at war? The empirical analysis draws on experiences from three monotowns, Tolyatti, Nikel, and Zapolyarny. Interviews were conducted in the period 2019–2022. The analysis illustrates subjective experiences with urban transformation and includes reflections on industrial restructuring, downsizing, and precarity, as well as civic activism, entrepreneurship, and self-employment. Across these experiences, narratives of marginality and decay emerge, which complement research on political economic change in Russia with perspectives on a new social periphery. This development in monotows is situated in context of the global financial crisis 2008 and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. In conclusion, the experiences are about subjects living through the “transit” and endless “collapse” of the previous system. A final discussion addresses the risk marginality entails for political legitimacy in Russia.

Purpose – This paper aims to explore the existence of convergence in non-monetary working conditions in Europe resorting to widely used definitions of this phenomenon and composite indexes of job quality. Design/methodology/approach – The analysis relies on composite indexes, widely used in previous literature, for 207 regions in six different areas of job quality drawing on the microdata of the European Working Conditions Survey from 1995 to 2015. This study assesses the occurrence of convergence both in terms of dispersion of job quality outcomes (sigma-convergence) and, especially, regarding the existence of a catch-up process (beta-convergence). Findings – This study finds evidence of both types of convergences in all the domains, with the exception of skills and discretion and prospects dimensions according to the sigma-convergence approach. The results do not suggest substantial differences between the 15 European Union countries before the 2004 enlargement and the new Member States and are robust to a wide range of changes in the sample and different econometric specifications. Originality/value – Tot he best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper represents the first rigorous and systematic attempt of addressing the existence of convergence in non-monetary working conditions, applying formal and widely accepted definitions of this phenomenon. It contributes to our knowledge on this topic providing strong evidence of convergence in job quality. Those results can be of interest for scholars in Economics and other Social Sciences.

The subject of inequality represents a present phenomenon in the contemporary society, even though the issue was analyzed by various authors, since the beginning of the Industrial Age. Ideologues, philosophers, economists or social scientists devoted researches on the subject of inequality, offering various interpretations or solutions, more or less viable, about this issue. The present paper will try to argue, from the viewpoint of International Relations Theory, that social inequality represents the expression of a liberal hegemonic model, still influent at the international system. This hegemonic model is based on the liberal ideology, thus assuming the phenomenon and outcome of inequality as natural. From a theoretical point of view, this paper is based on the hegemonic stability theory, an approach from the International Relations Theory. The main actor which sustains this hegemonic model is represented by the United States, as the hegemonic power in the international system, the world leader that sustains the liberal political and economic institutions at the systemic level. From a methodological point of view, the research adopted a qualitative perspective, with the case study on the influence of the liberal hegemonic model on the subject of inequality.

Aim: The aim of the paper is to understand how people who use drugs (PWUD) experience stigma. To examine this issue, this paper draws on Bourdieu's logic of practice to understand how social harm emerges relationally between people via ‘mechanisms of stigma’. Methods: This paper draws on 24 qualitative semi-structured interviews with people who use drugs (heroin, crack/cocaine, amphetamine, ecstasy; 11 men/12 women/1 transgender) living in the northeast of England. Thematic analysis of data was undertaken and coded in Nvivo. Findings: PWUD experienced stigmatisation relationally with family, employers, health workers, Criminal Justice System, and the public for reasons linked to (but not limited to) their drug use, social class position, and their appearance. Stigmatisation shaped how participants saw themselves as a person ‘lacking’ in a valued or worthy identity. Social relations had detrimental effects on mental and physical health, and how participants accessed health services. Conclusions: Models of Social Determinants of Health (SDoH) currently focus almost entirely on a positivist, material ‘reality’ in which a person lives (housing, employment, food insecurity, healthcare, education, access to services), overlooking the ways in which social relations and a practical ‘mastery’ of social space contribute to health and inequalities. Furthermore, relational stigma shapes our experience of a healthy life; as such, stigma should be regarded as a SDoH as it contributes to a widening of health inequalities and unfairly impacts marginalised people in society.

Could the standardisation of language narrow disparities in achievement in education amongst people of different social class, and within and across ethnicities and genders, and could this have implications for injustices and inequities in wider society? In analysing socio-economic diversity through the lens of its correlation with language, this paper examines how the standardisation of language could be used as a means to reduce such diversity. It examines links between the standardisation of language, and the reduction of inequalities between socio-economic groups, in regard to achievement in education. It also examines the correlation between language and social class, and propensity towards being a perpetrator and/or victim of hostility and violence, as well as their relationship with health and life expectancy etc. The paper further examines the effect of the use of technology and teaching methods on the acquisition of knowledge, and how this impacts upon children of different social class within the learning environment. In order to help address some of these questions, an auto-ethnographic methodology is adopted with the aim of being able to explore, and reflect upon, personal experience, and to be able to weave greater understanding and connections between apparently disparate factors related to diversity, all through the lens of language and its relationship to aspects of culture relating to social class. Amongst its conclusions, the paper argues that the standardisation and enhancement of spoken language would narrow the disparities in academic achievement between socio-economic groups. The paper also argues that in order to challenge inequitable power structures which have arisen from historical injustices, then rather than concentrating on under-representation of groups of people within high status positions in society, the focus of diversity should be directed towards challenging the over representation, in a range of settings, of groups of people within low status positions in society.

Abstract Background This review summarises the present state of research on health inequalities using a social network perspective, and it explores the available studies examining the interrelations of social inequality, social networks, and health. Methods Using the strategy of a scoping review, as outlined by Arksey and O’Malley (Int J Sci Res Methodol 8:19–32, 2005), our team performed two searches across eight scientific, bibliographic databases including papers published until October 2021. Studies meeting pre-defined eligibility criteria were selected. The data were charted in a table, and then collated, summarised, and reported in this paper. Results Our search provided a total of 15,237 initial hits. After deduplication (n = 6,168 studies) and the removal of hits that did not meet our baseline criteria (n = 8,767 studies), the remaining 302 full text articles were examined. This resulted in 25 articles being included in the present review, many of which focused on moderating or mediating network effects. Such effects were found in the majority of these studies, but not in all. Social networks were found to buffer the harsher effects of poverty on health, while specific network characteristics were shown to intensify or attenuate the health effects of social inequalities. Conclusions Our review showed that the variables used for measuring health and social networks differed considerably across the selected studies. Thus, our attempt to establish a consensus of opinion across the included studies was not successful. Nevertheless, the usefulness of social network analysis in researching health inequalities and the employment of health-promoting interventions focusing on social relations was generally acknowledged in the studies. We close by suggesting ways to advance the research methodology, and argue for a greater orientation on theoretical models. We also call for the increased use of structural measures; the inclusion of measures on negative ties and interactions; and the use of more complex study designs, such as mixed-methods and longitudinal studies.

Abstract Background Poverty is a significant global problem which can hinder the attainment of the United Nations’ (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Poverty reduction or elimination requires adequate scientific or research contributions, creating socio‐scientific frames that could inform relevant stakeholders in policy planning, implementation and evaluation. This study aims to review the state of global research on poverty (2016 and upwards), since the UN's declaration of SDGs in 2015. Methods This study adopted a bibliometric review design. On 31 May 2022, a systematic SCOPUS‐based search was conducted to retrieve all journal papers published on poverty (2016 till 31 May 2022). The bibliometric data of the retrieved papers were analysed using Microsoft Excel and VOSviewer software. Result A total of 15,143 journal papers on poverty were retrieved, of which 91.2% were published in English, whereas slightly more than half (52.9%) were published in the social sciences. Although all regions of the world sourced journal papers on poverty, however, countries from the Global North, particularly the USA and the United Kingdom, dominated other countries in terms of authorship, funding and institutional affiliations. Among Global South countries, China leads in terms of authorship, funding and institutional affiliations. South America and Africa contributed the smallest volume of journal papers on poverty. Conclusion There exist global inequalities in research productivity on poverty. The global poverty problem skews to the Global South, but the scientific contributions flow from the Global North. There is a need to narrow the existing inequality gaps in the research productivity on poverty through North–South synergetic research collaborations.

ABSTRACTThe climate change – inequality nexus has become an increasingly important concept advanced by inequality and sustainability experts as well as international organisations like the United Nations. In this perspective paper, two arguments are made to further our understanding of the nexus and to promote action on SDG 10 (”Reducing inequalities within and among countries”) and SDG 13 (”Climate action”). First, climate change’s status as a “core” planetary boundary as well as its embeddedness in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, calls for a wider discussion on environmental and ecological degradation in the context of inequality. Second, the concept of inequalities of opportunity freedoms, under the guise of the influential human capabilities framework, is well suited to make sense of the complexity and multidimensionality of the climate change – inequality nexus. To this end, some (and by no means all) causal links between climate change, wider environmental and ecological degradations, and inequality are analysed. The paper concludes by arguing in favour of a framework that can aptly capture the full complexity and multidimensionality of the climate change – inequality nexus.

Neighbourhoods affect people’s livelihoods, and therefore drive and mediate intra-urban inequalities and transformations. While the neighbourhood has long been recognized as an important unit of analysis, there is surprisingly little systematic research on different neighbourhood types, especially in the fast-growing cities of the Global South. In this paper we employ k-means clustering, a common machine-learning algorithm, to develop a neighbourhood typology for South Africa’s eight largest cities. Using census data, we identify and describe eight neighbourhood types, each with distinct demographic, socio-economic, structural and infrastructural characteristics. This is followed by a relational comparison of the neighbourhood types along key variables, where we demonstrate the persistent and multi-dimensional nature of residential inequalities. In addition to shedding new light on the internal structure of South African cities, the paper makes an important contribution by applying an inductive, data-driven approach to developing neighbourhood typologies that advances a more sophisticated and nuanced understanding of cities in the Global South.

Abstract Background While there has been a long recognition of the importance of race equality in health and care research, there is a lack of sustained action among research funding and research performing organisations to address racial equality in public involvement. This paper describes how the UK’s National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) convened a Race Equality Public Action Group (REPAG), which co-developed with public contributors and stakeholders a Race Equality Framework – a tool for addressing racial equality in public involvement. Methods The REPAG, through meetings and discussions, defined the focus of the Framework, and developed an initial draft of the Framework. Public contributors identified the need for broader consultation with other public members. Three community consultation events with a total of 59 members of Black African-, Asian- and Caribbean-heritage communities were held to seek their views on health and care research generally and on the draft Framework specifically. The draft Framework was modified and piloted among 16 organisations delivering health and care research. Following feedback from the pilot, the Framework was modified and prepared for publication. Results The Framework is designed as a self-assessment tool comprised of 50 questions pertaining to five domains of organisational activity: 1) individual responsibility, 2) leadership, 3) public partnerships, 4) recruitment, and 5) systems and processes. The questions were co-designed with REPAG public members and provide key concepts and elements of good practice that organisations should consider and address on their path to achieving racial competence. The accompanying materials provide implementation guidance with 20 detailed steps, case studies of actions taken in seven pilot organisations, and links to additional resources. The pilot demonstrated the feasibility of conducting a meaningful self-assessment over a period of three months and the usefulness of the results for developing longer-term action plans. Conclusion The Framework represents the first self-assessment tool for addressing racial equality in public involvement. Co-design with REPAG public members enhanced its authenticity and practicality. Organisations in the field of health and care research and any other organisations that use partnerships with the public are encouraged to adopt the Framework.

This paper analyzes the relationship between full-time journeys and schooling inequality in Pernambuco, Brazil. Using standardized test scores on the school level, we tested the inverted u-curve hypothesis proposed initially by Simon Kuznets in 1955 and adapted with a focus on schooling expansion and inequality by Rati Ram in 1990. We build a panel data analysis to perform the test, with data aggregated by region and scores on standardized tests as the output variable. Initially, the hypotheses described an inverted U-curve correlating schooling effectiveness and inequality. However, we have found that the relationship follows a regular U shape. It is also inferable that the equity of the result is more connected to the effects of the diversity of school typology, the location of schools, and the way the region is developed.

Peripheralisation is determined in socio ‑demographic, economic, political and identitarian factors. It is, many say, by definition, characterised by a willingness to migrate, in particular among the younger generations. European citizenship comes with the right to migrate – to relocate, to work and to be treated as equals in many respects to the local citizenry. In this research paper, I explicate the results of twenty interviews in six CEE countries with 7 th ‑graders who were asked what they thought of European citizenship. Those who knew what this is give widely divergent answers, but there are two dominant themes running through their perspectives: they do not feel great affection for the EU, and whilst willing to migrate, they do not appreciate the need to do so. Thus, they feel the EU does not live up to its promises to deliver equality for all Europeans. One explanation they give for this is that ‘the Iron Curtain did not dissolve very well’: the burden of history is acutely experienced.

Growing disparities in wealth, well-being, and access to services in Kazakhstan have raised serious concerns among policymakers, especially since the January 2022 protests. This paper evaluates these regional inequalities and presents the findings from Kazakhstan’s inaugural well-being survey. The survey, based on global best practices, involves 4,032 face-to-face interviews with a diverse sample across all 20 regions, ensuring representation. The resulting indices—the Subjective Well-Being Index and the Regional Well-Being Index—highlight both within-region and between-region disparities. Notably, the indices reveal significant variations in well-being, with certain regions reporting notably lower satisfaction levels across dimensions like trust in institutions, satisfaction with financial and housing conditions, health care and education quality, and personal security perceptions.

This paper revisits the ambiguous effect of financial development on income inequality in emerging countries by investigating the presence of cointegration between concepts in Romania. Since financial deepening seems to be beneficial in the income-disparities fight in advanced countries, opposite findings are found in the case of less developed or transition ones. Therefore, we employ a time-series model that accounts for inequality, financial deepening and economic growth as the main variables spanning more than 30 years of Romanian history. On average, a higher degree of financial development harms income distribution in the long term, while economic productivity manifests a non-significant influence on inequality. These outcomes are robust to other novel measures of finance that account for the global dimension of financial development: financial institutions, markets and private sector credits. To control for the potential bias of inequality’s transmission channels, we include a proxy for inflation in our specification. By capturing the impact of financial expansion on inequality in the presence of inflationary pressure, our results reflect the sensitivity of the low-income groups to this phenomenon. In this regard, policymakers should pay attention to inflation-targeting strategies to support the condition of poor individuals who often cannot take advantage of the benefits of financial development.

With inequality at the forefront of economic development, this paper examined the impact of gender inequality on economic growth in South Africa. Different gender dimensions were considered, including female education, female labor force participation, fertility, and the representation of women in the political arena (democracy). The research applied a quantitative approach (Autoregressive Distributive lag) (ARDL) with secondary data on the proportion of all variables spanning from 1989 to 2019. The results revealed that high fertility negatively affects economic growth. Moreover, the effects are positive when women have greater access to secondary education and the labor market. However, an unorthodox finding from the study reveals that the effects are negative when women have access to political seats in parliament. The paper recommends that policymakers should focus on guaranteeing obligatory secondary education for females in the country. Additionally, policymakers should introduce measures that favor appointing and absorbing women in qualified jobs.

This research paper explores the experience of British-Bangladeshi and Black African Caribbean communities living in the areas surrounding London's Olympic Park, in terms of how they are appropriating the legacy-led socio-spatial changes, applying Lefebvre's right to the city perspective. Highlighting the top-down legacy-led regeneration process, the empirical evidence suggests that the games-led regeneration is contributing to an unjust trade-off between pre-existing minoritised ethnic residents and wealthier gentrifiers, ignoring the real needs of the socially and economically disadvantaged ethnic minority communities in East London. The findings provide a further understanding of factors such as housing and health-related inequalities and sub-standard living conditions, which may have contributed to the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on the Bangladeshi and African Caribbean people living in East London boroughs. Given the scale of the pandemic, the paper argues that a greater understanding of the socio-structural problems and barriers arising out of poverty and deprivation is needed in order to formulate appropriate policy interventions to reduce disproportionate social, economic and health-related impacts on some minoritised communities, which could be achieved through residents' active participation and appropriation at different stages of the legacy-led regeneration process.

Mobility as a service is a potential solution to mobility problems; however, it raises concerns about its relationship with socio-territorial inequalities (STIs). This paper contains a systematic literature review of real-world MaaS applications and their effects on STIs. From the principle of distributive justice, we adopted the Resources, Opportunities, Outcomes, and Wellbeing (ROOW) approach to assess cases. From 2009 papers on MaaS, we identified 20 that stood as real-world applications that considered equity impacts. Most studies were undertaken in Europe and Asia, neglecting countries in South America, Africa, and other low-income countries. They did not quantify the societal advantages of MaaS, while only a handful investigated the influence of MaaS over STIs. Results indicate that MaaS schemes contain at least three factors that may drive inequality: the lack of basic resources to enter the system, the systems’ limited geographic coverage, or MaaS users may simply not gain from the system’s intended accessibility benefits. In conclusion, MaaS could improve trip planning and access to new modes and low-density areas, but it is still perceived as expensive and only accessible to digitally literate people. This should be considered when defining MaaS governance, which remains (to date) underdeveloped, hindering private-public collaboration.

This paper presents a comprehensive analysis of informal settlements in Tunja, Colombia, from 2010 to 2022. It examines the historical, social, and economic factors that contribute to these settlements, using various data sources, including development and territorial planning plans, the Agustín Codazzi Geographic Institute, and local government records. The study highlights significant inequalities in access to public services between urban and rural areas, exacerbated by environmental hazards from nearby mines, landfills, and sewage treatment plants. The research employs a descriptive and explanatory approach, detailing the historical context and theoretical frameworks related to agglomeration economics, territorial inequality, and urbanization processes. A historical-deductive method ensures logical consistency in the analysis of data from 2010 to 2022. The study also utilizes georeferencing techniques to present spatial data on service coverage and demographic characteristics, differentiating urban and rural disparities. Findings show that informal settlements in Tunja are predominantly located on the periphery of the city, with significant disparities in service coverage. While urban areas have over 90% coverage of basic services, rural areas lack adequate infrastructure, particularly sewage, gas, and internet services. The study identifies specific settlements, such as Runta and Pirgua, details their access to services and highlights environmental and structural issues.

‘Sufficiency’ has become a key term within sustainability science. The satisfaction of basic human needs for all and for multiple generations is only possible if coupled to the implementation of ecological ceilings that prevent wealthy groups from disproportionate production and consumption patterns and energy use. While much sufficiency research has focused on the poor and how to provide corresponding social floors (i.e. an adequate level of sufficiency), this conceptual paper theorises structural barriers to implementing ecological ceilings for production and consumption by considering research on elites. The argument is illustrated with examples from urban spaces that are increasingly structured to accommodate the preferences of economic elites. A better scholarly understanding of the structural barriers to sufficiency dissemination can be facilitated through a systematic account of the political, social and symbolic strategies deployed by elites to accumulate and legitimise power. Conversely, a consideration of sufficiency principles would also be beneficial for research on elites, which has so far focused on social inequality and sidelined the ecological crisis. The discussion highlights how research on sufficiency and elite consumption may interact to be mutually beneficial. A research agenda is proposed to understand economic elites as barriers to the dissemination of sufficiency principles. Policy relevance Economic elites have a disproportionate ecological footprint if planetary boundaries are taken seriously and respected in policymaking. In an ecologically constrained planet, elite lifestyles undermine the satisfaction of basic needs of most of the population and future generations. Nevertheless, elites count as role models. This critical literature review reveals the separate traditions of research on sufficiency and elites, the political, social and symbolic strategies that economic elites employ to justify their privileged status in times of climate emergency and social–ecological transformation. These strategies are presented as major structural barriers to the dissemination of sufficiency principles that policymakers must consider when promoting and realising alternative and sustainable production and consumption patterns. The enormity of this task is illustrated by the fact that few people currently support policy measures to regulate economic elites via, for example, caps on income and wealth.

ObjectiveAlthough the regular exercise population is a key metric for gaging the success of China’s fitness-for-all activities, effective policy approaches to increase mass sports participation remain unclear. Previous research suggests that GDP, educational attainment, sports resources, and meteorological conditions could influence regular exercise participation. Therefore, this study first analyzed the macro-level correlates influencing China’s regular exercise population.MethodsWe utilize ordinary least squares (OLS) regression and geographical weighted regression (GWR) to theorize the relationship. The analysis encompasses data from the 31 administrative regions of Mainland China, as reported at the end of the 13th Five-Year Plan period. The log–log model enables us to quantify the marginal effect (elasticity) of the explanatory variables.ResultsThe OLS regression showed that regional GDP and the proportion of the population with a university education were significant predictors. In the global model, the marginal effects of regional GDP and university education were 0.048 and 0.173, respectively. Furthermore, the GWR revealed a distinct geographic pattern that corresponds to the classic Hu Line.ConclusionWhile regional GDP was also a significant correlate in our model, the elasticity demonstrates that university education had an asymmetric effect on China’s regular exercise population. Therefore, this paper sheds light on a policy priority for the upcoming 15th Five-Year Plan, emphasizing the strategic importance of expanding university education to enhance mass sports participation. In turn, a better-educated populace may yield significant secondary effects on public health and contribute to the high-quality development of the Chinese path to modernization.

Background: Social inequalities in colorectal cancer screening participation are evident. Barriers to screening participation include discomfort from diagnostic modalities. We aimed to describe the discomfort experienced from colonoscopy and colon capsule endoscopy (CCE) and investigate the discrepancy between expected and experienced discomfort stratified by socioeconomic status. Methods: A randomised controlled trial was conducted offering half of the colorectal cancer screening invitees the choice between CCE and colonoscopy after a positive faecal immunochemical test. This paper includes those who elected to undergo CCE. A positive CCE elicited referral for a therapeutic colonoscopy. Participants reported their discomfort from CCE and from any following colonoscopies in electronically distributed questionnaires. Discomfort was measured using visual analogue scales and compared between socioeconomic subgroups determined by educational level and income. Results: The experienced discomfort from CCE and colonoscopy differed significantly between educational levels but not income levels. The bowel preparation contributed the most to the experienced discomfort in both CCE and colonoscopy. The discrepancy between expected and experienced discomfort from colonoscopy increased with increasing educational and income levels. A similar trend was seen in CCE between educational levels but not income levels. Conclusions: None of the results indicated a higher discomfort in lower socioeconomic subgroups. Regardless of the investigation modality, the bowel preparation was the main contributor to experienced discomfort. The discrepancy between expected and experienced discomfort did not seem to be larger in lower socioeconomic subgroups, indicating that this is not a major barrier causing inequalities in screening uptake. This is the first study investigating individual discomfort discrepancy in both CCE and colonoscopy, while being able to stratify by socioeconomic status.

The Fraser Health Authority (FHA) has established a framework of commitments to guide a range of issues from incorporating diversity, equity, and inclusion in clinical and policy decisions and responding to the historical and continuing discrimination against First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples, to creating psychologically safe environments, and dealing with harassment, bullying and other disrespectful behaviours. FHA Ethics Services hosted a workshop as part of the 2023 Canadian Bioethics Society-Société canadienne de bioéthique (CBS-SCB) Workshop and Community Forum to create an opportunity for critical reflection and discuss strategic responses for the organization to live up to these commitments. This paper summarizes the workshop and identifies key insights and issues that emerged as areas that should be addressed in responding to diversity and inequality in the health system.

Separate studies on the impact of internet penetration on growth and per capita income levels, inequality, and poverty levels are still being discussed. Using data from 33 Indonesian provinces between 2008 and 2020, this paper investigates whether internet penetration modulates economic growth by reducing inequality and poverty. The Two-Way Fixed Effect (TWFE) econometric model was used. Two findings can be concluded from this paper. First, Indonesia's economic growth remains less inclusive, as evidenced by rising per capita income, which tends to reduce poverty but not income inequality. Second, Indonesia's economic growth tends to be less inclusive as an unintended consequence of internet penetration. Although it strengthens the effect on poverty reduction, on the other hand, the interaction of economic growth with internet penetration tends to exacerbate income inequality. Based on these findings, the study suggests that the government should improve advanced ICT skills and lower barriers to internet adoption, particularly for the less fortunate. The internet is expected to become a tool to achieve inclusive growth through expanding a newly established middle class instead of simply the economic transformation of the poor into non-poor households under this policy.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to reconsider, from a historical perspective, New Zealand’s reputation as a country largely without corruption, with particular reference to the colonial government’s confiscation of Māori land in the 19th century and beyond. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is based on published historical commentary. Findings – The findings are that much of the Māori land confiscation was rendered legal for illegitimate purposes, and that the colonial and successive New Zealand governments abrogated the country’s foundational document, the Treaty of Waitangi, signed between the colonial government and many Māori chiefs in 1840. Adverse consequences for Māori have been felt to this day, despite the Treaty settlements process that began with the Māori renaissance in the mid-1970s. Originality/value – The academic analysis of corruption in New Zealand has seldom if ever adopted this historical perspective.

Abstract Background Cervical cancer is a prevalent public health concern and is among the leading causes of death among women globally. Malawi has the second highest cervical cancer prevalence and burden in the world. Due to the cervical cancer burden, the Malawi government scaled up national cancer screening services in 2011, which are free for all women. This paper is the first study to examine the socioeconomic inequality in cervical cancer screening uptake using concentration indices, in Malawi. Furthermore, it decomposes the concentration index to examine how each factor contributes to the level of inequality in the uptake of cervical cancer screening. Methods The data used in this paper were obtained from the nationally representative Malawi Population HIV Impact Assessment (MPHIA) household survey, which was conducted in 2015. Concentration curves were constructed to explore whether there was any socioeconomic inequality in cervical cancer screening and, if so, its extent. This was complemented by concentration indices that were computed to quantify the magnitude of socioeconomic inequality. A decomposition analysis was then conducted to examine the factors that explained/were associated with greater socioeconomic inequality in cervical cancer screening. The methodology in this paper followed that of previous studies found in the literature and used the wealth index to measure socioeconomic status. Results The results showed that the concentration curves lay above the line of equality, implying a pro-rich inequality in cervical cancer screening services. Confirming the results from the concentration curves, the overall concentration index was positive and significant (0.142; %95 CI = 0.127, 0.156; p

The enormous advances in women’s training and their interest in continuing to participate in the labor market could lead to the early disappearance of the traditional inequalities between women and men in the labor market. Still, the fact is that it has not occurred thus. In other words, the dramatic transformation of women’s labor supply has not translated into an equivalent improvement in their position in the labor market. If you look at the different inequality indicators, you see that the situation has evolved, but the data are stubborn and the differences persistent. And these inequalities seem more unjust today than yesterday, precisely because of the enormous effort made by women, says Larrañaga (2005). Decent work deficits and gender inequality gaps persist in labor participation, occupational segregation, income, job insecurity, women’s participation in decision-making positions, influence and power, and the distribution of unpaid time spent by men and women caring for the family. This paper proposes a quantitative methodology using the data presented in the Permanent Comparable Household Survey of 2021, focused on the age group of 21 to 50 years. This paper aims to analyze and highlight the differen ces between men and women in the labor market and to find the main factors that determine the inequality gap in the inactivity rate or what situations or data may contribute to explaining the high percentage of inactivity in women between 21 and 50 years of age compared to men. On average, women between the ages of 21 and 50 have a 24% higher inactivity rate than men.

In the paper, the authors simply review recent results of inequalities, monotonicity, signs of determinants, determinantal formulas, closed-form expressions, and identities of the Bernoulli numbers and polynomials, establish an identity involving the differences between the Bernoulli polynomials and the Bernoulli numbers, present two identities among the differences between the Bernoulli polynomials and the Bernoulli numbers in terms of a determinant and a partial Bell polynomial, and derive a determinantal formula of the differences between the Bernoulli polynomials and the Bernoulli numbers.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2019 4(3), 675-694 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The selective nature of Union Citizenship. - III. The right to live in another Member State. - IV. The right to equal treatment. - V. The family rights of mobile citizens. - VI. adjudication rights. - VII. Separate, privileged, threatening. - VIII. The logic of Union Citizenship. - IX. Conclusion. | (Abstract) Union Citizenship is intended to bring Europeans together. This Article explores one of the ways in which it may divide them. It argues that Union Citizenship creates a new transnational class, and gives the members of that class a legal status with the following characteristics: they are legally separate, or differentiated, from other Europeans; they are privileged, and they are threatening, in the sense that their rights have the potential to disrupt or undermine institutions and laws in a way that is disadvantageous to non-members of that class, or at least likely to seem so. The members of that class share certain qualities: they are economically self-sufficient, they live lives in which their families or work or study are cross-border, and they are only partially allowed to share in the solidarity of static national majorities. On the other hand, their link with the EU is legally direct and important, and they often have more in common with each other than with locals: they form a European community. They could be described as economically successful, partially uprooted, truly European, cosmopolitan outsiders. It is almost as if EU law has set out to create a class whose role in Europe is an echo of that fulfilled by the Jews that the continent lost.

Background Italy was among the first countries in the world to experience the devastating consequences of the COVID-19 emergency and suffered its consequences to a devastating scale. Understanding how the country got there in spite of a relatively well-resourced public and private health system in at least part of the country, is imperative to be able to operationalise any lessons learnt for future epidemics in Italy and beyond.Methods The paper reports the findings from a research scoping exercise conducted in Italy in 2020. We conducted extensive archival research and collected 29 testimonies either in writing or as semi-structured interviews. We sampled purposively with a stratification strategy in mind, specifically aiming to gain testimonies from different social groups,classes, ages, and nature of employment. Our sample also reflects the different experiences between the Northern and Southern regions, a divide that has long been economically and politically salient in the country.Results Evidence and considerations of epidemiological nature normally guide public health responses to crises. This study supports the idea that socio-economic, cultural and political factors also affect transmission outcomes. We highlight specifically the role that socio-economic and health inequalities play in this respect, through factors such as overcrowded dwellings, lack of alternatives to in-person work, informal work set-ups, pervasive organised crime presence, poorly planned social support and communication strategies.Conclusion A socio-economic and political lens is needed in addition to an epidemiological one to fully understand the social experiences and implications of public health crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic and to devise effective response measures that are locally relevant and acceptable. Thus insights provided by multi-disciplinary task forces can render policy-making and social support interventions as well as communication strategies more effective.

Abstract This paper presents new refinements on the integral form of Cauchy–Schwartz inequality known as Cauchy–Bunyakovsky inequality. It is proved that when we possess a weighted sum of a set of Cauchy–Bunyakovsky inequalities, there are two forms of refinements enhancing the precision of the original inequality. The superiority of one refinement over the other depends on the problem in which the presented theorem is utilized.

Teacher education’s primary goal is to train prospective teachers, which differs from study programmes, such as philosophy or mathematics, that do not cater to defined professions. This traditional understanding of the teaching profession becomes apparent when students ask: ‘How is this content, topic, method, task, or question relevant to school work?’ It is also reflected in the inclusion of practical school training in teacher education curricula. In Austria’s teacher training, these practical elements are accompanied by theoretical and methodological teaching foundations. However, students often question the applicability of theoretical knowledge to the teaching profession, which creates tension between the academic and pedagogical orientations. This paper discusses these very theory-practice tensions in teacher education based on findings from the project Habitus. Power.Education, which involved student teachers at an Austrian university. We argue that teacher training at universities is neither merely a place for producing a future workforce nor a self-growth space without purpose. Teacher training, rather, combines both (sometimes ambivalent) elements: education in its broadest sense and professional training. Using our empirical material, we show that the theory-praxis gap manifests in the tension between academic and pedagogical orientation. To address and mediate this tension, we propose the concept of habitus reflexivity. Promoting such a form of reflexivity among students makes it possible to bridge the gap between the different logics of university and school. Furthermore, it helps to comprehend inequality and power imbalances in the education system and develop agency, which is essential for navigating the ever-changing and complex world of modern schools.

In most OECD countries inflation sharply increased since the end of 2021, mostly driven by energy and food prices. Certain categories of households are particularly vulnerable, as they spend large portions of their consumption on energy and food. Drawing on national micro-based household budget survey data, this paper quantifies the impact of rising prices on households’ welfare. Declines in household purchasing power between August 2021 and August 2022 are estimated to range from 3% in Japan to 18% in Czechia. This decline is driven by energy prices in most countries, especially Denmark, Italy, and the United Kingdom. In general, inflation weighs relatively more on lower income households. The effects are stronger for rural households, due to energy price inflation. These findings call for a careful targeting of income and price support measures, notwithstanding their administrative and logistical complexity, taking into account their effects on economic activity, inflation, and environmental goals.

Abstract The paper’s primary goal is to analyze the effects of politics and administrative capacity on countries’ innovative performance. The inquiry comparatively examines possible correlations between democracy, political competition, income inequality, bureaucratic capacity, and corruption/transparency with countries’ innovation results. The dependent variables are three performance indicators of the Global Innovation Indexes (GII). After presenting the theory and the descriptive data analysis on the research variables, the paper runs multivariate regression models to test the hypotheses. The empirical analysis reinforced that political and administrative dimensions are relevant to understanding the national innovation systems’ achievements. However, democracy, bureaucracy quality and corruption/transparency are not influential factors in countries’ innovative results as the normative assumptions would suppose. On the contrary, political competition and inequality considerably impact how economies innovate. In conclusion, the paper brought original and intriguing findings that put in perspective the claim that there is a unique path or rule of thumb for innovation growth. Consequently, the inferences provide insights to scholars and stakeholders, public and private, to improve the debates and decisions regarding the priorities for government actions in times of evidence-based policymaking.

The COVID-19 pandemic has shown that the impact of a systemic crisis depends very much on the prevailing level of inequality in the society concerned. This paper shows how the affordability of food was reduced dramatically for millions of people due to income loss in the wake of the pandemic, and the consequences this had. An analysis of the political economy of crisis then illustrates how economic inequality acts as a massive amplifier of disaster impacts on disadvantaged individuals and populations. Environmental degradation, across a broad spectrum from climate change to biodiversity loss, acts similarly as an impact amplifier in this and most other crises. Economically disadvantaged people are more immediately exposed to the impact of ecological degradation or may be forced to disregard the need for nature protection, which means the two factors are also mutually reinforcing. Inequality literally kills people, the more so in this century of worsening multidimensional crises. The paper argues that inequality on this scale is not just immoral but undermines human security, even for relatively privileged population groups, as well as threatening the stability of international relations. Addressing inequality, and especially inequitable policies in the food producing rural sector which acted as a major safety net for the poor during lockdowns, is thus the best pathway to mitigate future crises and their impact on food security.

This paper discusses the ways that race and migration have shaped the housing opportunities people experience in England. It explores the historical development of policy and practice that has shaped racial inequalities in housing. It argues that the violence created by national and local state-supported housing policies has disproportionately affected racialised minorities, as has the slow violence generated by the neglect and stigmatisation of working-class housing. In turn, this has provided the justification for clearances and the remaking of space for those with the money to invest in the financialisation of land and housing through dispossession and denial of the right to safe, secure, and affordable housing. This analysis will be used as a basis to propose ways in which housing research can develop a coherent, critical perspective to race and migration and develop an alternative discourse to challenge the dominant market-driven, individualistic narratives. Adopting a critical approach allows researchers to move beyond the logic of housing policies at national and local levels to analyse and propose action to address persistent racial inequalities in housing.

The discourse of the paper focuses on Federal Character and the Ethics of Ethnic Balancing in Nigeria using the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro as a study. Among the problems identified facing Nigeria is the high rate of maginalisation and inequality within tribes in Nigeria. The Federal Character was however established to manage this situation by ensuring adequate representation of all ethnic groups across all government establishments. Data for this study was derived from both primary and secondary sources. Respondents for the study were staff of the Federal Polytechnic, Ilaro. The study revealed that the federal character principle has not being able to address the obvious imbalances in the various segments of the nation owing to its method of application. Also, it was discovered that the preference given to the Northern regions in employment of staff has not improved the status of the Northern region, the reason is because the Northern elites probably have not put in their best to change the attitudinal disposition of their youths towards Western education. Hence, the paper in its recommendation, recommends that The principle should not be applied only when it is in the interest of a particular section of the country. Rather it should be applied in such a way that every section of the country will be carried along.