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Several decades after the abolishment of the formal slave trade, the administrative colonisation of Africa by Europe, and the adoption of progressive international human rights laws for equality, there is no doubt that pro-social justice education is facing a massive backlash from the far right globally. As critical diversity studies teaching and learning practitioners and facilitators, we address how the normative order seeks to legitimise anti-social justice discourses using invalidated assumptions, including the myth that critical theoretical education employs indoctrination. We show how our work is about making visible the baseless and groundless nature of arguments made by the far right in their dismissal of critical theory (CT). Using experiences from teaching and learning in the Theories of Diversity, Otherness & Difference postgraduate course at the Wits Centre for Diversity Studies (WiCDS), we show how CT is a pivotal pedagogical banister for the 21st century. A banister is a support structure along the rails of a staircase. CT in critical diversity studies (CDS) incorporates anti-foundational thinking, which assumes no fixed theoretical resting place as this simplifies the complexity of diversity issues. Overall, this article concludes that far from being a form of ‘indoctrination’, as is argued by the far right, CT is a useful pedagogical banister for our existence in the 21st century.

Textbook is not as it being to read out but too instill values, ethics and standards of society specified within the educational modules. Essentially, the educational programs of Pakistani educational programs are largely constructed on the celebration of history which is instructed in several subjects like, Islamiat, Social Studies, Pakistan Studies, history and languages. Such textbooks are being utilized as an instrument to proliferate and propagate national heroes whereas speaking to stories of Pakistani national figures. These top class personalities (heroes) carry certain covered up and expecting philosophies and ideologies. The point of this investigation is to investigate the aiming and covering up the belief systems carried by Narratives of Pakistani National Heroes in English Language Textbooks at Higher Secondary level in Sindh, Pakistan endorsed by Sindh Textbook Board. Besides this, paper also examines the distinctive features such as identity, ideology, theme, author’s objectivity and construction of certain ideas which are hidden behind the representation of national heroes. They promote the ideologies of Islam, nationalism, fundamental division of the Muslims and Hindus, patriotism and anti-India that can make young learners nationalist, religious and militaristic. These themes and ideologies can cause exploitation and manipulation of religious, misrepresentation of reality, misinterpretation of different facts, strengthening of various practices and so on. For this research study, the qualitative method was applied. TA (textual analysis) was the method which is applied in such types of research works. We applied Foucault Social Constructive Model as a systematic model to explore the intended and unknown ideologies that have been propagated and promoted by the Pakistani national heroes.

In this work, we consider the dynamics of opinion among three parties: two small groups of agents and one very persuasive agent, the indoctrinator. Each party holds a position different from that of the others. In this situation, the opinion space is required to be a circle, on which the agents express their position regarding three different options. Initially, each group supports a unique position, and the indoctrinator tries to convince them to adopt her or his position. The interaction between the agents is in pairs and is modeled through a system of non-linear difference equations. Agents, in both groups, give a high weight to the opinion of the indoctrinator, while they give the same weight to the opinion of their peers. Through several computational experiments, we investigate the times required by the indoctrinator to convince both groups.

The present article aims to explore the strategy of indoctrinating Indonesian state ideology, Pancasila, towards the anti-Pancasila groups. The data is primarily based on the combination of primary data from the interview with the guardians of terrorists from eight prisons in Indonesia and secondary data from the open-source internet data. The study finds that the strategy for indoctrinating the Pancasila ideology must consider classifying people’s level of disagreement with the Pancasila ideology, namely: supporter, follower, and militant. Supporters are those who are anti-Pancasila without having any plausible reasons. Therefore, the key to the problem lies in the socialization of Pancasila, which includes the educational and cultural approaches. Followers are anti-Pancasila and have reasons not to like Pancasila but do not show it to the public. Therefore, the key to solving the problem is not only the socialization of Pancasila but also the deconstruction of their understanding of Pancasila. The anti-Pancasila militants have reasons not to like Pancasila and actively promote and oppose Pancasila. The key to responding to it is combining hard and soft approaches in indoctrinating Pancasila.

During the Franco era, summer camps were conceived as the flagships of an ideological mass movement of children and adolescents. The object of this study is to inquire about the link between the II National Demonstration and the first summer camps of the Youth Organization (1937-1939) of FET and JONS. Based on the review of original documentary sources and other research material, a hermeneutical discourse is approached on the underlying message of the Youth Organization in the channelling and domination of childhood and youth. The summer camps are shown to have been used to train up the young generation by grouping inmates in militias and indoctrinating them in discipline, obedience and the sublimation of violence. They went through a system of open-air living to instil them with ideals before moving on into a process to select and indoctrinating fighters for the internal defence of an imagined community: a Spanish nation.

Understanding the mechanisms behind memory, learning, and behavior is crucial to human development and significant research has been done in this area. Classical and operant conditioning and other theories of learning have elucidated different mechanisms of learning and how it modulates behavior. Even with advances in this area, questions remain on how to unlearn faulty ideas or extinguish maladaptive behaviors. In this paper, a novel theory to improve our understanding of this area is proposed. The theory proposes that as a consequence of the brain’s energy efficiency evolutionary adaptations, all learning following memory consolidation, reconsolidation, and repeated reinforcements or strengthening over time, results in a phenomenon called mental representation block. The implications of this block on learning and behavior are significant and broad and include cognitive biases, belief in a creator or God, close-mindedness, dogmatism, physician misdiagnosis, racism, homophobia, and transphobia, susceptibility to deception and indoctrination, hate and love, artificial intelligence and creativity.

This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historiographical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct Andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of ​​identity construction of the Spanish referent (Spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued.

The article deals with the problem of institutional mechanics and willingness for acquisition of the Nazi worldview in the Kriegsmarine. In the centre of the reflections remains a crucial question: how the indoctrination process in the German navy took place during the time after 1935. Furthermore, the organisational interactions between the NSDAP and the Kriegsmarine are analysed, as well as motives and limits of the Party’s endeavours to ideologically impact the attitudes and views of the sailors. How this development of indoctrination efforts was carried out and what results it brought is described on the basis of the Nazi pseudo–pedagogic concept of “military spiritual leadership” (wehrgeistige Führung). As part of the measures to preserve its “state within the state” status, the navy, especially during World War II, began to systematically Nazify itself in a paradoxical aim to show Adolf Hitler that it was not necessary to put an end to its traditional independence. In order to prevent the “coordination” (Gleichschaltung) from above, the Kriegsmarine engaged itself more and more in a process of self–indoctrination. The text is an outline of the subject matter.

This paper provides an autoethnographic accounting and analysis of my own mystical experiences, called connection experiences in this paper. This account, which is structured around a description of my early experiences, attempts to weave together psychological, sociological, historical, and methodological themes into a coherent contribution that advances our understanding of connection experience. The paper includes an explication of the four stages of the research project that developed as a consequence of these experiences as well as an examination of the processes, tools (i.e., MediWiki), and emotional, psychological, professional, and scholarly challenges of collecting and analyzing the autoethnographic data of mystical experiences. The denouement of the paper is the presentation of a conceptual schema aimed at overcoming nomenclature confusion and providing a basis for description, analysis, and discussion of connection and connection experiences. The utility of the schema is demonstrated when it is used to provide a clear overview of my own connection experiences, and the connection experiences of others. In order to facilitate critical discussion of the conceptual framework, a glossary of terms developed and presented in this paper is provided at the end.

Indoctrination is one form to limit women's space unnoticed. Through indoctrination, a woman will not feel that her space of motion has been restricted. It is because the indoctrination done based on conventions, as well as traditions that exist in the community. This is reflected in the Lowland novel written by Jhumpa Lahiri. The Lowland novel provides an overview the position of women in India who are 'voluntarily' restricted by the indoctrination. Indoctrination reflected in customs, traditions and other things. It is represented by the character Gauri that almost all aspects of her life are determined by men. This research is done by applying the concept of the scope of women carried by Barbara Welter. This is a concept that women's movement space tends to be limited by the existence of constructions. The results indicated that Indoctrination contestation in the novel The Lowland is divided into four forms; piety, purity, submissiveness and domesticity. Lowland's novel is also a representation of feminism. Customary and community traditions are points criticized by Lahiri. What experienced by Gauri as a woman in the patriarchal society convention was also experienced by many women in India. The space for movement becomes limited due to indoctrination with the labels of religion, norms, customs and traditions.

Abstract We apply the models and tools of epidemiology and public health to propose a unified field theory showing the role of ideologies, indoctrination, and incitement, in genocide, genocidal terror, and terror by groups or individuals. We examine the effects of indoctrination and incitement as exposures and risks in relation to genocide and genocidal terror. Incitement has been recognized as a trigger to these outcomes but indoctrination is upstream to incitement. Population-wide exposure to indoctrination increases susceptibility to the effects of incitement. These relationships have been seen in all major genocides and genocidal terror in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries. There is some insight into the relationship between ideology, incitement, and genocidal acts of violence from the so-called localized genocides in Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur, Syria, and most recently, among the Rohingya in Myanmar. There is a need to recognize the upstream role of ideologies of hate in order to determine the degree to which indoctrination posed, and continues to pose, a contributing factor. Epidemiologic models, such as the iceberg model of exposure and disease and the concept of “sick individuals” and “sick populations,” guide our understanding of the content and spread of indoctrination and incitement and can provide essential insights for prevention. The hateful indoctrination and ideologies behind genocidal violence must be countered and replaced by positive ideologies and role models that emphasize respect for life and human dignity for all.

The transformation toward more sustainable food choices may be supported by an education for sustainable nutrition. In schools, biology teachers play a key role in educating students as sustainability change makers, as biology lessons provide various opportunities to deal with ESD-topics such as sustainable nutrition. Teachers’ classroom practices may be influenced by their personal choices regarding sustainable nutrition. Additionally, students may see their teachers as role models for sustainable behavior. This presents the risk of students adopting teachers’ beliefs and behaviors without reflection. Teaching sustainable nutrition is therefore in potential conflict with indoctrinating young people toward sustainable diets. To date, no studies have addressed the perceived risk of indoctrination in the context of teaching sustainable nutrition in relation to teachers’ personal beliefs, behaviors, and teaching practices. Therefore, this study explored whether biology teachers themselves perceive a risk of indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, and what methods they use for teaching it in a non-indoctrinating way. For this purpose, we conducted semi-structured interviews with seven in-service biology teachers from high schools in Germany. Data for this explorative qualitative study were collected from July to October 2021 using convenience sampling. These were analyzed by qualitative coding and content analysis. The preliminary results of this study show that participants recognize a high risk of indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, primarily due to their own teaching actions, such as deciding whether to reveal their own dietary choices to students. While some participants believed teachers must be restrained, others thought that open communication about personal choices could benefit student decision-making skills. In terms of avoiding indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, participants advocated for student-centered and multi-perspective teaching approaches. Based on the findings, initial implications for further research and teacher training are discussed.

Modules in ethics have become astonishingly popular at the University of the Western Cape. This could reflect students’ concern about morality, but the saying by Lafargue in Tao te ching in the title suggests that moral discourse flourishes when moral behaviour is languishing. This article reflects on some 15 years of teaching ethical theory to third-year students. Three trends are identified: (1) Students’ responses to the theories are unpredictable and surprising. Nietzsche and Kant are very popular, although some modern ‘contextual’ theories draw less support. (2) Students who can be extremely moralistic in class are sometimes amoral in their practices and offhand pronouncements. (3) Students are hampered by their poor conceptual skills and rely excessively on memorising. The last two trends raise questions about our teaching of ethics and the ethics of our teaching. Although many students embrace character-based theories, to some ‘a good character’ apparently means ‘what makes me feel good about myself’ and to others ‘what makes me look good to my group’. Thus, they effectively embrace either individual relativism or group relativism, which is understandable when theories are presented without the backing of at least a rudimentary philosophical anthropology. Questions of indoctrination become acute in the teaching of ethics. Are we, in the name of moral formation, teaching students to parrot current dogmas presented without arguments? If so, our practice may be both morally dubious and counterproductive. The best students rebel against such manipulation. The article calls for more reflection on how and to what ends we teach ethics.

Aim. To study the political aspects of the volunteer movement, including an assessment of its role in reducing the potential for political conflict, analysis of the possibilities of political resocialization and indoctrination of the consciousness of participants in this movement, as well as its possibilities to become an independent political actor.Methodology is a comparative analysis of the volunteer movement in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, differing in intensity of the formation of civil society institutions. The empirical base of the study was the results of a sociological survey conducted by the authors in the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug-Yugra and in the Perm Territory.Results. The analysis has shown that a positive political effect of the development of the volunteer movement is the secondary political socialization of its participants. At the same time, the role of volunteering in the formation of solidarity ties in society remains small, which is probably due to the lack of altruistic motivation of members of the volunteer movement. The possibilities for purposeful indoctrination by mean of symbolic politics are insignificant. However, the possibilities of non-profit organization as a platform for the formation of civic consciousness should not be exaggerated either. In general, the volunteer movement does not have the resources to turn into an independent political actor.Research implications. The analysis of the institutional possibilities and limitations of the volunteer movement proposed by the authors deepens the theoretical understanding of the peculiarities of the formation of civil society in modern Russia.

This paper argues that propaganda poses a (new) challenge to civic education. It examines the tension between education and propaganda in relation to civic education for adults considering (1) civic education as protection against propaganda attempts and (2) propaganda as a possible element of civic education. This paper explores didactical approaches and core principles of civic education that strive to both resist and deal with propaganda. The core proposal of the paper is to root civic education in the tradition of the German concepts of Bildung and Mündigkeit in order to contrast civic education with propaganda or manipulation.

The article examines the role of children and juvenile literature of the Third Reich in the development of Nazi identity. In German culture of the 1930s, the image of childhood developed during the period of the Weimar Republic underwent dramatic changes. As the Third Reich was proclaimed “the Youth Reich” (das jugendliche Reich), childhood lost its autonomy and merged with “youth,” the key concept of the Nazi era. Youth, in turn, was more than age category; it implied a certain worldview, or a specific life position that all age groups of Nazi society had to adhere to. Children and adolescents aged 10-18 years old joined the Hitler Youth, the largest organization in the world, and became carriers of the new ideology. Literature for children and adolescents of the Third Reich significantly expanded its boundaries: now it included literary works written for adults, and also those written before 1933. “Expanded borders,” therefore, implied multiple cases of intersection between children and adult literature, interpenetration and coexistence of these literatures within the cultural ambience of the Nazi period. Despite the fact that the entire system of education and upbringing fostered indoctrination while literature was one but not the only one factor in the development of the new identity in this multilevel system, it was literature that legitimized children’s refusal to follow their personal interests and encouraged their engagement in the propagated ideological system.

The article shows the material compiled by the research group that worked in the restoration of the Conjunto doctrinero of Sutatausa (Cundinamarca, Colombia) between 1990 and 1998. It also presents valuable information on the traditional use of sacramental chapels that still remain and the indoctrination process in the village. In conclussion, it is argued that all this material has not only allowed to present new information about the history of the temple but also to the knowledge of the evangelization process in Sutatausa at the end of the XVI century and the first half of the XVII century.

Trying to generate ethnographic data to study Islamist groups in a natural setting has always presented a problem for researchers seeking to comprehend the radicalization process. Islamist groups operate in a clandestine manner, making it difficult to penetrate their inner workings. The researcher was given access to the inner workings of Hizb ut-Tahrir, a clandestine radical Islamist organization. Having accessed the group, the paper seeks to present an account of the methods used by Hizb ut-Tahrir to indoctrinate new members to its ideology and activist orientation. The personal narratives obtained from this ethnographic fieldwork are placed into a frame of reference related to how indoctrination occurs within Hizb ut-Tahrir. My access to Hizb ut-Tahrir put me in the unique position of being able to gather the biographical information required to study indoctrination. As the findings show, Hizb ut-Tahrir indoctrination is a narrow cognitive process that has distinct behavioral outcomes.

The purpose of this research was to explain and critique the causes of indoctrination in formal and informal education systems and to offer solutions that are compatible with Islamic culture. To do so, it was utilized philosophical conceptual analysis and interpretation (reviewing the context or registering of concept, and analyzing based on the contrast concepts) as well as transcendental analysis methods. The results indicated passive teaching methods, indoctrinating contents, and misuse of education are the influential factors on formation of indoctrination in formal education. While in informal education culture, family, passive acceptance of criteria and also psychological factors influenced on formation of indoctrination. Active teaching methods, student-centered content, and citizenship education are the solutions that would reduce indoctrinating oriented in formal education. To avoid indoctrination in informal education following solutions are offered: cultural moderation, family education, criteria recognition in this domain and paying attention to psychological self-awareness and self-discovery.

We take a new look at the question of the Arab democratic exception by looking at the preference for democracy among individuals in the Arab world in a comparative context. We use the new sixth wave of the World Value Survey, which was collected between 2012 and 2013, and which included for the first time 12 Arab countries (up from only four in wave 5) and 68 non-Arab countries. We innovate empirically by measuring the preference for democracy over strong rule in a way that, we argue, is more adapted to an understanding of the Arab world than other measures used in past studies. Our statistical analysis reveals a democratic gap in the Arab region compared to global experience, which is especially marked among the more educated individuals, and to a lesser extent among the youth and the middle class. We conclude by discussing the reasons that may explain the Arab exceptionalism, and argue that it is unlikely to be related to culture alone.

The industrialization and its consequential imperialism and colonialism have impacted this world for three centuries. India has been a colony of the British Empire for two centuries. These eventful two centuries of Indian history did see the influence of not only the political and economical might of the “great” Britain, but its influence on every milieu of Indian life. India’s indigenous education system was gradually displaced and the colonial model of education pervaded under the patronage from the colonial-state. The language, pedagogy, evaluation and knowledge of the colonizer became naturalis obligato for the population of the colony. India got independence in 1947 and took to the task of decolonizing education immediately. The attempts to decolonize education from various standpoints of political activism, universalism and religious nationalism are charted in this article. What decolonizing education should entail and how India has responded to this question in the last century and how the neo-liberal order has supported a particular ideology to have a dominant say in this process are concerns of this article. We analyse how re-schooling and indoctrination are projected as the most nationalist response for methodical decolonizing of education.

Dogmatic discourse and institutionalized control build a totalitarian state on two main pillars: propaganda and indoctrination. Our study analyzes the phenomena of cultural mimesis and ideological transplantation inside the Romanian communist system. The periphery and centre represent concepts that help us in the process of constructing our cultural theory about the propaganda system and its evolution during the years before the abolition of the monarchy, 1946-1947. The study is based mainly on archive documents. Therefore, we followed up the chronological paths in which the propaganda was used as an external weapon, and also as an internal indoctrination.

This article shows how the values that were passed on to children evolved in Spain from 1931 to 1939. Through education and leisure activities, the State and political parties endeavoured to entice children embracing republican ideas and later on antifascist ideas by presenting a biased view of history, or versions of it aimed to influence their judgement. The analysis of the topics and terms that were used illustrates this evolution. The first texts that came from Germany or Russia were soon replaced with texts written by Spanish authors who adopted a politicized discourse combining fiction and reality.

The aim of this paper is to show critical thinking as an important element of cur- riculum that is worth developing during various courses in the process education and to which the form and content of philosophy course is worth adjusting. The article points out various difficulties of putting the idea into practice, particularly those connected to assumptions and practices of the Polish education system (po- liticization, idelogization, lack of pluralism in the Polish school, and little prepara- tion of teachers to develop critical thinking in their pupils). The paper also gives examples of solutions that aid skeptical thinking teaching. I do not argue that the school should resign from passing cultural competences and knowledge regarding history of culture and philosophy, but I do suggest that they do not have to the most crucial position in curriculum. Nevertheless, education should not be confined to only critical thinking as it would both restrain creative thinking and upset the balance between processes of individualization and socialization, the latter being essential on early stages of education.

Analytical approach to the philosophy of education highlights to recognize and analyze concepts in education. The analysis derived from the philosophical and theological about definition of Education, Religious Education, Indoctrination and other concepts Lead to the rejection of «religious education» . One reason is absolute ugliness indoctrination and induction Religious teachings that is the process of religious education has become as “similar- education « and «anti-education» . This paper wants to collect different opinions about definition of indoctrination and review them. In order to, five opinions criticized And new opinion is proposed.

Civics courses in the German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany) were intended to educate students to become socialist personalities. The didactical and ideological structure of the course, however, created internal contradictions that turned civics into an “impossible” course. This case study offers a model for conducting educational research into a single course curriculum using a multi-perspective analysis.

This study proposes a critical analysis of indoctrination in the field of education. We shall first discuss the meaning of this word trying to identify two fundamental dimensions: the pedagogical dimension and the ideological one. After approaching the relationship between indoctrination and authority in education, we classify the types of indoctrination identified by O. Reboul (1977) based on these two dimensions. For the analysis of indoctrination in the teaching process we used a four-dimensional model that includes: the intention, teaching contents, teaching methods and finalities of the didactic process. The study concludes with criticisms of indoctrination in terms of the constructivist paradigm in education. We consider that, far from having achieved the single possible approach, the constructivism is an option for educating the critical spirit and preventing the risks of indoctrination within the teaching process.

The Ioannis Metaxas’ regime, from August 1936 to January 1941, is most often brought closer to the authoritarian and paternalistic model of Salazar’s Portugal—or Franco’s Spain—than to fascism or nazism stricly speaking. This article focuses on a critical aspect of the “4th August Regime”: its relationships with religion. The enhancement of christianism by the political authority, which is an often noticed point, does not in fact represent a real discontinuity with respect to earlier administrations. The religious tolerance of the governement, its peculiar management of religious minorities—in the European context of the late 1930s—are examined in all their ambiguities. The look taken at this 20th century’s regime crystallizes still current debates and historiographical tensions in Greece, all the more sensitive as they meet the issue of the State and Greek population’s attitude faced with the Shoah.

The reforms promissed during D. José I's Kingdom stand out specially by the actionof its Minister and Secretary of State of the Kingdom's Business, Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, Count of Oieras, then Marquis of Pombal, including the obrigatoriness of education and use of the Portuguese language. It transcribes a spelling-book model to teach how to read, write, count and the christian doctrine.

The article suggests the need for education, which is free of indoctrination and imposition of authority. Changes that occurred in the Polish educational system during last twenty five years created a subtle form of indoctrination. In such situation an ethical education becomes especially necessary to develop in pupils critical thinking and shape the humanistic attitude.

This Marxist-oriented ideological study describes how sports commentary ‘layered’ on top of team sporting events serves as a capitalist mass indoctrination method in the United States of America. Despite a general mass consensus to the contrary, popular team sporting events which employ sports commentators are not politically neutral events. The mass media and corporations use sports commentators to politically charge sporting events in order to subtly program the viewing population into accepting capitalist ideological tenets and norms. Capitalist indoctrination embedded within modern sports commentary is particularly effective because of its subtle nature. Capitalist norms are taught within the context and framework of particular sporting events and superimposed over events occurring on the field of play. The majority of the conservative ideology embedded within sports commentary is related to the glorification and maintenance of extreme social stratification based on held or achieved power.