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Copyright of Sinergia Académica is the property of Editorial Tecnocientifica Americana (ETECAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the speed with which US breweries responded to the legalisation of beer in the spring of 1933 as well as the factors that contributed to how long these 1933 breweries survived. We find that around 200 breweries were legally selling beer on 7 April – a majority of these breweries were producing 'near beer' during Prohibition – and that a relatively steady stream of around 50 breweries per month entered across the rest of 1933, bringing the total to 607 by the year's end. We find that larger breweries were able to both enter more quickly in 1933 and to survive longer post 1933. We also find that breweries that commenced sales more quickly within 1933 survived longer than otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1991 the United Nations General Assembly voted to repeal United Nations Resolution 3379 that equated Zionism with "racism and racial discrimination". The revocation was described as the beginning of a "new era" and 3379 presented as a final relic of the Cold War. While the anti-Israel resolution had ostensibly been driven by Soviet-led initiatives against America's allies and thus was no longer relevant in 1991, that assessment overlooked the development of anti-Israel discourse well beyond the former Cold War-defined parameters. This article considers the reasons why the repeal of Res. 3379 ought to be construed primarily as a political breakthrough, rather than a turning point in doctrinal debate. Reframing the post-1991 "new era" in a way that is attuned to broader considerations may provide an explanation for how "Zionism as Racism" resurfaced barely ten years later at the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Inciso is the property of Universidad La Gran Colombia, Seccional Armenia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Públic is the property of Revista Catalana de Dret Public and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Prudentia Iuris is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For this article, researchers analyzed "In Her Shoes" social media posts from January 15, 2018 to September 2, 2018 to ascertain how Ireland's anti-abortion legislation impacted women's everyday lived experiences from the 1980s to the 2018 referendum and beyond. Through "In Her Shoes," we argue, many women explicitly gave voice to topics and experiences that were common historically (and recently) but rarely recognized both by Irish society and by scholars. These themes center bodily experiences, such as bleeding and descriptions of pain; the notion of hiding alongside being on display or under surveillance; and containment and mobility. Our investigation thus provides evidence for the pervasiveness and importance of the body in Irish women's history and current lives. Narratives also underscore how finding a voice through "In Her Shoes" was accompanied by camaraderie with and support from other women, particularly family members across generations. This article thus demonstrates how movements such as "In Her Shoes" not only used storytelling to convince voters to support Repeal but also allowed women, with the support of others, to give voice to hidden historical and contemporary realities and thus contest the silence and shame that has dominated Irish society for so long. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I analyse the written testimonies submitted by pro-choice Irish women to the government in advance of the Referendum to Repeal the Eighth Amendment in May 2018. These testimonies are all in favour of legal reform to allow abortion access. However, the women's narratives are far from homogeneous in how they view abortion and how they present their abortion histories. Some offer a categorically pro-choice position with unapologetic calls for the liberatory potential of abortion in society to be recognized. Others, however, are far more cautious, far more conciliatory. Here, drawing on a powerful set of normative expectations around femininity, sexuality, class and family, such pro-choice women invoke a particular cultural meaning of abortion that, paradoxically perhaps, calls for the end to prohibitions on abortion while simultaneously provoking certain anti-abortion sentiments in detailing their individual abortion histories. I also suggest that adopting a defensive, almost apologetic endorsement of abortion may have significant anti-abortion side-effects in restricting future access to reproductive rights. Instead, what is called for, from a pro-choice advocacy perspective, is developing a culture of outspokenness around abortion to counter further anti-abortion inroads into women's reproductive lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista General de Legislacion y Jurisprudencia is the property of Editorial Reus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates the experiences of activists during Ireland's Repeal the 8th campaign, which secured abortion rights in Ireland through a 2018 referendum. The focus is on activists' experiences of self-care and collective care during their activism. Differences between attitudes and approaches to self-care are investigated, the emphasis on work versus care in movement culture is explored, and the need for a move from self-care to collective care for continued feminist activism is suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State prevailing wage law repeals have been shown to lower wages and benefits—including benefits providing safety training and associated with worker retention in construction. This study tests whether prevailing wage repeals affect construction injury rates and/or the prevalence of disabilities among construction workers. Controlling for time trends in injuries and disabilities, differences between construction industry subsectors, the business cycle, and time-invariant differences between states, we find that repealing state prevailing wage laws increase construction injury rates across various types of injuries from 11.6% to 13.1% as the seriousness of injuries increases. Disabilities increase by 7.5% to 8.2% depending on the model specification. Conjoining an analysis of the effects of prevailing wage law repeals on injury rates with disability rates in construction provides alternative measures of the effects of prevailing wage laws on construction workplace safety, which addresses a well-known problem of underreporting construction injuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we try to analyze the crime of negligence in service in the light of the draft law amending the criminal law. In this regard, we emphasize the fact that the law amending the criminal law repeals the text regarding the crime of negligence in service. However, in relation to this repeal, there is no single opinion. Under these conditions, we will show each opinion separately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the author analyzes the change occurred with regard to the response to the statement of defence, by point 27 of the Law No 310/2018 amending and supplementing the Law No 134/2010 on the Civil Procedure Code, as well as for amending and supplementing other normative acts. In the old Civil Procedure Code this act of procedure was not regulated, but it was customary to submit a response to the statement of defence. The author presents how the act of procedure called the „response to the statement of defence" has been regulated, being introduced by the Law No 134/2010 on the Civil Procedure Code. Initially, in Article 201 (2) of the Civil Procedure Code, it was provided the obligativity of the applicant to submit the response to the statement of defence, after having communicated it. This obligation postponed the setting of the first trial term. The obligation to formulate a response to the statement of defence was also provided in Article 471 (6) of the Civil Procedure Code, for the settlement of the means of appeal, as well as in Article 490 (2) of the Civil Procedure Code, for the settlement of the extraordinary remedy of the review. As regards the appeal and the review, the provisions of the Civil Procedure Code have not entered into force, but it has been applied the intermediary regime regulated by Article XV (4), for the appeal, and Article XVII (3), for the review, of the Law No 2/2013 on some measures to relieve the courts, as well as to prepare for the implementation of the Law No 134/2010. By point 27 of the Law No 310/2018 the facultative character of the response to the statement of defence was enshrined. This amendment has also been extended to the case of settlement of the appeal and of the review. The author presents the arguments for which she considers that the legislator should have abandoned this procedural act, being sufficient to express the position of the applicant by way of the request for summons and of the defendant by way of statement of defence. The conclusions of the study are reflected in the opinion that the response to the statement of defence is not justified in the civil trial, creating an imbalance between the parties, the applicant being able to justify his claims both by the request for summons and by the response to the statement of defence, while the defendant has available only the statement of defence. Even if by abandoning the binding character of the response to the statement of defence, the fixing of the first term, respectively that for appeal and for review, takes place more quickly, the author proposes to fully abandon this act of procedure and considers that the legislator should have repealed the response to the statement of defence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pandectele Române is the property of Wolters Kluwer Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abortion is illegal in almost all circumstances in Ireland, permitted only where there is a risk to the life of the woman due to the eighth amendment to the Irish Constitution. While abortion is banned, women living in Ireland do access abortion; they do so legally by travelling abroad, and illegally within Ireland by accessing the abortion pill online. This access is highly mediated by race, class and migration status. This article will consider the politics of Ireland's abortion ban through the prism of public debates around abortion, reflecting on the discursive devices employed to both challenge and uphold the status quo on abortion. This conclusion will focus on different dimensions of the "Repeal" movement; a movement that propelled Ireland to finally face up to the reality of abortion and change it laws through removing the eighth amendment from the constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While considerable research has examined the effects of prevailing wage law repeals on construction wages, little has been done on the repeals effect on benefits. Based on state-level data from the quinquennial Economic Census for construction from 1972 to 2012, we find that depending on sample and model specification, statewide annual average construction blue-collar income fell by 1.9% to 4.2%. Statewide annual average legally required benefits (social security, workers injury-compensation insurance, and unemployment insurance contributions) for blue- and white-collar construction employees combined fell from 3.8% to 10.1%. Statewide annual average voluntary benefits (primarily health insurance, pension contributions, and apprenticeship training) for blue- and white-collar construction employees combined fell from 11.2% to 16.0%. Because prevailing wage laws govern only blue-collar construction remuneration, blue-collar benefits probably fell more than blue- and white-collar benefits taken together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the enactment of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2010, conservatives have sought to undermine the law's entrenchment. While they have failed in their ambitious quest to repeal the ACA, opponents have succeeded in overturning one major provision (the individual mandate penalty), narrowing the law's reach, complicating its implementation, and fomenting doubts about its political sustainability. This essay places the postenactment battle over the ACA in historical-institutional perspective by juxtaposing the strategic choices that conservatives have made to limit the role of the federal government in the core social welfare areas of pensions and health since the New Deal. Our central argument is that conservatives' varying strategies of postenactment opposition, resistance, and accommodation for Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and the ACA have been shaped by shifts in conservative ideology, changes in control of institutional resources, and the nature of policy feedback. Attention to these contextual factors helps explain why ACA opponents viewed the law as a threat despite its moderate policy design, why opposition did not subside after the law's enactment, and how conservatives managed to keep the conflict going across multiple election cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article addresses in a systematized manner some of the most important problems raised in the administrative practice and, implicitly, in the case law of the administrative disputes courts by the traditional triad concerning the cessation of producing of legal effects by the administrative acts, namely the nullity, revocation and inexistence. There are briefly reviewed aspects concerning terminology, doctrinal definitions, the relative nullity - absolute nullity distinction in the administrative law, the legality - opportunity correlation from the perspective of the control of administrative acts, the authorities competent to establish the nullity, revocation or inexistence of an administrative act. The complex issue of the legal effects of finding the nullity, the revocation or inexistence of administrative acts, but also of the repeal that can intervene only in case of normative administrative acts is examined by reference to some of the relevant solutions of the administrative case law. A newly raised issue, due to the incidence of the administrative law, briefly aims at the position of prosecutor of case or of judge in relation to an administrative act with incidence in a criminal case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proposes a comparative analysis of the main economic and financial offences from their regulatory perspective, given the significant amendments of the Romanian criminal legislation occurred starting with 1 February 2014. The author makes a presentation of how the incrimination of these criminal acts has been amended, regardless of the relevant provisions, the Criminal Code or the special laws. He insists on the situations where amendments of substance occurred and it is analyzed their opportunity, as well as the effects reflected by the judicial practice. Similarly, critical notes are exposed, with the necessary arguments on some of these legislative amendments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revus: Journal for Constitutional Theory & Philosophy of Law is the property of Revus - European Constitutionality Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologia del Diritto is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Young Ireland nationalists conciliated slaveholding and proslavery Americans in the mid-1840s by situating Irish debates over American slavery within a broader discussion of Ireland's status in the British Empire. As Irish nationalists sought to redefine Ireland's political relationship to Great Britain, many came to see material and rhetorical support from the United States as indispensable to their efforts. Unlike Daniel O'Connell, Young Irelanders proved willing to overlook slavery in the United States because they believed that an Irish-American alliance could be mobilised to critique British imperialism and potentially to gain greater autonomy for Ireland. Debates among Irish nationalists over accepting aid from slaveholding and proslavery Americans, therefore, bring into focus where O'Connell and Young Ireland differed with regard to Ireland's sufferings under the Union and involvement in the Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2010, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Adm. Michael Mullen established the Comprehensive Review Working Group (CRWG) to conduct a comprehensive review of the issues associated with a repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell (DADT). Over the next 10 months, the CRWG undertook one of the most extensive studies of a personnel issue in the history of the U.S. military. This article describes the work and the findings of the CRWG (on which the author served) in the context of the activities within the Department of Defense (DoD) following President Obama's call for DADT repeal in his January 2010 State of the Union Address and leading up to the passage of the Don't Ask, Don't Tell Repeal Act in December 2010. It argues that the CRWG served a number of important functions in the DADT repeal process, particularly that it a) provided a rigorous, fact-based assessment of the impacts of repeal from which DoD senior leaders and Congress could base their views; b) developed a road map for a smooth and orderly implementation of repeal; and c) opened a conversation among military service members about what repeal would really mean to them. In doing so, the CRWG contributed to what has been a largely incident-free and successful transition to a post-DADT military. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Passage of an American stamp tax in 1765 produced a sharp political backlash before the year was out. That new tax was part of a larger programme of imperial reform championed by the Grenville ministry. Now out of power, Grenville and his supporters resisted the growing desire in both houses of parliament to end the imperial crisis by repealing the new tax. During debates that began in early 1766 there were those few, most notably William Pitt, who wanted to discuss constitutional ultimates as part of the move toward repeal. Pitt contended that parliament did not have the authority to tax the colonies directly. Grenville disagreed and warned that if parliament accepted any limit to its supremacy the colonists would eventually claim legislative autonomy. When debating the distinction – if indeed any such distinction existed – between taxation and legislation, and between internal and external taxes, Pitt, Grenville and their parliamentary contemporaries raised questions about authority and power that they could not answer. There were no words to describe perfectly the imperial relationship, a relationship that, as Benjamin Franklin hinted in his testimony to the Commons, was always subject to change anyway. Avoiding constitutional questions had not seemed to work; trying to answer them did not work any better, at least in the contentious atmosphere of that moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four points support the thesis that the English nobility played a critical role in the revolution. First, the later 17th-century aristocracy was energetic, wealthy, and connected in ways facilitating political action within, and subsequently outside, the parliamentary arena. Second, it was a class conscious of status and privilege which many policies of James II bumped up against inadvertently, but often with negative consequence. Third, most peers were observant protestants in an age when religious belief, or at least the externals of practice, still mattered greatly. Fourth, habits of deference and traditional spheres of influence at the local level remained surprisingly intact despite intensive royal effort to reshape the lieutenancies, commissions of the peace, and municipal and other corporate bodies. Resistance to repeal of the Test Acts was the issue around which a leadership group emerged in the aristocracy. Initially it focused on a parliamentary solution in which an absolute majority in the house of lords could be counted on to stand firm no matter how the Commons might vote. In the absence of that opportunity and in the face of other events regarded as inimical to class, nation and the protestant interest, many peers turned away from natural alliance with the crown and - in the case of a forward group - conspired with the prince of Orange. Ultimately, more than a third of the nobility aligned itself with those peers intent on constraining the king's freedom of political action, an important factor contributing to his decision to flee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]