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Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of French Cultural Studies is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Written while the pandemic was still a key issue, this article tries to imagine the post-pandemic from different perspectives, and first of all in distinct temporalities. A question arises immediately: how can we consider the hypothesis of a deep cultural or anthropological mutation with intellectual or scientific tools that were forged before this mutation? What might new approaches for the social sciences look like? The article proceeds to analyse the more obvious social, technological and cultural changes that occurred with the pandemic, which definitively modify our perception and understanding of globalisation. New or renewed inequalities, intergenerational tensions, racism, increasing fake news and conspiracy theory visions of the world, but also issues raised by feminism or ecology are at stake here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Academic freedom is currently threatened not only in dictatorial or authoritarian regimes but in democracies as well. Thus, this analysis of the contemporary French experience, in which we observe a destructive climate maintained by intellectuals and political actors on both the right and the left. The extremization, intolerance, and radicalization of debates have increased since the election of Emmanuel Macron in 2017. At the same time, university institutions often appear overwhelmed or powerless in the face of both internal and external dangers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-truth and fake news are part of the contemporary age and they are a new phenomenon, connected with a deep crisis of universal values and important changes in social life and in culture, changes leading to important aberrations, including of memory and history. This is highly visible in political representation; and it leads to relativism that tries to appear as truth. The article distinguishes here between warlike relativism ‒ my truth against your truth, and ecumenical relativism ‒ all truths are acceptable; the author emphasizes the responsibility of the elites with respect to such issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le processus de sortie de la violence sociale ou politique ne doit pas être confondu avec la fin de la violence en elle–même. Ilpeut s'agir d'un cheminement long et chaotique, d'autant plus complexe que, dans de nombreuses expériences contemporaines, il est impossible de séparer le crimeorganisé de la violence sociale oupolitique. L'analyse de la violenceest un vaste domaine des sciences humaines et sociales, danslequel presque tous leurs paradigmes sont mobilisés. Il n'en est pas de même pour la sortie de la violence: cela devrait encourager à en faire un nouveau domaine, et clarifier les perspectives. Nous ouvrons cesréflexions par des précisions conceptuelles relatives aux significations de la violence et au changement de perspectivequ'impose le contexte global qui fait qu'elle ne s'enferme pas dans leseul espace de l'État. Nous distinguons différents niveaux analytiques nécessaires pour penser la sortie de la violence:l'individu; le groupe ou la communauté; la société, la nation oul'État; l'internationalisation et la mondialisation. Il faut distinguer ces niveaux, il faut aussi concevoir leur complémentarité, et considérerles modalités possibles de leur synthèse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ulrich Beck was both a committed intellectual and one of the most original and innovative thinkers in our times, bringing new ideas and knowledge about the world in which we live. Among his more recent conceptual tributes, one finds such concepts as cosmopolitization of the world, the idea that social science has a lot to say about love in the second modernity, the importance of the city in a globalized world, and the notion of 'emancipatory catastrophism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lien Social et Politiques is the property of Institut National de Recherche Scientifique (INRS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Violence has been a central preoccupation for political and social scientists, and this paper begins with a critical appraisal of the classical approaches to the phenomenon of violence, showing how despite their considerable differences, they are not necessarily contradictory. Via engagement with the recent work of Randall Collins, the paper pays particular attention to the limits of symbolic interactionism. The paper then places the subject central to sociological analysis, showing how it is possible to avoid the determinism of classical sociology by exploring the meaning of violence for the subjects who use it, and how these meanings relate to the processes of subjectivation and desubjectivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term ‘integration’ is a category used both in political discourse and in sociological analysis. In political discourse, in the public debate, it has become a magic word which accompanies repression when a political power is unable to deal with major difficulties, particularly in poor neighbourhoods. The so-called ‘models of integration’ are all failing, whether in the United Kingdom after the terrorist attacks of 2005, in the Netherlands after the murder of Theo Van Gogh and Pim Fortuyn, or in France after the riots of 2005. In political and social life, integration is far from able to account for realities or to implement public policies successfully. From a sociological perspective, integration is connected with approaches which are centred on society or the social system, much more than with those that deal with the subjectivity of individuals and their capacity for personal or collective action. This means that integration belongs much more to traditional sociological thinking than to the new contemporary sociological imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Public sociology implies not simply a general orientation to social research but also a methodology that connects the sociologist to a ‘public.’ This is the case, with some provisos, for the method of sociological intervention, invented by Alain Touraine, that I have pursued in studies of racism, anti-Semitism and terrorism, as well as of anti-nuclear and labor movements. The approach has led to complicated relations with the media and with politics. In this article I give a series of examples of such engagement and the dilemmas it creates for the sociologist who wants to maintain a critical distance. Ultimately, the question and the challenge of public sociology boil down to how one can intervene in social life and, at the same time, remain a social scientist. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In modern societies, universalism has been rejected or criticized by both conservative and reactionary thinkers, and by progressive ones. With the end of colonialism and western hegemony, the criticism has become worldwide and global, the main reproach insisting on the idea of a strong association between universalism, and various forms of domination and exclusion. This article aims to analyse these various criticisms, the intention being not to finish with universal values, but to try and see how they can be rethought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous approaches in the social sciences either refuse to consider or minimize the importance of conflict in community or else replace it with a Spencerian vision of the social struggle. Between these two extremes there is considerable space for us to consider conflict as a relationship; this is what differentiates it from modes of behaviour involving war and rupture. Sociology suggests different ways of differentiating various modes of social conflict. The question is not only theoretical. It is also empirical and historical: have we not moved, in a certain number of countries at least, from the industrial era dominated by a structural social conflict in which the working-class movement confronted the masters of labour, to a new era dominated by other types of conflict with distinctly more cultural orientations? Whatever the type of analysis, the very concept of conflict must be clearly distinguished from that of crisis, even if materially the two coexist in social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Spanish translation is presented of the article "Manifeste pour les sciences sociales" by Craig Calhoun and Michel Wieviorka, published in the French journal "Socio, Penser Global" (issue 1) in March, 2013. The authors reflect on the commonalities among social science researchers and comment on various conceptual and research challenges facing the discipline including the study of social movements and social institutions and the relationship between mass communication, social sciences and politics.

The article focuses on the economic, social and cultural crisis facing the European Union (EU) as of November 2012. A background of EU, how economic globalization and nationalism might have led to the crisis, the challenges that reason, humanism and the pressure of diversity pose in solving the said crisis, a comparison of the universal values between Europe and the West, and the state of democracy in Europe are also discussed.

The article offers information on multiculturalism and factor influencing it. It states that the limits of multiculturalism as a way of dealing legally and institutionally with cultural differences. It mentions that multiculturalism ensures that cultural differences are dealt with by recognizing them and by requesting in the best possible wording.

In the social sciences, evaluation sometimes approaches a form of ‘quantophrenia’, as Sorokin put it. The factors that justify it (rationalization, the control of the correct use of public funds) are rapidly confronted with criticism which exposes the bureaucratization of research and asks major questions: in our disciplines what do we mean by finding and demonstrating? Can our research subjects be further generalized and organized in a sphere of discussion which has global scope without running the risk of being hindered by short-term logics of evaluation? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are returning to the question: should researchers participate in public life and, if so, how? This question does not refer solely to the utility of the social sciences and their possibly emancipatory role but also raises the issue of how sociological knowledge is produced, tested and demonstrated. We need to consider the status of this knowledge and the conditions under which we may speak of 'science'. How researchers in social sciences conceive of their relationship with the public and the actors is linked with the way in which we validate our assertions as science. We cannot separate our conceptions of our relation to the public sphere and the theoretical and methodological conceptions of research that provide the basis of our scientific ability to provide rigorous proofs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of integration in state and the civil society. It talks about the sociology of integration and socialization and its relationship with the history of sociology and the process of socialization of individuals. Examples illustrating these concepts, including those involving Japanese emigrants and the crisis in the industrial society of France and Great Britain, are discussed. The article also explores the criticism of the concept of integration in various social groups.

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author looks at the effect globalization has had on the evils of terrorism and anti-Semitism, tracing the differences between the older forms of terrorism, which were oriented toward the nation-state, and the newer, transnational, Islamic terrorism exemplified by Al Qaida. He also looks at the related topic of anti-Semitism, briefly sketching its long and ugly history, and noting its increasingly globalized nature.

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article combines an historical and a sociological approach. Historically, it distinguishes three main moments in the history of social movements since the 1960s. After working-class movements, which corresponded to industrial societies, came the so-called new social movements, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and these were followed by a third generation of actors deserving a new denomination as alter-globalization activists. Sociologically, this articles analyses the differences between these three figures from the point of view of the identity of the actors, of their relationship to culture, to their adversary, to their subjectivity, or to their framework for action (national or otherwise). The article introduces the concept of anti-movement, which is illustrated with the contemporary cases of 'global' anti-movements such as global terrorism or global anti-Semitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the book "Emerging Issues in the Twenty-First Century World-System," edited by Wilma A. Dunaway. The book is published in two volumes "Crises and Resistance in the Twenty-First Century World-System" and "New Theoretical Directions for the Twenty-First Century World-System." The collection of papers in this book is the outcome of a colloquium held by the Political Economy of the World-System Section of the American Sociological Association, which brings together social scientists sharing the same intellectual orientations as Wallerstein. What these researchers have in common is not only their choice of subject, the processes of world-systems, and their rejection of a monodisciplinary approach, but also their common commitment to a certain number of leading ideas, the most important of which deal with the modem world-system. Both volumes also stick to their stated commitment to pluridisciplinarity and frequently make links between different academic disciplines. Economics, history, political science and sociology in particular are constantly mobilized or referred to, with a shared concern to avoid the illusion of knowledge propounded by over-technical proposals, especially ones couched in economic discourse.

Cultural differences are produced, and are not just the fruit of a process of reproduction. They are more or less connected to social inequalities or exclusion. They are not the contrary of modem individualism for several reasons: individuals may have a personal interest in choosing a collective identity. This interest may be instrumental or expressive and subjective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main theme here is to combine a sociological perspective, in which we examine how sociologists deal with the concept and realities of ideology, within a historical interpretation. Two major periods in which sociology promulgated ideology are compared. The first period, the age of ideology, is the one in which modernity seems to be defined by the decline of tradition and religion, and by the triumph of Reason and Science. In this phase which extends from the coining of the term ideology to the end of the 1980s, sociology or sociologists either over-valued or under-valued the theme of ideology. The second period, marked by the end of the era of ideology, is one in which modernity seems if not to give way to post-modernity, at least to enter a new phase, in which it tends to be defined as the growing separation between reason and identities particularly religious ones. In this phase the end of ideology which had been predicted for many years became a "historical truth." Today there are no powerful all-encompassing grand ideologies anymore which might claim to personify at one and the same time, the people, science and progress and with the capacity to dominate and mobilize society. However, even in the second period, the "modest" or "particular" dimension of ideology referring to "false representations" of specific aspects of collective life, should be acknowledged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence confronts us increasingly, everywhere: how are we to make sense of it? Its ubiquity begs the question of analytical differentiation. This article seeks to open the field by suggesting a fivefold typology: violence as loss of meaning; violence as non-sense; violence as cruelty; fundamental violence; and founding violence. The idea of analytically differentiating between types of violence cannot avoid the fact that sometimes victims are also perpetrators in other ways, and that even violent activity is not conducted only by essentially violent subjects. Violence needs to be connected to modernity and to problems of identity formation and not only to personal or collective risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the author's comments on the article On the Cunning of Imperialist Reason by Pierre Bourdieu and Loïc Wacquant, published in a 1999 issues of Theory, Culture & Society. Here, then, are a few, somewhat cursory remarks intended to shed light on an article which it would be extremely naive to take out of context and read as a purely scientific sociological consideration. Pierre Bourdieu speaks in the name of a social movement which either turns out to be more concerned with the past than with the future, or is non-existent. He refuses to debate and has nothing but contempt for journalists, the media, and those who express themselves therein, but develops mss media strategies, sometimes on a very large scale. He is loftily unaware of the real work of his colleagues in France, all for all that has no hesitation in criticizing them in a way they could equally well criticize him. By giving him the floor, and opening the discussion, Theory, Culture & Society has given its readers an opportunity of discovering, or improving their acquaintance with some of the mechanisms whereby the discussion of ideas is perverted and becomes a form of sociological terrorism.

Focuses on the phases in the emergence of a student-based social movement in France. Nature of a student movement; Emergence of the first student movement in May 1968; Supremacy of the extreme left over the student movements; Student activism in 1976.

The article focuses on political developments in France and the end of French Intellectual era. It also discusses the relations between French intellectuals and its transition with the transformations of French society and its international context. It explores the early economic, social, and political concepts that French intellectuals significantly discoursed on, like the issues of labor, republicanism, and universalism. It outlines the evanescence or the anachronic presence of the classical figure of the French intellectual.

France is an interesting laboratory for studying terrorism, or antiterrorism, not because extreme violence has been committed on a large scale as in Lebanon, but because, faced with diverse terrorist actions over a short period. France has worked out and considerably modified a policy for dealing with terrorism. This subject herein is not terrorism but the official response to it, namely counterterrorist policy and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]