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Brake wear particles are generated through frictional contact between the brake disc or brake drum and the brake pads. Some of these particles may be released into the atmosphere, contributing to airborne fine particulate matter (PM2.5). In this study, an onboard system was developed and tested to measure brake wear particles emitted under real-world driving conditions. Brake wear particles were extracted from a fixed volume enclosure surrounding the pad and disc installed on the front wheel of a light-duty vehicle. Real-time data on size distribution, number concentration, PM2.5 mass, and the contribution of semi-volatiles were obtained via a suite of instruments sub-sampling from the constant volume sampler (CVS) dilution tunnel. Repeat measurements of brake particles were obtained from a 42 min bespoke drive cycle on a chassis dynamometer, from on-road tests in an urban area, and from braking events on a test track. The results showed that particle emissions coincided with braking events, with mass emissions around 1 mg/km/brake during on-road driving. Particle number emissions of low volatility particles were between 2 and 5 × 109 particles/km/brake. The highest emissions were observed under more aggressive braking. The project successfully developed a proof-of-principle measurement system for brake wear emissions from transient vehicle operation. The system shows good repeatability for stable particle metrics, such as non-volatile particle number (PN) from the solid particle counting system (SPCS), and allows for progression to a second phase of work where emissions differences between commercially available brake system components will be assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dutch glasspainter and Anabaptist prophet David Joris (1501–1556) was the Netherland's most infamous heretic who became a spiritualist who depreciated the scriptures, condemned confessional conflict, and argued that the devil did not exist external to a person's mind. Unlike the Dutch founder of the Family of Love, Hendrik Niclaes, Joris had no following in England, yet English writers condemned him with increasing frequency over seventeenth century. This paper examines that response, showing that for most writers Joris was the exemplar of the dangers of visionary mysticism, while Catholics used him to condemn Protestantism in general. English writers remained largely unaware of Joris's denial of demons until ca. 1647, when they began to attack the idea, unintentionally publicizing it. Such polemical dissemination had decades earlier helped to calm fears of demonic witchcraft in the Dutch Republic; in England it may have also influenced the demonologies of some English nonconformists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite his reputation as a narcissistic Anabaptist messiah, after 1544 David Joris became an influential spiritualist who abandoned claims of a unique possession of the Holy Spirit and promoted the Spirit as active within the mind of all believers, just as he had already internalized demons and angels to the inner person. He only fully elaborated his mature pneumatology in the 1550s, and since none of those writings were printed in his lifetime, outside of correspondence and conversation it became known only when printers produced these late works starting in the 1580s. In the Dutch Republic, where spiritualism flowed freely, Joris's creative approach to the Spirit helped shape discourse on religion and philosophy among nonconformists such as the Doopsgezinden (baptism-minded people, i.e., Mennonites) and Collegiants. These in turn contributed to the conversations of early Enlightenment philosophers, such as Descartes and Spinoza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Special Issue arises from a symposium held at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam in July 2019. That symposium was part of the "Amsterdamnified" research program funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (2015–2022). In this essay, the editors introduce the scope and themes of the Special Issue, provide a brief historical overview of some key aspects of sixteenth-century Protestant spiritualism, outline a series of historiographical questions that are important for this subject's past and ongoing study, and highlight how the essays that follow relate to these questions and to one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay examines how Dutch and English vernacular writers portrayed the Moor in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when their respective governments were engaged in diplomatic and trade discussions with Morocco. It aims for a better understanding of the difference in religious attitudes and cultures between these two Protestant realms by arguing that their respective approaches to internal religious toleration significantly influenced how their residents viewed Muslims. Dutch writers adopted a less hostile tone toward the Moor than English writers due to the republic's principled defense of freedom of conscience, its informal system of religious toleration in the private sector, and its merchant Realpolitik. Unlike in England, Dutch conversos were allowed to be Jews. A number of Moroccan Muslims also resided in Holland, lobbying on behalf of the Muslim King of Morocco. The Moroccan Jewish Pallache family played prominent roles with the government and in two of the pamphlets examined here, including one that interprets a Moroccan civil war through the lens of demonic sorcery. So too did Jan Theunisz, a liberal Mennonite of Amsterdam who collaborated with both Jews and Muslims in his home. As Dutch citizens were adapting to a new religious environment that effectively privatized religious practice, they were better equipped than their English counterparts to acclimatize to Jews inside and the Moor outside their borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sustainable development of vehicle propulsion systems that have mainly focused on reduction of fuel consumption (i.e. CO2emission) has led, not only to the development of systems connected with combustion processes but also to legislation and testing procedures. In recent years, the low carbon policy has made hybrid vehicles and fully electric vehicles (H/EVs) popular. The main virtue of these propulsion systems is their ability to restore some of the expended energy from kinetic movement, e.g. the braking process. Consequently new research and testing methods for H/EVs are currently being developed. This especially concerns the critical ‘use-cases’ for functionality tests within dynamic events for both virtual simulations, as well as real-time road tests. The use-case for conventional vehicles for numerical simulations and road tests are well established. However, the wide variety of tests and their great number (close to a thousand) creates a need for selection, in the first place, and the creation of critical use-cases suitable for testing H/EVs in both virtual and real-world environments. It is known that a marginal improvement in the regenerative braking ratio can significantly improve the vehicle range and, therefore, the economic cost of its operation. In modern vehicles, vehicle dynamics control systems play the principal role in safety, comfort and economic operation. Unfortunately, however, the existing standard road test scenarios are insufficient for H/EVs. Sector knowledge suggests that there are currently no agreed tests scenarios to fully investigate the effects of brake blending between conventional and regenerative braking as well as the regenerative braking interaction with active driving safety systems (ADSS). The paper presents seven manoeuvres, which are considered to be suitable and highly informative for the development and examination of H/EVs with regenerative braking capability. The critical manoeuvres presented are considered to be appropriate for examination of the regenerative braking mode according to ADSS. The manoeuvres are also important for investigation of regenerative braking system properties/functionalities that are specified by the legal requirements concerning H/EVs braking systems. The last part of this paper shows simulation results for one of the proposed manoeuvres that explicitly shows the usefulness of the manoeuvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April, 1609, King Philip III of Spain needed to reinforce his image as defender of the faith as he signed a peace treaty with the Dutch Protestant heretics. He therefore ordered at the same time that the Moriscos--Muslims who some decades earlier had been compelled to convert to Catholicism--be expelled from Valencia. A few of these Moriscos made their way to Holland, where they seem to have been welcomed, thereby contributing to the reputation of the Dutch that they would tolerate any religious position. Even so, very few publications have survived on the subject of the Morisco expulsion, whereas treatises on the Twelve Years' Truce poured off Dutch and English presses. While few, the English and Dutch language pamphlets on the expulsion decree reveal something about what English and Dutch audiences were told on the subject. How then was the Morisco expulsion explained to, and regarded by, Catholic and Protestant Europeans outside of Spain? While two of the surviving newssheets were accurate translations of Spanish decrees, a third work printed in the Spanish Netherlands defended the expulsion by linking Morisco plots with demonic witchcraft. On the other hand, a few Protestant and Mennonite writers in the Dutch Republic expressed some sympathy for the plight of the Moriscos and conversos as fellow victims of the Spanish Inquisition. Even so, the propaganda over the Treaty of Antwerp of 1609 clearly overshadowed the few works condemning the Morisco expulsion, rewarding Philip Ill's decision to release them at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines religious identity in the early-modern Netherlands by comparing attitudes between Calvinists and Mennonites toward each other and toward the Arminian Reformed (Remonstrants), Jews, and Muslims. Opting for a national Reformed Church without mandatory membership, the Dutch regents generally did not interfere in the private religious culture of dissenting sects and restricted the exclusionary demands of Reformed preachers, allowing law-abiding Mennonites and Jews a remarkable degree of freedom of conscience and practice. Outsiders thought the Dutch Republic's toleration to be very un-Protestant, although when the Remonstrants and Counter-Remonstrants threatened to destroy the unity of the national church, the regents intervened. Many regents clearly favoured the spiritualists' emphasis on personal piety and unity over confession and ritual, and showed considerable respect for Muslim officials and Jewish residents. Foreign Calvinists, who feared that the Netherlands' unusual form of religious toleration was including Jews and Muslims, were not entirely off base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines several rumors circulating about the sixteenth-century Dutch Anabaptist and spiritualist David Joris, including that he could speak with animals. Joris' writings on witchcraft; Details of some cases where sixteenth-century people viewed radical religious reformers as similar to accused witches, misconstruing Anabaptist ideas and practices as magical or demonic.