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This paper explores the potentially scandalous truce between the front-line Ming and Japanese commanders in the last days of the sixteenth-century Korea War. Mao Guoke, a Ming officer, was "dressed up" as the younger brother of his senior commander Mao Guoqi and sent to Japan as a hostage. He returned after almost two years (1598–1600) expecting to be received as a hero but was dismissed as more of a "self-made hero." This was because the Ming court preferred the "correct" version of the war: that it was ended not by negotiation but by the military victory of the Ming and Chosŏn Korea. Mao Guoke's odyssey is an illuminating case of the interflow and mixture of information, true and false, amid the fog of war. The case also highlights the unique pattern of war and diplomacy in premodern times wherein front-line agents enjoyed and exercised autonomy to an extent that is unthinkable to modern minds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional definition of war given by classical authors is, that war is a violent conflict between sovereigns. This means that war cannot be outlawed by any higher authority, since the sovereign is the uppermost authority upon the lives of the persons that are subject to them. Only the sovereign has the right and the power to forbid the violent resolution of conflicts among their subjects, and as sovereign they are not subject to any higher worldly power, but only to the power of God. The obligations to God are for the most classical authors not of legal nature but constitute the realm of morality. Thus, the main question for the classical authors on war theory is the clarification of the moral conditions that justify a sovereign to wage war against another sovereign, the so-called theory of just war. Since the classical authors subordinate the concept of war under the concept of justice, the theory of just war includes reflections about the proper means of conducting a war from the point of view of justice. In other words, the theory of just war also formulates criteria for such acts that are considered as war crimes. In this essay I will not challenge the theory of just war itself, but the traditional definition of war in terms of exertion of legitimate violence. My alternative definition will be given in the third section of the essay, and relies on the Platonic concept of peace, and on the Aristotelian concepts of privation and analogy. I think that violence is not a constitutive characteristic of war, but the conceptual, i.e., logical consequence of its definition. In other words, the state of war can be declared and persist without any acts of violence. The use of violence is justified by the manifestation of the state of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Studies Journal (MESJ) is the property of Middle East Studies Journal & Jordan Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines a gang-related peace initiative instituted in Greater August Town, Jamaica. Our objective was to understand the negotiation processes and determine whether the gang truce resulted in the desired outcome: a reduction in homicide. Bivariate analyses showed a significant decline in homicides immediately following the truce. Upon closer examination, however, comparing change in the target area to the balance areas in Jamaica and accounting for temporal trends, we found that the decline in homicide was part of a larger nationwide decline in violence and that the gang truce was not responsible for the decline. The only significant effect was the possibility that homicides were displaced outside the target area for a brief period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mavi Atlas is the property of Mavi Atlas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study analyses how the Salvadoran government neglected its responsibilities to communities during the gang truce process, resorting to short-term, non-transparent, anti-democratic and counterproductive measures that allowed gangs to reorganize and take control of the territories and therefore the daily lives of the civilian population. This article focuses on the role played by the communities and how they sought to develop with the support of social workers, third-sector organizations and other development agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the relationship among Board Diversity, Social Capital, and Governance Effectiveness by asking, "does board ethno-racial diversity moderate the relationship between Social Capital and Governance Effectiveness, and if so, how?" Exploring the direct and interacting effects of demographic diversity and Social Capital, and their relation to governing-group effectiveness using a two-sample field survey design, we illustrate whether heterogeneous or homogeneous group compositions amplify or attenuate Governance Effectiveness, and to what degree. Primary analyses find no support for Board Diversity moderating the Social Capital-Governance Effectiveness relationship, with secondary analysis revealing a more complex interaction for Governance Effectiveness, albeit inconsistently, across samples. Our investigation points to the value of social resources in understanding governance as an inherently socially complex activity or capability, predicated on truce or mutual agreement and shaped by the composition and connections of boards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics of negotiations between the Salvadoran government and the street gangs, called maras. The paper argues that state negotiations with criminal groups can occur when organized crime is a significant part of the social and political order. This tacit order allows a great deal of coordination between and within criminal organizations and the focus of negotiations from the state's point of view is limited to the management of violence, not the dismantling of gangs' territorial control. This article draws on seventeen in‐depth interviews with middle‐level gang leaders, government officials, and participants of the truce negotiations from 2012 to 2016; it also relies on public information published by Salvadoran journalists and government sources about the truce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how managers perform routines under artifacts in an institutionalized environment designed to exert pressure to comply. Using the framework of routines as generative systems, we studied the legally regulated disciplinary sanction routine in French public nursing homes. We found that managers tend to choose lesser penalties than those specified by law, and that legal artifacts have both coercive and symbolic dimensions that influence routines in different ways. The coercive dimension favors compliance with formal procedures but motivates departure in substance (penalty). In contrast, the symbolic dimension motivates compliance in substance and leads to complementary actions. The combination of the opposed influences tends to limit departure in substance, and helps maintain both artifacts and the institution that they carry. Our findings contribute to linking the routine and institutional literatures, and may be of interest to organizational control scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper highlights some important aspects of the negotiation and conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Versailles (1919) between the Allied Powers and the representatives of the German Reich. Unlike previous peace treaties, where winners and losers sat down at the table to create a new order together, without moralizing sentences, the Treaty of Versailles, considered by many personalities a Dictate, had a different character, with the particularity that the negotiations took place only among the representatives of the winning states, their results being presented to the German Reich, who did not reconcile with the status of “guilty of war”. Analysing the impact of the Treaty of Versailles on the post­-World War I period, the author asks the question if it meant “a mortgage for the future”. It is true that, together with many other factors, the treaty can be held responsible for the rise of national­-socialism and the failure of the Weimar Republic, but, as in the case of the outbreak of the Second World War, there was nothing “pre-­programmed”, as a result of the decisions taken by the Nazi leadership after 1933. Concluding, it can be considered that the World Order set up in Versailles was a “mortgage for the future”, which seems more obvious today than decades ago, when the order of the world seemed to work regardless of all the problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studia Historica Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Histriae is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Histriae is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order to implement the stipulations of the United Nations Truce Convention from the 12thof September, 1944, Romania has set up an entire network of administrative institutions and structures, some of which have general attributions, such as the Romanian Commission for the Truce Application, the Service for Applying the Truce Convention within the Ministry of the Interior or House of Administration and Surveillance of Enemy Goods and also other local ones, such as military delegations, county offices for the implementation of the Truce, county commissions, collection centers and sub-centers. Although the government and the Romanian people tried to carry out the Truce clauses in the original manner by interpreting the Convention's stipulations, the Soviet authorities sought to take over huge quantities of goods from Romania in order to restore their own economy, ignoring to follow the international laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Histriae is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2012, the two major street gangs in El Salvador, Mara Salvatrucha 13 and Barrio 18, struck a truce credited with reducing homicide rates by more than 50% in one year. Although the gang truce held for only 18 months, the significant reduction in homicides puzzled observers that believed youth gangs were unable to coordinate violence, especially considering that previous and similar efforts aimed at striking agreements did not achieve similar results. This article addresses a question posed by the puzzle of the Salvadoran truce’s success: under what conditions do negotiations between or with criminal organizations effectively reduce criminal violence? By comparing truces and criminal pacts in El Salvador and in Medellin, Colombia, we argue that criminal pacts can reduce homicides when (a) they directly involve the state as an administrator of incentives to reduce violence and (b) criminal organizations have achieved organizational cohesion and leadership that facilitate territorial control and strategic dependability. These conditions allow organizations to regulate violence. Our argument highlights the importance of how violence is performed and, more importantly, its visibility, to fully understand criminal behavior within pacts. It also points to potential lessons for countries seeking alternatives to reduce criminal and political violence in Latin America and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Estudios de Historia de España is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Frank Wright believed that the defining factor in the emergence of modern ethnicity is ‘a crisis of assimilation’ resulting in persistent and potentially violent antagonism between an emergent staatsvolk and its unassimilated competitors. As ‘the internal other’ represents a real danger, national self-assertion becomes the dominant mode of democratic political experience. Northern Ireland is a paradigmatic ethnic frontier but an unusual one. Partition and devolution allowed it to be abandoned until 1969. The desire for containment after 1972 forced both Britain and Ireland into a new search for transcendent authority. The pre-eminent pattern of politics since then is of increased British–Irish cooperation in the search for a viable order. Does the Agreement represent truce or a transformation? The article considers the enormous challenges to alternatives to containment and concludes that the current political arrangements have not ultimately addressed this question. Wright controversially offers the crucifixion of Christ as the emergence into history of the story of history as told from human suffering and against the rationale of violent victory – against Heraclitus. Embarrassing or not, Wright's importance is to understand that this dilemma lies at the heart of peace-building in Northern Ireland and increasingly highlights the limits of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The sharing economy (SE) has drawn significant attention from several society stakeholders in the last five years. While business actors are interested in financial opportunities to meet consumer needs, new business models, academia and governmental organisations are concerned with potential unintended effects on society and the environment. Despite its notable global growth, there is still a lack of more solid ground in understanding its origins and respective mechanisms through which it has been evolving as a category. This research addresses the problematics of the origins and ascendency of the SE by examining the process by which it is arising as a new category, searching for conceptual clarification, and pinpointing the legitimacy granted by stakeholders. Our guiding research questions are: how the SE was formed and evolved as a category, and as a category, is the SE legitimate? Additionally, we attempt to identify the nature of the SE as a category. Making a historical analysis of the expression SE and its equivalents, this paper deepens the discussion about the SE's nature by providing evidence that it has predominantly been formed by emergence processes, comprising social movement, similarity clustering, and truce components, which render the SE a particular case of category formation and allow communication, entrepreneurship, regulation, and research about what it is. Moreover, the findings reveal a generalised legitimacy granted to the SE by a vast number of stakeholders, although still lacking the consolidation of socio-political legitimation. The SE's nature seems to fall into a metaphorical approach, notably, the notion of radial categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]