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Copyright of Canadian Journal of Development Studies is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent scholarship has traced the impacts of the Haitian Revolution around the Atlantic world, yet there has been almost no scholarly attention to the legacies of the Haitian Revolution in Africa. This article examines circulations of the history of the Haitian Revolution in the newspapers of Sierra Leone and Nigeria between 1890 and 1920. Influenced heavily by the narrative and poetic styles of the nineteenth century, West African intellectuals usually adhered to a Romantic emplotment of the revolution. They also drew on this history to inform their own nationalist and Pan-Africanist politics. I argue that the particular form of the newspaper allowed West African intellectuals to weave together a unique range of materials as they crafted their narratives. By combining their political ideas with works by prominent nineteenth-century writers, they reframed their pasts and imagined their futures anew. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a discursive attempt to contextualize Nigeria's anti-gay law (Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act, SSMPA) at the heart of the country's political economy and thus argues that the SSMPA is a calculated and targeted political move implemented in the face of both national and global events for the purposes of preserving the country's sovereignty and securing political interests. This work examines how neoliberalism—both ideology and practice—as a governing rationality served as the backdrop for the enactment and legitimization of the SSMPA in Nigeria. Conclusively, this article proposes queer coalitions, an active government, and pan-Africanism as necessary cultural, social, and economic interventions for the emancipation of Africans, particularly queer Africans, from the whims of neocolonial actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anthropology Southern Africa (2332-3256) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the author discusses the online representation of the African women in Pan-Africanism in the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba on social media platforms such as Instagram. It explains a term mediated ancestrality as a connection of younger generation with ancestors (poets) whose works being adapted to a digital communication technology such as twentieth century African literature, extending it into digital platform.

The article focuses on two poems including "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba and another by Younousse Seye, which aimed at African women in Pan-Africanism.It mentions that these poems were circulated at the Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC event in 1977 and Pan-African Festival of Algiers (PANAF) in 1969. Topics discussed include creative expression and intellectual thought of neocolonial African women.

The article focuses on the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba in order to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought on account of (Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC event. It discusses an era of Nigeria's geopolitical ascendance in the wake of a 1973 oil embargo, in reference with the Lagos of 1977. It focuses on Nigeria's deviation on shaping the global notions of black culture.

The article focuses on the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba in order to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought on account of the Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC event. Topics discussed include effect of the poem on people attending FESTAC, marginalization of African women in Pan-Africanism, and discourse of anticolonial struggle for final emancipation and self-determination.

The article focuses on the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba in order to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought. Topics discussed included the Topics discussed include the effect of the poem on the (Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC's event, the marginalization of African women in Pan-Africanism, and discourse of anticolonial struggle for final emancipation and self-determination.

The article offers poetry criticism of the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba. Topics discussed include (Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC's project that aims to valorize Black and African creative expression and intellectual thought, the marginalization of African women in Pan-Africanism, and discourse of anticolonial struggle in the neocolonial context of the 1970s for final emancipation and self-determination.

The article focuses on African women who have been marginalized in the performance, planning, and documentation of Pan-Africanist projects, following the series of Pan-African Congresses held from 1919 onward. Topics discussed include by the republication of the poem "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos," ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos") by Mariama Diop nee Ba at the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC) and the historical relevance of the poem with festival.

Since achieving political independence in the 1960s, Anglophone Caribbean nations have faced the urgent task of exploring cultural independence. In the socio-cultural sphere, Black nationalism dominated, with Pan-Africanism and Rastafarianism exerting significant influence. In literary creation, writers and intellectuals sought to unearth local popular religions and folk traditions to produce literature that was distinctively Caribbean. In this quest, rituals—especially those involving religious possession—emerged as pivotal tools for writers to explore historical traditions and reflect on identity formation. Ritual plays, in particular, vividly represented these dynamics within the socio-cultural context. This paper examines the interaction between Black nationalist movements and ritual plays during this period, highlighting their significant role in shaping Caribbean identities. It reveals that ritual plays such as Dream on Monkey Mountain, Couvade, and An Echo in the Bone challenge Pan-Africanism promoted by Black nationalist movements. Instead, they employ ancestor possession rituals and elements from multiple religious rituals to construct a native Caribbean identity. These plays underscore the central role of Afro-Caribbean traditions while also highlighting the region's diverse cultural heritage and the localized nature of Caribbean identity. Furthermore, they broaden the use of religious rituals in recalling and understanding traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to interpret Africa's armed conflicts through the lens of fourth-generational warfare (4GW) and "clash of civilizations", exposing the predicament that withholds the full attainment of Pan-Africanism ideology. In the study, the understanding of 4GW in conjunction with Africa's conflict situation is solidified through the views of prominent academic researchers. Considering the fact that Africa is cosmopolitan in nature, the study draws from Samuel Huntington's Theory of Clash of Civilizations to explain the true nature of Africa's armed conflict, thereby bringing into the picture factors such as religion, ethnicity, race, differences in political ideology and resource scarcity. As part of the explanation of the concepts, the paper identifies areas of attention so as to ensure the full attainment of Pan-Africanism ideological goals--politically, economically and socially. Regional Integrated Peace and Development Model (RIPDM) is a proposed solution to Africa's 4GW and Clash of Civilizations, which is a step towards the accomplishment of Pan-Africanism goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of African diasporic communities in the Americas, especially in the United States, is one of the legacies of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, which brought millions of enslaved Africans from their ancestral homeland in Africa to the so-called New World. For many scholars, the African diaspora is not only one of the largest diaspora communities in human history, but there have also been shared efforts, on the part of Africans in Africa and those in the diaspora, to reconnect through Pan-African ideas and movements for several decades. To better understand the ongoing desire to strengthen the connection between Africa and its diasporic communities in the Americas, especially on the changing trends of the discourse on global African political thought and movements, this article draws on African-centered conceptual ideas with emphasis on African ethos and cultural commonalities for the discussion. The article underscores the central argument that the nature and trends of global African thought and movements appear to be consistent with the common or shared African cultural commonalities idea in Africa and the African diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The General History of Africa/L'Histoire Générale de l'Afrique was a significant project published by UNESCO between 1964 and 1998, aiming to decolonize African history and emphasize the importance of African civilizations. The project involved scholars from various backgrounds and was completed in eight volumes, available in multiple languages on UNESCO's website. The project faced internal debates and criticisms but made valuable contributions to scholarship by incorporating new methodologies and advocating for the inclusion of African history in academic discourse. [Extracted from the article]

Reggae music, a genre that was created in Jamaica in the late 1960s, has become popular across the globe for promoting positive representations of Ethiopia and Africa due to reggae's connections with the Rastafari movement. Ethiopian reggae musicians, through their interactions with Rastafari, have served as cultural ambassadors for a type of pan-Africanism that incorporates elements of Rastafari beliefs and promotes transatlantic solidarity. Some Ethiopians who emigrated have encountered Rastafari and reggae music while living outside of Ethiopia. Some Rastafari have left the Western world behind to repatriate to Ethiopia, believing it to be their homeland and Promised Land, leading to opportunities for cultural exchanges within Ethiopia. Ethiopian musicians work across cultural and linguistic barriers to engage with Rastafari and pan-Africanism through their social interactions and approaches to reggae performance conventions while navigating differences in worldviews. Based on ethnographic research with reggae musicians in Ethiopia, I argue that Ethiopian musicians use different composition and performance techniques to narrate and build on the historical connections between Ethiopia, Jamaica, and Rastafari in ways that articulate and promote a type of transatlantic solidarity informed by pan-African discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of nationalism as a rallying force for national consciousness and liberation in Africa is a long-standing prism. In South Africa, it is historically conceived as a mechanism for promoting the unity, right, and emancipation South Africans from colonialism and subsequently, the apartheid regime. Contrary to this positionality on nationalism, contemporary South Africa finds itself more divided along racial lines nearly three decades (28 years) after the end of the apartheid regime. This paper, using historical and descriptive analysis from qualitative data, assessed the perceptions and impact of nationalism in South Africa. It explored the changes in meaning of nationalism over time as well as the impact of such changes on post-apartheid struggles in South Africa's development. The findings of the paper showed that the continuous economic divide between the rich and poor as well as the incapacity of government to meet individual, household, and community needs and expectations has engineered over time, a lack of trust in government as saviour or mediator. There is also the rekindled mutual suspicion and hostility along racial line despite the projection of a =rainbow nation.' The paper concluded that an approach on constitutional patriotism, which encourages norm changes and loyalty shift from ethnic/national loyalty to national value and loyalty, would fit a multicultural setting as South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uncovers the life of Lionel Francis, one of the people who ousted Marcus Garvey from the leadership of the United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and who would eventually lead the UNIA. Although described by Garvey's biographers as a medical doctor from Trinidad, this article reveals that Francis was never a doctor but began his working life as a miner and a preacher in the South Wales coalfields, enduring racism and personal struggles before emigrating to the United States following the 1919 racist riots in Wales. There he became a major leader of the interwar Pan-African movement in the United States and was centrally involved in the ousting of Garvey and the fragmentation of the UNIA. During the second world war, Francis moved to Belize and became a populist yet anti-independence politician. His life straddled Trinidad, Wales, the United States, and Belize, reflecting the shifting politics and migratory patterns of the African diaspora, making him an exemplar of the lived reality of the Black Atlantic in the first half of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to recover the antinomies and contradictions of the life and work of Grenada-born Samson Uriah Morris (1908−1976), an educationalist, anti-colonialist and Black political activist, whose life was dedicated to both the movement for civil rights in Britain and the broader anti-colonial and Pan-Africanist struggle. His life ranged from the Caribbean to the United Kingdom to Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana and then back to Britain where he eventually became the deputy general secretary of the Community Relations Commission and Assistant High Commissioner for Grenada. Despite his role in the anti-racist struggles of the inter-war period he was seen as a somewhat conservative figure by a new generation of Black radicals in Britain by the late 1960s. The authors chart Morris's biography, setting it against changing political forces, and suggest that he made an important contribution to the struggle against racism and imperialism and the project of 'intellectual decolonisation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the first generation of Pan-Africans formed at the beginning of the 20th century mainly by black Americans and Caribbeans, the second generation is formed with black Africans. These black Africans are inspired and influenced by the founding fathers of Pan-Africanism. Marcien Towa (1931-2014) is one of them. The philosopher is a key figure in the intellectual history of Africa who has contributed ardently, alongside other renowned intellectuals, to the writing of the modern history of Africa. His fight very legitimately was to wash the Africans of opprobrium (the stereotyped images of Africa and its inhabitants created by the colonizers). Through his criticism of Senghorian negritude, he makes a remarkable contribution to the reflection on the movement, a considerable contribution to the ideology of Pan-Africanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Julius Nyerere was one of the founding fathers of an independent African state, namely, Tanzania (formerly Tanganyika). Like other African leaders of new African states, such as Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, and Kenneth Kaunda, he worked tirelessly to transform his country and obliterate colonial vestiges. Furthermore, like his contemporaries, he dreamed of bringing forth a new Africa that would reflect the Pan-African ideals that he cherished. This conceptual article revisits Nyerere's philosophy and examines its relevance to Africa today. In the past decade, there have been continuous debates in South Africa as to how institutions can be decolonized, and Nyerere was among the first to talk about decolonization of higher education institutions in Tanganyika, as well as Africanization of public services. The article examines how his philosophy draws from Pan Africanism, education, African socialism, and African Renaissance. As the article examines these, it reveals how a transforming Africa can glean from Nyerere's principles. The article's conclusions demonstrate that there is still much that can be extracted from Nyerere's philosophy; the unity he talked about, as a strategy of uniting Africa by utilizing his Pan Africanist ideals; the critical consciousness in education; the idea of community in society; as well as a need for Africanizing public institutions for better service. More than five decades after he first raised this philosophy, the decolonial debates resonate with his ideas. In fact, all African states should explore how they could revive Julius Nyerere by living his philosophy. His philosophy embraced strategies of not only building a new society but living and preparing for an African Renaissance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration ethics debates remain deeply Eurocentric in their assumptions and focus. Due to the dominance of a universalising, liberal perspective, the thought and experience of the global south continues to be excluded, except as 'senders' or 'transiters' of people. Not only does the debate thereby misrepresent the majority of the world, it also necessarily excludes that majority from having anything useful to say about ethical approaches to immigration. In this way, it offers a partial, parochial, local theory that mischaracterises itself as international and universal. By making common cause with decolonising approaches from Latin America, this article seeks to challenge this Eurocentrism by drawing on an example of African immigration ethics: postcolonial Tanzania's 'open door' era. Here, the combination of the OAU's expanded definition of a refugee, alongside the 'traditional' indigenous values of Julius Nyerere's pan-Africanism and native socialism (ujamaa), made for a generous, if highly restricted welcome for hundreds of thousands of people. This reveals the need for immigration ethics to dispense with the search for 'universal' norms that are limiting and exclusionary. Instead, it should explore pluriversality: the importance of local, creative, relational responses to mobile populations that are ongoing in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Biafran allegations of genocide against the Nigerian government during the Civil War, pro-Biafran groups emerged in the United States to pressure the American government into political intervention in the form of recognizing the Biafran republic. In response, African-American Civil Rights hero James Meredith counter-balanced the pro-Biafran groups, and advocated for one Nigeria in the United States. By analyzing public speech, correspondences, fact-finding mission reports, congressional hearing testimonies, and oral interviews, this paper examines Meredith's pro-One Nigeria (Pan-African) activism during the Nigerian Civil War, and promotes a nuanced understanding of the international dimension of the Nigerian Civil War. This study proposes an episode of transnational history of the global black liberation movement of the long sixties, and demonstrates that Meredith's pro-one Nigeria activism during the Nigerian Civil War was influenced by his background as a Civil Rights leader and his pan-African ideology. Plain Language Summary: This article examines the role and activities of James Meredith as an "American defender" of One Nigeria, advocating for One Nigeria in the United States during the Nigerian Civil War. His pro-Nigerian activism was a direct response to the mobilization by the pro-Biafran groups in the United States demanding the American government intervention in the Nigerian Civil War in the form of political recognition of the former Eastern Nigeria, which renamed itself the Biafran Republic. An African-American Civil Rights icon, Meredith framed as a neocolonial destabilization agenda in postcolonial Africa the pro-Biafran groups' pressure for the American government's recognition of Biafra as a sovereign republic. He connected the African American Civil Rights Movement with the struggle against neocolonial control in postcolonial Africa, situating both within the global black movements of the long sixties. Meredith's battle with pro-Biafran groups in the United States and his advocacy for one Nigeria aligned with the pan-African goals of foremost continental pan-Africanists, including Kwame Nkrumah. A foremost continental Pan-Africanist, Nkrumah not only campaigned against the balkanization of African countries but also advocated for the United States of Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deliberates on the re-positioning of Africa to combat the negative impact of the coloniality of knowledge by the West. It shows how this epistemic injustice, designed for the mental subjugation of Africans has relegated Africans to the backwaters of intellectual and socio-political developments. To reverse this unwieldy situation and re-position Africa as a legitimate partner in the global arena of competing cultures, the paper argues for a genuine decoloniality and de-westernization of knowledge systems in the continent. In view of this important goal, it advocates for the integration and reinforcement of African indigenous epistemic orientation in African research and studies as encouraged by the demands of Afrocentric epistemology – an emancipatory decolonial intellectual approach that asserts the legitimacy of the African order of knowledge as a valid frame of reference in intellectual inquiry. It argues that the imperative for such commitments to Afrocentrism in African scholarship resides in the need to effectively contain the threats of coloniality of knowledge in the continent as well as ensure the re-invention of Africa, where Africans can assert themselves intellectually and psychologically, breaking the bounds of mental colonization. It concludes that Afrocentric epistemology has the capacity to push the bounds of the new wave of African revolution against the mental coloniality of knowledge. The expository and critical methods of research are adopted in the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Born in 1934, the Beninese philosopher and politician Stanislas Spero Adotevi passed away on February 7, 2024. He remains famous for his radical critique of Léopold Senghor's thought and political practice, but his ideas are often caricatured. This article offers the first academic assessment of Adotevi's analysis of Negritude. Far from another philosophical deconstruction of ethnophilosophy, he elaborates a genuine critique of state power, neo-colonialism, and imperialism in the African postcolony. Although inspired by Marxism, Adotevi's critical theory must be understood as a pan-Africanist reinvention of Black Power activism and philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history of the African student movement in the Soviet Union during the 1960s. It explores the negotiation of Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialism in the Soviet context and discusses the conflicts and tensions within the movement. The involvement of African governments and the Soviets is highlighted, which ultimately led to the fragmentation of the student organization. Despite the challenges, the article argues that the Federation of African Students in the Soviet Union (FASSS) represented a grassroots effort to unite African students and address political issues in a democratic and independent manner. [Extracted from the article]

This text presents a dialogue between Omar Séne, an activist-artist from Senegal, and two researchers, Sandrine Gukelberger from Germany and Anna Grimaldi from the UK. The intention of this particular collaboration is to interrogate the relationship between Pan-African activism in the present and the modes through which they relate to the past. It combines and recontextualises various artefacts, narrative interviews and extracts of Séne's personal archive (including photographs, dance choreographies and on- and offline texts). The aim is twofold: on the one hand, we provide a situated perspective on the pathways of becoming a youth activist in Senegal today, and on the other, we explore one individual's experience of a collective identification with Pan-Africanism. Through this text, we demonstrate how figures of the past are mobilised to drive youth engagement in the present, and how these inherited struggles are perpetuated through bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ways in which artefacts of Cold War social movements are reassembled in and through the creation of archives in the present. We ask: how have artefacts of past social movements been re-engaged with memory work through intergenerational transmission and performance? Through the analysis of selected examples, including a) ethnographic work on a Pan-African social movement in Senegal, b) archival research of Cuban Cold War graphic design, and c) a decolonial pedagogical project taking place at a UK university, we illustrate the different – and at times overlapping – dimensions of the 'memory-activism nexus' they engage (Rigney 2018 ; 2020). Through a theoretical framework that draws from social movement theory, memory studies and performance theory in relation to archives, we identify and analyse contemporary engagements with past social movements. We argue that through distinct interpretations, (re)assemblages, and framings of artefacts, memory work through the creation of archives is necessarily an embodied and performative practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shares how three African‐centered Black men partnered with a school system to develop and implement an Africentric rites of passage program for seventh‐ and eighth‐grade Black male students. The proposed school‐based intervention aimed to socialize, educate, and cultivate Black boys in preparation for manhood. Theoretically, the conceptual framework was anchored in African paradigms from Afrocentricity, Kawaida, and Pan‐Africanism. The authors provided an overview of the program, which included the program structure, activities, and events. We concluded with a discussion of program challenges and recommendations for future research and program implementation. Practitioner points: Rites of passage (ROP) programs have been advanced as one strategy that can be a solution to support Black male students and improve their academic and social standing in schools and their communities and help them develop into productive men.Any program created for Black boys should: (a) be African‐centered, (b) operate from a strength and asset‐based perspective of them, their families, and communities, (c) incorporate a global perspective of Black history and culture, and (d) prepare them to solve problems impacting their local, the national, and global Black community.In Black communities throughout the United States, Black men have taken responsibility for recreating the ROP process for Black boys in their local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pan-Africanism is both a project and a political commitment, an idea and an ideal which have largely contributed to the political and intellectual history of contemporary African societies. It is an imprecise term which leads to confusion. It is a word whose meaning varies depending on the individuals who use it. It is often constituted as an ideology, a political theory or even a concept. The question of its scientific definition is therefore almost never decided or discussed, each author making it, according to the needs of his demonstrations or his points of view, either an ideology, a concept, or a political theory. The proposal to include Pan-Africanism through the prism of the theory of social movements in this present study allows us to shed light and make a significant contribution to the history of Pan-Africanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reconsiders Walter Rodney's How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972) via a discussion of Rodney's pedagogy and his methodology. The essay inquires into the relevance of Rodney's pedagogy and what it means to teach the book in the contemporary moment. To that end, the author first discusses Rodney's engagements with the University of California, Los Angeles, as part of a longer history of Black intellectual and political activism and the geographies of Black radicalism on campus. The author then explores the question of methodology in Rodney's book, especially as that methodology draws on the intellectual and political traditions of Pan-Africanism and Marxism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in 1900, colonial railway departments in Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast, and Nigeria began turning to the Caribbean for skilled labor instead of hiring African workers. When West Indian railway workers began to arrive in West Africa, Africans were indignant, and they voiced their objections in newspapers. West Indians sometimes responded to these grievances with calls for racial unity, yet their appeals were inflected with colonial hierarchies. Such exchanges were centered on railway jobs, but they were also embedded in larger discussions about empire, race, and the legacies of the transatlantic slave trade. I argue that these exchanges reveal the significance of colonial hierarchies and diasporic tensions in the intellectual history of pan-Africanism in early twentieth-century West Africa. The article draws on newspapers and archival research from West Africa, the Caribbean, and the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In her autobiographical novel, A Question of Power (1973), Bessie Head identified a dialectical bind in the language and imagery of decolonial and nationalist movements across Africa at the time. I contrast the novel’s treatment of such language with Head’s observations of the agricultural development projects in which she participated during her time in Botswana, which are distinguished by a relational responsiveness across difference, reflected in their responsiveness to the natural environment. Her involvement as a participantobserver, I argue, allowed Head to develop a unique Afrocentric philosophy and poetics, distinct from and often at odds with the language and ethos of campaigns for national liberation. This poetics is what I term “absorbent”: defined by its capacity for sustaining and responding to difference. However, although Head attempted to transcend the dialectical discourse of nationalism, I show that this effort towards transcendence sometimes risked intellectual deflection, which ultimately reinforced a conservative model of global politics and economics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The assignment awarded to pioneering Black sculptor Meta Vaux Warrick Fuller—to envision an inherited past and future offerings for "Americans of Negro lineage" at the 1921 America's Making Exposition—was daunting. The result, Ethiopia, takes this charge as an opportunity to reclaim an African birthright rooted in a decolonial counter-history of Ethiopia and Egypt. Transported in Fuller's work beyond present conditions of archaeological dispossession and eugenicist anti-Blackness, these territories become the grounds for reestablishing kinship across the Black Atlantic in a symbolic act of repair toward the development of an African American selfhood uniquely capable of imagining a future beyond longstanding regimes of systemic racism. Foreshadowing by several decades the full flourishing of pan-Africanism, Ethiopia takes up the nascent Harlem Renaissance quest for a "New Negro" identity and singles out for particular concern the construction of Black womanhood circa 1921 atop a racialized and gendered foundation of "Egyptian" and "Ethiopian/Nubian" as contested discursive formations. Considering the manifold genealogies of Fuller's sculpture and its politics of diasporic relation, I aim to contextualize this polysemous signifier within the immediate legacy of a tumultuous, preceding half century. These decades saw the rise of a particular fascination with ancient Egyptian "heritage" alongside and as part of the development of racial pseudoscience in the United States, the decisive anticolonial Battle of Adwa in Ethiopia, and the momentary promise of decolonization at the end of World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article by Tobias Warner explores Mariama Bâ's previously unknown poem, "Memories of Lagos," reflecting her experiences at the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC) in 1977. Topics include Bâ's representation at FESTAC, her poetic work, and the underappreciated influence of pan-Africanism on her creative expressions.

Most states in sub-Saharan Africa are currently characterised by instability and an absence of democratic consolidation, compared with the developed states of the West. This article aims to add to the existing knowledge, using theoretical frameworks to explain the regional absence of democratic consolidation and continued political and economic instability. The central research objective is to provide pointers on how to overcome this trend. The methodology applied is an in-depth qualitative analysis of case studies and existing primary and secondary literature that have documented the democratic transition of sub-Saharan states over the past five decades. Hypothetically, it is argued that the prolonged emphasis on liberation policy objectives by most governments in sub-Saharan Africa causes instability and the consequent absence of democratic consolidation. To achieve the objective of democratic consolidation, individual states in sub-Saharan Africa could shift away from liberation policy towards more substantive practices of good governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yearbook on the African Union, Volume 2 (2021) is an academic initiative by Ulf Engel and his team that aims to address the lack of publicly available information on the African Union (AU). The Yearbook provides a comprehensive analysis of the AU's policy development, actions, engagements, successes, and failures. Volume 2 focuses on the events and developments of 2021, covering topics such as governance, peace and security, education, science and technology, and women and youth. The Yearbook serves as a valuable reference for researchers, policymakers, journalists, and others interested in understanding the pressing policy issues of Africa. [Extracted from the article]

Gender hierarchy and inequality are attributes of Western colonialism enforced in several colonised societies. Similarly, feminism (Western), as the antithesis of European sexism, has permeated colonised societies and has been assimilated without proper reflection. This is concretely evident among the Yorùbá people of south-western Nigeria. Before European colonisation, Yorùbá culture was gender-neutral and gender-silent; women were seen as complementary and not subordinate to men. Hence, according to Oyěwùmí's work on The Invention of Women, caution and reflections must be raised on the continual adoption of mainstream Western feminist philosophy in Yorùbá culture. In essence, the colonial imposition of the Western gender binary in Yorùbá society and women's anti-colonial and feminist activities are discussed. Furthermore, the paper challenges some feminist approaches and ideologies in Nigeria, while advocating for a communal, transformative, and Pan-African feminism in Yorùbá and African societies. The decolonisation of Africa and the Yorùbá education system are recommended, alongside a proper history of Indigenous Yoruba people and knowledges. Contemporary feminist campaigns (including digital feminisms) and movements must also develop a 'shared text of blackness'. The duo should align and improve the worth of women based on the indispensability and esteemed status offered to women in 'pre-colonial' Yorùbá society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Esferas is the property of Esferas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentário is the property of Doc On-Line: Revista Digital de Cinema Documentario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the transformation of W.E.B. Du Bois' viewpoint on Israel between the early and mid-20th century. It highlights historical and political forces that compelled him to support the Zionist project, especially Black Orientalism, and the connections between Black Nationalism and Zionism, connections between Black and Jewish diasporic experiences. Finally, the article reveals how Gamal Abdel Nasser and the connections between Pan-Africanism and Pan-Arabism he forged, and the Suez Canal crisis propelled a new era in the Black discourse on Israel, envisioning Israel as a neo-colonial state set to protect Western interests in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies show that racial and ethnic identity can significantly improve mental health and well-being among marginalized ethnoracial groups who experience racism and discrimination. However, the relationships between Pan-African identity, psychological well-being, and mental health have received less attention. Using a national sample of African American adults, I examine whether Pan-African identity impacts psychological well-being and self-rated mental health. The results show that respondents who feel closer towards members of the African diaspora and Black people in Africa and prefer Pan-African labels have better self-rated mental health and higher levels of self-esteem. Moreover, the analysis finds that respondents who prefer Pan-African labels have higher levels of mastery. Although self-esteem explains the self-rated mental health benefits of both Pan-African closeness and Pan-African label preferences, only mastery explains the relationship between Pan-African label preferences and self-rated mental health. This study demonstrates the possible psychological benefits of a globalized identity for marginalized groups in Eurocentric contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Israel developed its relations with African countries relatively early. The initial boom in the 1950s was followed by a slowdown in the 1960s and then, in many respects, a standstill after the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Israel was seen by many African countries as an anti-colonial power, which gradually changed over time. In 1957, the Jewish state recognized the independence of Ghana, and in 1958 it set up a separate organization, the Agency for International Development Cooperation (MASHAV), to assist the newly independent African states. In 1963, it established a new embassy in Nairobi, Kenya. Based on newly discovered Hungarian state security documents, this paper will give an insight into how Hungary - as a member of the Soviet-led Eastern European socialist bloc - in the early 1960s and 1970s, viewed its relations with Israel and African countries, and the information and politicalideological patterns on which it based its approach. The state security surveillance (through the Hungarian diplomatic missions) later covered not only Israel, but also the American Jewish organizations which, according to the agencies, had been in contact with African states and organizations at the instigation of Israel. Archival sources with a strongly antiimperialist tone and bearing the imprint of Soviet state security suggest that the treatment of Israel as an enemy occurred in this region before the 1967 break-up, i.e. the diplomatic freeze did not significantly affect the way the Jewish state's relations with the emerging African nations were viewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contemporary Journal of African Studies is the property of Institute of African Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contemporary Journal of African Studies is the property of Institute of African Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)