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Summary: We forecast the old‐age dependency ratio for Australia under various pension age proposals, and estimate a pension age scheme that will provide a stable old‐age dependency ratio at a specified level. Our approach involves a stochastic population forecasting method based on coherent functional data models for mortality, fertility and net migration, which we use to simulate the future age‐structure of the population. Our results suggest that the Australian pension age should be increased to 68 by 2030, 69 by 2036 and 70 by 2050, in order to maintain the old‐age dependency ratio at 23%, just above the 2018 level. Our general approach can easily be extended to other target levels of the old‐age dependency ratio and to other countries. We forecast the old‐age dependency ratio for Australia under various pension schemes, and derive a scheme that will provide a stable old‐age dependency ratio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The pension age in Denmark is adjusted in line with projected increasing life expectancy without taking health differentials between occupational groups into account. The purpose was to study occupational disparities in partial life expectancy and health expectancy between the ages of 50 and 75. Methods : Register data on occupation and mortality were combined with data from the Danish part of Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe in 2010–2014 (N =3179). Expected lifetime without and with activity limitations and without and with long-term illness was estimated by Sullivan's method and comparisons made between four occupational groups. Results : We found clear differences between occupational groups. Expected lifetime without activity limitations between the ages of 50 and 75 was about 4.5 years longer for men and women in high skilled white-collar occupations than for men and women in low skilled blue-collar occupations. Men in high skilled blue-collar and low skilled white-collar occupations could expect 2.3 and 3.8 years shorter lifetimes without activity limitations, respectively, than men in high skilled white-collar occupations. For women in low skilled white-collar occupations, lifetime without activity limitations was 2.6 years shorter than for women in high skilled white-collar occupations. Due to few observations, no results were obtained for women in the high skilled blue-collar group. The social gradient was also significant when health was measured by years without long-term illness. Conclusions : The results support implementation of a flexible pension scheme to take into account the health differentials between occupational groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: The state old-age pension in Denmark increases to keep pace with the projected increase in average life expectancy (LE) without any regard to the social gap in LE and expected lifetime in good health. The purpose of this study was to compare changes in LE and disability-free life expectancy (DFLE) between groups of Danes with high, medium and low levels of education. Methods: Nationwide register data on education and mortality were combined with data from the Surveys of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) surveys in 2006–2007, 2010–2011 and 2013–2014 and the DFLE by educational level was estimated by Sullivan’s method for each of these three time points. Results: Between 2006–2007 and 2013–2014, LE among 65-year-old men and women with a low educational level increased by 1.3 and 1.0 years, respectively, and by 1.4 and 1.3 years for highly educated men and women. The gap in LE between people with high and low levels of education remained more than 2 years. In 2006–2007, 65-year-old men with a high level of education could expect 3.2 more years without disability than men of the same age with a low level of education. In 2013–2014, the difference was 2.9 years. For women, the results were 3.7 and 3.4 years, respectively. Conclusions: With the persistent social inequality in LE of more than 2 years and the continuous gap between high and low educational groups in DFLE of about 3 years, a differential pension age is recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines individual exit trajectories of Russians from the labour market to economic inactivity using survival analysis methods based on the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey for 1995-2015. The analysis shows that the statutory retirement age (55 for women and 60 for men) has a significant impact on the time of exit from the labour market for both sexes, but the effect is significantly higher for women, and the differences are statistically significant: the hazard rate of exit to inactivity rises by 63 percentage points when a woman reaches 55 years of age, but by only 25 percentage points when a man reaches 60. Russia shows some differences in occupational patterns of exit to pension-age inactivity: unlike many developed countries, only highly skilled staff remain in the labour market longer than others, while there is no statistically significant difference between the behaviour of middle-skilled staff and of skilled and unskilled workers. Self-employment and entrepreneurship postpone exit to inactivity as does employment at state enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking paid work among men and women beyond pension age as an example, the contribution examines the interrelationship between life courses, gendered welfare regimes, and later-life employment outcomes. Using both quantitative and qualitative data, the article focuses on the role of inequalities, gender and marital status for working despite receiving a pension, and on the subjective reasons for this employment. The quantitative analyses are based on the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA) and the German Ageing Survey (DEAS), and the qualitative evidence on semi-structured interviews with working pensioners in Germany and the UK. Gender differences in working can be traced back in part to differences in educational qualification and in pre-retirement class. Although no general gender differences in the reasons for paid employment can be found, financial reasons are mentioned much more often by divorced women in Germany and widowed women in the UK than by men and by married women. The qualitative data underlines the special role earned income plays for divorced women and, more generally, the variety of reasons which motivate pensioners to work for pay. Furthermore, pension age is less meaningful for mothers because of their patchier careers. All in all, (poor) labour market chances and household dynamics in old age are interrelated in gendered patterns of old age employment, and accompanied by specific interpretations of this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims and objectives To identify factors that motivate older nurses to leave the workforce. Background As many older nurses are now reaching retirement age and will be eligible for government-funded pensions, governments are concerned about the impending financial burden. To prepare for this scenario, many are looking at increasing the age of retirement to 67 or 70 years. Little is known about how this will affect the continuing employment of older nurses and the consequences for employers and the nurses themselves if they remain longer in the workforce. Design Prospective randomised quantitative survey study. Methods The Mature Age Workers Questionnaire, Job Descriptive Index and Job in General Scale were used to measure job satisfaction, intention to retire and factors encouraging retirement in registered nurses aged 45 years and over ( n = 352) in Australia (July-August 2007). Results There were 319 respondents. The mean age proposed for leaving the workforce was 61·7 years. Key motivators were: financial considerations (40·1%), primarily financial security; nurse health (17·4%) and retirement age of partner (13·3%). Conclusions Older nurses are leaving the workforce prior to retirement or pension age, primarily for financial, social and health reasons, taking with them significant experience and knowledge. As financial considerations are important in older nurses decisions to continue to work, increasing the age of retirement may retain them. However, consideration will need to be given to ensure that they continue to experience job satisfaction and are physically and mentally able to undertake demanding work. Relevance to clinical practice Increasing retirement age may retain older nurses in the workforce, however, the impact on the health of older nurses is not known, nor is the impact for employers of older nurses continuing to work known. Employers must facilitate workplace changes to accommodate older nurses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Retirement is the administrative act which is gainfully employed, either on their own or by decision of others, becomes a passive situation or out of employment after reaching the maximum age for employment or the age at which is legally allowed to leave working life and get a fee for the rest of his life. When he retired from his job, the employee has the legal right to receive benefits. The labor laws of each country requires different about conditions. In Romania the right to social security is guaranteed by the state and shall be exercised in No.263 / 2010 Act, the public pension system and other social security rights. The pension is the main source of livelihood for a large part of the population, as a replacement income for the total or partial loss of professional income as a result of old age or reaching an age, disability or death insured person. In Mexico, for its part, is legislated retirement from the legendary Art. 123 of the Political Constitution of the Mexican United States, however it is only one quarter of the elderly receive a pension for severance at old age, old age or retirement and the rest receive financial support granted by asisetnciales programs. This is because the incorporation of social insurance requires the development of a work activity within the formal economy, which represents a major challenge for social security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Although demographic change leaves pay-as-you-go pension systems unsustainable, reforms, such as a higher pension age, are highly unpopular. This contribution looks into the role of intrinsic motivation as a driver for pension reform preferences. Theoretical reasoning suggests that this driver should be relevant as it decreases the subjective costs of a higher pension age. We test this key hypothesis on the basis of the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS). The results are unambiguous: in addition to factors such as age or education, the inclusion of intrinsic work motivation helps improving our prediction of an individual's reform orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economics / Ekonomia is the property of Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Security / SGD-Sosyal Güvenlik Dergisi is the property of Journal of Social Security / SGD-Sosyal Güvenlik Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Age Partnership Group (APG) and the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) recently commissioned a number of studies under the general heading: 'Extending Working Life', as part of a national guidance campaign. The campaign aims to raise employers' awareness of flexible employment and retirement opportunities prior to the implementation of age legislation towards the end of 2006. In general this legislation will ensure that employers will no longer be able to recruit, train, promote or retire people on the basis of their age. As part of the DWP framework, the Institute of Gerontology at King's College London was asked to examine recurrent misconceptions about pension ages and retirement ages. These take the form of misunderstandings, confusions, and in some instances even fictions that are perpetrated via the media and sometimes by those organisations that hope to clarify matters around pensions. This work was aimed at a professional audience. Therefore the focus of this article is predominantly on practical rather than theoretical issues. However, the policy and practice implications that arise, when the most basic topics associated with pensions and retirement are not properly understood, are profound. These can affect people on the verge of pension age, as well as those who are attempting to plan for retirement and also their employers. Without a clear understanding of the facts about entitlement to a state pension, for instance, individuals and their employers may not pursue the opportunities open to them. In this article, the most salient of these misconceptions are examined and redressed. This was undertaken through an extensive literature review, which examined not only a wide range of media reports (from the press, internet and radio) but also encompassed government documents and academic papers. The Pensions Policy Institute (PPI) in particular gave guidance and advice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines the developments in the application of EU legislative provisions to the adoption of a principle of equal treatment in UK state and non-state pensions. It identifies many of the principal judgments of the European Court of Justice (ECJ), the UK courts and the Social Security Commissioners that removed unequal treatment between men and women in pension provision. It also highlights changes to UK legislation to implement EU Directives and ECJ case law which should remove the majority of unequal treatment by 2020. In the light of the ECJ judgment in the case of Preston, the paper briefly outlines the current state of play as regards retrospective entitlement of part-time workers to join occupational pension schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]