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This article examines two commonly adopted trade union strategies to increase the representation of under-represented groups – first, reserved seats on union decision-making bodies and second, self-organisation, involving separate structures. It does so through the case of the Fire Brigades Union (FBU), whose equality reforms were considered remarkable within the union movement and fire service due to the union's small size and highly male-dominated, white membership. However, reserved seats at senior levels were later removed following objection on the grounds of democratic legitimacy. The article examines this decision using original data comparing UK union rules for additional representation. It exposes the tensions for small, male-dominated unions of reconciling Young's theoretical principles of 'group-differentiated democracy' with the realities of perceived democratic legitimacy, and argues that progress on union equality is contingent on both the particular forms of democratic representation and the political and industrial context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the weakness of the UK's occupational health and safety infrastructure exposed by the COVID‐19 pandemic. Utilising a political economy perspective, it captures the critical role of workplace union safety representatives in mitigating risk and contesting the expropriation of health and recommodification of labour, specifically inadequate sick pay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the inter-relationship of gender, sexuality, race and class among cabin crew, members of trade union BASSA, in the British Airways dispute of 2009–2011. It evaluates the utility of intersectional analysis in the context of industrial action, investigating the ways crew mobilised intersectional identities and class interests. In their narratives, crew evoked the 1984–1985 miners' strike, but rejected a version of class and militancy based on a perceived historical legacy of class as white, heterosexual and male. Engaging with debates in Sociology on class, the article restores work as the key site of class formation and identifies BASSA as providing the organisational and ideological resources to legitimate an inclusive worker interest that transcended sectional identities and generated a reimagined and reconfigured class identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to reassert the persistent association of the decline in collective bargaining with the increase in income inequality, the fall in the share of wages in national income and deterioration in macroeconomic performance in the UK; and second, to present case studies affirming concrete outcomes of organisational collective bargaining for workers, in terms of pay, job quality, working hours and work-life balance.Design/methodology/approach The paper is based upon two methodological approaches. First, econometric analyses using industry-level and firm-level data for advanced and emerging economies testing the relationship between declining union density, collective bargaining coverage and the fall in the share of wages in national income. Second, it reports on ten in-depth case studies of collective bargaining each based upon analysis of collective bargaining agreements plus in-depth interviews with the actors party to them: in total, 16 trade union officers, 16 members and 11 employer representatives.Findings There is robust evidence of the effects of different measures of bargaining power on the labour share including union density, welfare state retrenchment, minimum wages and female employment. The case studies appear to address a legacy of deregulated industrial relations. A number demonstrate the reinvigoration of collective bargaining at the organisational and sectoral level, addressing the two-tier workforce and contractual differentiation, alongside the consequences of government pay policies for equality.Research limitations/implications The case studies represent a purposive sample and therefore findings are not generalisable; researchers are encouraged to test the suggested propositions further.Practical implications The paper proposes that tackling income inequality requires a restructuring of the institutional framework in which bargaining takes place and a level playing field where the bargaining power of labour is more in balance with that of capital. Collective bargaining addresses a number of the issues raised by the Taylor Review of Modern Working Practices as essential for "good work", yet is at odds with the review's assumptions and remedies. The case studies reiterate the importance of the development of strong workplace representation and bargaining at workplace level, which advocates for non-members and provides a basis for union recruitment, organisation and wider employee engagement.Originality/value The paper indicates that there may be limits to employer commitment to deregulated employment relations. The emergence of new or reinvigorated collective agreements may represent a concession by employers that a "free", individualised, deinstitutionalised, precarious approach to industrial relations, based on wage suppression and work intensification, is not in their interests in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution to On the Front Line records a dialogue between two female Fire Brigades Union (FBU) representatives in the Essex Emergency Control Room, who led industrial action over the imposition of a shift system that stretched their work-life balance to breaking point and constrained their ability to work full-time. Their testimony reveals how male members were mobilised in the interests of predominantly female control staff. Kate and Lynne's discussion illuminates the interaction of gender and class interests and identities in the union and in the lives of its women members. It provides insight into the efficacy of trade unions for women's collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the different forms of uncertainty that workers in precarious jobs experience on a day‐to‐day basis. The article highlights the various ways in which uncertainty at work spills over into workers' lives away from the workplace and provides a representative and up‐to‐date comparison of the experiences of workers in permanent, fixed‐term and casual forms of employment. The article achieves its objectives through a mixed‐methods research design comprising an analysis of data from the Understanding Society survey and interviews with workers in the retail, higher education, logistics and social care sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taylor Review asserts that 'certain groups are also more likely to place a greater importance on flexibility such as carers, women, those with disabilities and older workers'. This article draws upon the experiences of workers on non‐standard contracts to explore the notion of worker preference and to expose how the discourse of work–life balance is usurped to provide justification for flexibility in the interest of employers rather than workers, reconstructing labour market segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores supply chain pressures in parcel delivery and how the drive to contain costs to ‘preserve value in motion’, including the costs of failed delivery, underpins contractual differentiation. It focuses on owner-drivers and home couriers paid by delivery. It considers precarity through the lens of the labour process, while locating it within the supply chain, political economy and ‘instituted economic process’ that define it. Focus on the labour process shows how ‘self-employment’ is used to remove so-called ‘unproductive’ time from the remit of paid labour. Using Smith’s concept of double indeterminacy the article captures the dynamic relationship between those on standard and non-standard contracts and interdependency of effort power and mobility power. It exposes the apparent mobility and autonomy of dependent self-employed drivers while suggesting that their presence, alongside the increased use of technology, reconfigures the work-effort bargain across contractual status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the use of Electronic Monitoring (EM) in homecare and its impact on the ratio of paid to unpaid working time. It argues that whilst Zero Hours Contracts (ZHCs) blur the distinction between paid and unpaid labour, the introduction of EM can formalise and regulate the demarcation between the two. In the context of local authority commissioning and constrained budgets, the combination of EM and ZHC's may excise so-called 'unproductive' but available labour from homecare. In particular, the minute-by- minute commissioning of care that EM facilitates means the cost of homecare is anchored in the time that worker's spend in client's houses, squeezing out paid travel, time between visits, training and supervision. Paid working time is minimised whilst maximising the use of unpaid time with resulting intensification of care labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Austerity places intense pressures on labour costs in paid care. In the UK, electronic monitoring technology has been introduced to record (and materially reduce) the working time and wages of homecare workers. Based on empirical findings, we show that, in a 'time of austerity', care is reductively constructed as a consumption of time. Service users are constructed as needy, greedy, time-consumers and homecare workers as resource-wasting time-takers. We point to austerity as a temporal ideology aimed at persuading populations that individual deprivation in the present moment, self-sacrifice and the suppression of personal need in the here and now is a necessary requirement to underpin a more secure national future. Accordingly, women in low-waged care work are required to eschew a rights-bearing, present-tense identity and are assumed willing to suppress their entitlements to lawful wages as a sacrifice to the future. By transforming our understandings of 'care' into those of 'time consumption', and by emphasizing the virtue of present-tense deprivation, a politics of austerity appears to justify time-monitoring in care provision and the rationing of homecare workers' pay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the impact of Trade Union Act 2015–16 of Great Britain on trade unions and protect essential public services against strikes and proposed changes to thresholds for industrial action in strike ballots. It mentions that Code on picketing to protests linked to industrial action which may encompass the use of social media. It also mentions that potential consequences of the inclusion of measures on unions' use of social media in the Code of Practice.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore what has happened to the notion and reality of equal pay over the past 50 years, a period in which women have become the majority of trade union members in the UK. It does so in the context of record employment levels based upon women’s increased labour market participation albeit reflecting their continued over-representation in part-time employment, locating the narrowed but persistent overall gender pay gap in the broader picture of pay inequality in the UK. Design/methodology/approach – The paper considers voluntary and legal responses to inequality and the move away from voluntary solutions in the changed environment for unions. Following others it discusses the potential for collective bargaining to be harnessed to equality in work, a potential only partially realised by unions in a period in which their capacity to sustain collective bargaining was weakened. It looks at the introduction of a statutory route to collective bargaining in 2000, the National Minimum Wage from 1999 and at the Equality Act 2010 as legislative solutions to inequality and in terms of radical and liberal models of equality. Findings – The paper suggests that fuller employment based upon women’s increased labour market activity have not delivered an upward pressure on wages and has underpinned rather than closed pay gaps and social divisions. Legal measures have been limited in the extent to which they have secured equal pay and wider social equality, whilst state support for collective solutions to equality has waned. Its replacement by a statutory minimum wage initially closed pay gaps, but appears to have run out of steam as employers accommodate minimum hourly rates through the reorganisation of working time. Social implications – The paper suggests that statutory minima or even voluntary campaigns to lift hourly wage rates may cut across and even supersede wider existing collective bargaining agreements and as such they can reinforce the attack on collective bargaining structures, supporting arguments that this can reduce representation over pay, but also over a range of other issues at work (Ewing and Hendy, 2013), including equality. Originality/value – There are then limitations on a liberal model which is confined to promoting equality at an organisational level in a public sector subject to wider market forces. The fragmentation of bargaining and representation that has resulted will continue if the proposed dismantling of public services goes ahead and its impact upon equality is already suggested in the widening of the gender pay gap in the public sector in 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protracted dispute (2009–11) between British Airways and BASSA (British Airways Stewards and Stewardesses Association) was notable for the strength of collective action by cabin crew. In-depth interviews reveal collectivism rooted in the labour process and highlight the key agency of BASSA in effectively articulating worker interests. This data emphasizes crews’ relative autonomy, sustained by unionate on-board Cabin Service Directors who have defended the frontier of control against managerial incursions. Periodic attempts to re-configure the labour process, driven by cost cutting imperatives in an increasingly competitive airline industry, eroded crews’ organizational loyalties. When BA imposed radical changes to contracts and working arrangements, BASSA successfully mobilized its membership. The article contributes to labour process analysis by emphasizing the collective dimensions to emotional labour, restoring the ‘missing subject’, but also articulating the interconnections between labour process and mobilization and the role unions can play in providing the organizational and ideological resources to legitimate worker interest. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ABSTRACT This article explores how far the emergence of public sector Equality Representatives represents a departure from a distinct radical model of union self-organisation generated by the collective mobilisation of politically conscious identities, towards a more inclusive liberal model of equality based on abstract notions of 'fairness'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the experiences of British trade union representatives when addressing claims of multiple employment discrimination which is when an employee is subject to multiple kinds of discrimination such as gender, age, and race. An examination of a report by the Working Lives Research Institute is presented.

The article discusses why industrial relations continues to be an essential field of learning in 2011. It states that the analysis of the field of work can become central in any political, economic and social policy discourse in the face of student activism and union militancy to oppose wider cuts in public services and jobs. Employment has reportedly become complex with labour diversity, technology change, the shift towards service, new work arrangements and increased global competition.

This article explores age as a factor defining the labour market experience of older women. Drawing upon work histories it argues that discrimination on the grounds of age is bound up with gender, race and class. Older women described how all three categories had structured their working lives, with occupational and sectoral segregation underpinning a legacy of disadvantage. Intersectionality provides a tool to explore the interaction of social divisions over the life course, in preference to those privileging the instability and diversity of social identities. Although the testimonies of older women underline the need to situate their experiences within a unified system characterized by capitalist economic relations. The research enables analysis of the workers perceptions of the changing nature of work and the way that age can be constructed in terms of advantage and disadvantage within specific occupations and sectors already defined in terms of gender and race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that the union learning representative (ULR) is increasingly situated at the heart of trade union activity. The paper draws upon recent research based on interviews with national trade union officers and case studies of union learning activity to explore the competing demands being made upon ULRs and the implications for their role in the union and the delivery of Continuing Professional Development (CPD) in the workplace. It finds that whilst the government's learning and skills agenda has moved away from a broad conceptualisation of learning for social and self-development and towards an increasingly narrow interpretation of lifelong learning based upon employability, ULRs and trade unions have not abandoned this vision. At the same time, union expectations of the role of the ULR appear to have shifted and they are increasingly seen as part of wider union recruitment and organising strategies. The case studies suggest that where efforts are made to integrate ULRs into the wider union, a number broaden their activism beyond learning and make a contribution to building workplace or branch organisation on the basis of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Transfer: European Review of Labour & Research is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Transfer: European Review of Labour & Research is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article draws on mobilisation theory to explain the presence and absence of collective organisation in small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The analysis is based upon case studies of 11 UK SMEs reflecting variation in respect of employment size, industry sector, workforce composition, ownership and product/service market characteristics. It suggests that recently introduced statutory trade union recognition legislation and increased formalisation within some larger SMEs may provide the conditions for unionisation, although the presence and role of ‘key activists’ with union histories is critical to the process of gaining recognition and sustaining organisation. The nature of social relations in micro and small firms, however, inhibits the articulation of injustice. This is not least because the framing of grievances is a high-risk strategy with a potential to shatter the informal social relationships upon which work is based, and this inhibits the identification of collective interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose- The paper sets out to ask whether the existence of a statutory model of collective bargaining has influenced the scope and depth of bargaining following voluntary trade union recognition. Design/methodology/approach- The paper is largely based on a telephone survey of 101 employer representatives, commissioned by the Department of Trade and Industry (2000). The survey was based on a sample of 213 voluntary trade union recognition agreements concluded between 1998 and 2002. The paper also draws on a textual analysis of 213 voluntary recognition agreements and refers to nine in-depth case studies. Findings- In this paper the research found evidence of dynamic relationships following recognition and in the majority of cases there has been collective bargaining on the core issues of pay, hours and holiday. There was less likely to have been negotiation over the non-core issues of pay, hours and holiday. There was less likely to have been negotiation over the non-core issues of pensions, equal opportunities and training. There are clear differences between employers' reports of the nature of discussions with the union and what was set out in the written recognition agreements. The fact that a proportion of voluntary agreements have been formally limited to the core issues suggests the influence of the law in shaping both the scope and depth of voluntary recognition (and subsequent practice). Research limitations/implications- The analysis in this paper is based on employer perceptions of the bargaining process; clearly bargaining also reflects union aspirations. Further case studies based on workplace bargaining would illustrate this dynamic process. Originality/value- The paper offers the first analysis of bargaining following voluntary recognition and assessment of the impact of the Employment Relations Act 1999. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A third statutory trade union recognition procedure was introduced in the UK in 2000. This paper explores the scope for increased recognition, employers' willingness to concede recognition, unions' response to the procedure and, finally, the use of it so far. The paper concludes that, while the procedure may be sustainable in the long run, its direct impact on union membership and recognition may be minimal. The indirect effect, through voluntary recognition will be greater. But any reversal in union decline will ultimately be dependent upon successful union recruitment well beyond their conventional territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of the process of public consultation over access code and bargaining method on the ultimate shape of trade unions in Great Britain. The Code of Practice on Access to Workers during Recognition and Derecognition Ballots is discussed, along with information on a statutory instrument that specifies a model method of bargaining. The proposals for the draft Access Code and Method of Bargaining are also discussed.

The article presents the research and case studies reflecting the Union Recognition Agreements under the Employment Relation Act 1999 in Great Britain. The reports are made by the researchers of the Working Live Research Institute and Policy Studies Institute for the Department of Trade and Industry, which analysis the content of the agreements. Thus, the research is made to identify the issues that are subject to negotiation under the terms and conditions of the labor agreements.