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What is the difference between a philosophy and an ideology? Would simply observing some aspect of human experience count as ideology? No. But suppose we try to explain and interpret what we have seen. Now, we enter the neighborhood of what gets called ideology. What else does it take to sort out what should be called ideological? And why would a worldview sometimes turn into an echo chamber, a cocoon of confirmation bias that fosters false consciousness? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fact that Martin Luther King, Jr. held a moral philosophy of non‐violence is well known. What is less familiar is that he made various exceptions to his prohibitions on violence. Given the absolute language he often used in condemning violent acts, he can give the impression of inconsistency in his ethics. The reality, however, is that his moral framework possesses both consistency and functionality. That is, it holds together logically and has practical usefulness. The key to understanding King is to view his moral philosophy through the lens of Virtue Ethics, not rule‐based ethics. This approach to a philosophy of non‐violence provides value and utility to adherents of both pacifism and Just War Theory, a difficult feat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a 1961 radio discussion about Black art and its relationship to Black nationalism, Lorraine Hansberry asked: "Is it necessary to integrate oneself into a burning house?" James Baldwin quoted Hansberry in The Fire Next Time without citing her—words that circulated widely in the Black liberation movement. Variously attributed to Malcolm X, Baldwin, and King, Hansberry's role in this literary political genealogy has been unacknowledged. She was riffing on Malcolm X's idea of Islam as a "flaming fire." But he also developed his parable of the master's house on fire after Baldwin quoted Hansberry's words, using the burning house as a symbol of revolution, class struggle, and the relationship between property and citizenship rights in a racial capitalist system. That Malcolm X influenced the Black Arts Movement is widely acknowledged, but he also read, listened to, and conversed with leftist artists, writers, and intellectuals that influenced the development of his own thought and rhetoric. This article explores the call and response between these intellectuals, their critique of integration, and call for a radical Black art—looking at Hansberry's seminal contribution to these debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of research suggests that political polarization in the United States is at a forty-year high, and that it is rooted less in disagreements over policy than in hostile attitudes toward political opponents. Such attitudes explain the manifest increase of intolerant behavior in American culture and politics in recent years. But what explains the attitudes themselves? One significant contributor may have been the rise of scientism in the early twentieth century, which undermined the metaphysical, epistemic, and institutional foundations of the type of morality required to transcend our instinctual tribalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the connectedness between Martin Luther King's, Ernesto Guevara's and Rabindranath Tagore's ideas and anti-colonial resistance in Vietnam. By showing how three different local struggles were linked to the socio-political realities in Vietnam, the three can be seen as representatives of a way of thinking global and local in political struggles under the principle of anti-colonial resistance and universal self-determination. In this way, it is argued that looking through the lens of dissident intellectuals and political activists provides a methodological groundwork through which we can experience global intellectual connectedness that counterbalances existing Westerncentric perspectives on Vietnamese history. However, global intellectual connectedness has to be taken with a pinch of salt, because thoughts and ideas have always been defined by and modified under different socio-political circumstances, in this case: for the purpose of strengthening the national cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy is the property of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1957, the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), a pacifist Christian group, published a comic book entitled Martin Luther King and The Montgomery Story. This document has received some attention in recent years in light of Congressman John Lewis' recent comic series March, which was inspired by this 1957 work. While there has been some discussion of its creation, there has been less discussion about the comic book as a format for promotion of particular views of Christian activism and movement gender roles. FOR was founded in the WWI era, and advocated for Christian pacifist views in both of the World Wars. In the United States, it worked to help conscientious objectors and to build labor and social movements. Members of FOR, such as James Farmer, were significant in the formation of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). In the postwar era, FOR became active in civil rights. Members associated with the organization often worked on civil rights campaigns including the Montgomery bus boycott. It was as a result of this involvement that FOR published the comic book on King's life. The comic book serves to solidify the movement's adherence to Christian principles and to nonviolence. The work also emphasizes the importance of the church as an institution, particular versions of ministry, loving one's neighbor, an image of God as the ultimate defender and protector as well as provides the readers with gendered examples of respectable activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pain, pain talk and pain ascriptions seem to be universal features of human experience and to have little to do with politics. It is often assumed that pain is always bad, a sign of a malfunctioning machine, that pain talk describes this malfunction and that the humane thing to do is to seek to ameliorate or excise pain. I argue that this viewpoint is one-sided at best and imperialistic at worst. In section I, I outline what I term the 'prima facie model of pain' and adumbrate later Wittgenstein's criticism of it. In section II, I marshal ethnographic evidence that deepens Wittgenstein's reimagining of pain and acknowledgment. In section III, I link this to 'progressive' politics and its normative understanding of the self. Finally, in section IV, I turn to Martin Luther King's writing and discuss a use of pain that undermines this normative conception of the self and aligns with Wittgenstein's account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history of the design of the Martin Luther King, Jr. National Memorial, dedicated in October 2011. Based on documentary records and original interviews, it uncovers new evidence about the design competition, the design's oversight by federal commissions and the selection of the inscriptions. The article highlights the consequences of the sponsors' preference for "universal" and "timeless" themes over King's radical critique of American society. These choices bring this memorial to a civil rights leader into line with political conservatives' advocacy of "color-blind" government action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an exemplar of American prophetic voice, Martin Luther King Jr. illustrates a dynamic breadth of public advocacy amidst shifting power dynamics. In this essay, I outline three vital communication practices that support prophetic voice for social change: standpoint, strategic interaction through facework, and co-cultural resistance. I shape these practices in conversation with communication theorists Sandra Harding, Erving Goffman, Stella Ting-Toomey, and Mark Orbe. I additionally pair standpoint, strategic interaction, and co-cultural resistance with three examples from King's struggle for justice: (1) Proximal Power and Standpoint: Montgomery Bus Boycott; (2) Intermediate Power and Strategic Interaction: Selma to Montgomery March; (3) Peripheral Power and Co-cultural Resistance: Sermon at Riverside Christian Church. King's prophetic voice matured from the courage of standpoint, to the courage of strategic interaction, to the courage of cultural resistance. This maturation of prophetic voice and advocacy is now so desperately needed among all allies for racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exemplars have the power to help people navigate various levels of moral struggle, from the relatively straightforward problem of lacking motivation to the much deeper problem of failing to see the moral realities that surround us. But there are also serious moral risks in the appeal to exemplars: we romanticize them, we make use of them in authoritarian ways, and we tend to forget how our choice of exemplars is conditioned by oppressive cultural formations. I argue that we need to develop a social model of exemplarity, attuned to social contexts of our exemplars themselves as well as the social processes of constructing and appealing to exemplars. More particularly, I argue that we need to develop space for thinking about exemplary groups, not just exemplary individuals, in order to develop the strengths and avoid the weaknesses in exemplarist moral theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1958 in Nashville Reverend James Lawson and Reverend Kelly Miller Smith (NCLC) started organizing "nonviolent workshop". Lawson began teaching and training local residents in the techniques of the Gandhi's philosophy of direct nonviolent protest. On February 14 and 28, 1960, African American students launched their first full-scale sit-ins. Throughout the spring, the students conducted numerous sit-ins and boycotts. They suffered physical abuse and arrests, but held to the concept of Christian nonviolence. On April 19, after bombing damaged the home of Z. Alexander Looby (defense counsel for the students), thousands of black and some white Americans marched to Nashville's City Hall. On May 10, 1960, Nashville became the first major city to begin desegregating its public facilities. The Nashville movement had been planned over several months, and served as a model for future demonstrations against segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jane Addams, Dorothy Day, Martin Luther King, Jr., Jean Vanier, and Mary Jo Leddy were, and are, people of faith whose lives reflected that faith. This article presents a framework entitled faith-inspired praxis of love, grounded in the work of these five individuals. The framework’s foundational concepts (i.e., faith, love, and praxis) are illustrated in its six operational dimensions: (a) in God and with people, (b) whole relationships, (c) community, (d) hospitality, (e) nonviolence, and (f) change-making. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the framework for social work and helping professions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the occasion of James H. Cone’s death in April 2018, his long-time colleague Jürgen Moltmann reflects on the many decades of their theological and personal friendship, from their initial meeting in 1970 to their last get-together in 2015. With deep personal gratitude, Moltmann speaks about the counseling role, which Cone assumed for him in the United States context for many years, and shares important moments in their common effort to develop a liberating theology for all humankind. After Moltmann’s “Personal Recollections of Wolfhart Pannenberg,” published in Theology Today 72:1 (2015): 11–14, this is another valuable testimony of twentieth-century theological history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Created Equal, an anti-abortion organization based in Ohio, argues it is fulfilling the legacy of the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) by fighting widespread and systemic age discrimination. Putting to work the images, tactics, and rhetorics of the Civil Rights Movement and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (MLK), Created Equal argues abortion enacts ageism and is worthy of formal civil rights protection. I argue that Created Equal leverages the ideographic ethos and pathos of the CRM and MLK to tap into American public memory of the man and the movement, then use them as ciphers in which they invest their own connotative meaning. This appropriation or coopting of the rhetorical legacy of MLK and CRM allows Created Equal to repurpose the past towards contemporary political ends incongruous with King and the movement. I draw implications to broader neoliberal rhetorical practices that appropriate progressive narratives, in both form and content, towards traditionally conservative aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a preliminary sketch of a broader investigation into encounters between "engaged Buddhism" and Black liberation theology in the United States from 1965–1968, motivated by the eventual goal of articulating a different approach toward a politics of death, or what scholars now call "necropolitics," at this interface. Focusing on a world-transformative dialogue between Thich Nhat Hanh and Martin Luther King, Jr., this study begins with Hanh's vindications of the practice of self-immolation during the imperialist wars in Viet Nam, as mediated through his pedagogy of "engaged Buddhism" and its epistemological and historical elaboration in the West. Decisive to King's momentous shift toward both anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist political commitments, formally enunciated in his 1967 speech "Beyond Vietnam," I interrogate how this encounter develops and globalizes a distinctive epistemology of death, justice, and nonviolence—one that absolutely cannot be accessed without an avowal or faith in something beyond those ontologies assumed by the limits of modern secularism or any formation of civil society. Ultimately, my goal is to bring this earlier formulation to bear on contemporary discourses of bio- or necropolitics that predominantly revolve around either terroristic martyrdom or the limits of white ontology precipitating Black "social death." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arendt’s work on civil disobedience sets out an optimistic portrayal of the possibilities of such forms of action in re-energising the spirit of American politics in the late twentieth century. Civil disobedience should not simply be tolerated, she argued, but incorporated into the legal structure of the American political system. Her work is usually seen to promote an idea of civil disobedience that is thus bound to existing constitutional principles and essentially nonviolent. However, by looking at Arendt’s discussion and critique of various practices of civil disobedience in 1960s and 1970s America, specifically in relation to the nonviolence movement influenced by Martin Luther King, and on the other side, the more militant Black Power movement, a different idea of civil disobedience emerges. This paper argues that whilst, for Arendt, civil disobedience within America certainly possesses the constitutionally restorative potential she assigns to it, in a broader sense - theoretically, globally, and even in terms of alternative ideologies within America - her conception of civil disobedience is in itself neither necessarily constitutional, nor nonviolent. It is, instead, a form of revolutionary action, whose limits are set only by politics itself, and specifically, Arendt’s criterion of publicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teachers often respond to the perils of teaching about religion by simply avoiding the subject. An investigation of secondary lesson plans on three prominent Martin Luther King, Jr. websites reveals little attention to the ideology of the civil rights movement, especially those touching on religious ideas. Ignoring King's religious views risks fundamentally misrepresenting his identity, his ideology, and his motivation for nonviolence. Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story, King's 1958 account of the Montgomery Bus Boycott articulates three key features of the theological framework that inspired his activism: the spiritual motivation for his leadership, the ethical basis for his strategy of nonviolent direct action, and the theological understanding of human nature that undergirded his leadership and strategy. These points provide a useful model for introducing King's ideas in the classroom. The effort to intentionally and thoughtfully teach religion could contribute one step toward inculcating genuine tolerance among students. Civil discourse is not fostered simply by identifying core principles everyone shares but also through thoughtful, critical engagement with disparate ideas, including what are, for many people, the most heavily freighted ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article casts a critical eye on the political moment in the US and the world, ushered in by the election and governance of a person who, in my opinion, enacts openly racist, sexist, authoritarian and narcissist views in both his decisions and being as the US President. The author argues that this is also a moment to stand in steadfastness about Blackness and Black identity globally, as an affirming and loving counter-narrative and way of being. Marshaling the recent presidential elections in Ghana and Dr. Martin Luther King’s sermon on lessons learned from Ghana’s independence in 1957, the author reflects on the global Black condition and meanings of steadfastness in these troubling times. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The arrest of James Earl Ray at London Airport on 8 June 1968 marked the final stage of an international manhunt that had begun with the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. on 4 April. Arrested for travelling on a false passport and with an unlicensed firearm, Ray faced extradition to the US to face charges of murder. While in prison in Britain, the US Government feared that he might escape, commit suicide or be himself assassinated. Each of these outcomes risked reigniting the African-American anger that had wracked major US cities in April. Accordingly the UK Government was requested to take special security measures and complied. Was this a supine response from a Labour government anxious to placate a disgruntled superpower ally or did it also reflect contemporaneous UK anxieties about the tense state of race relations at home? Drawing on Home Office records, this article examines these questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the co-cultural discourse delineated by Mark P. Orbe, three types of preferred outcomes shape the communication strategy of members of minority groups: assimilation, accommodation, and separation. It is the latter type that I examine in the speeches and sermons of Vernon Johns and Martin Luther King, Jr. in order to add a tinge to their ultimately integrationist/accommodationist oeuvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., Robert F. Kennedy delivered two speeches-a highly praised impromptu speech in Indianapolis and a less renowned exhortation in Cleveland-making sense of the death and condemning the tolerance and endless acts of violence in America. This essay analyzes Kennedy's speeches as examples of prophetic rhetoric that accused the nation of sins and offered wisdom and justice as the path to redemption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Richard H. King's article begins by examining the way Ava DuVernay's recent filmSelmadeals with the relationship between Martin Luther King and previous accounts/representations of the Civil Rights Movement, and how other feature films such asMississippi Burningand documentaries such as Stanley Nelson'sFreedom Summerdepict the movement. This in turn raises the question of what the dominant narrative of the Civil Rights Movement actually has been, and still is. King concludes that it is the King-centred ‘From Montgomery to Memphis’ narrative. He goes on to explore the ways in which this dominant narrative has been challenged by, for instance, the SNCC-related narrative found, most accessibly, in Nelson's documentary and, more broadly conceived, in Jacqueline Dowd Hall's influential 2005 article ‘The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past’. Also, along the way, King discusses the relative strengths of feature filmsv. documentaries in illuminating the past. When comparing this with the written historiography of the Civil Rights Movement, he also explores the importance of the publicv. private and the historyv. memory debates for understanding the past. King's article concludes by examining the persistence of the Martin Luther King tradition in American politics and of Reverend King's reputation, as suggested by recent works such as David Chappell'sWaking from the Dream. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Southeastern Geographer is the property of University of North Carolina Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I depict the resiliency and resistance of two powerful American figures, J. Edgar Hoover and Martin Luther King. I understand the sources of their resistance and resiliency in terms of core social imaginaries of faith that they initially internalized and later adopted, altered, and used. These social imaginaries, I argue, provided the purposes, meanings, and values that motivated and sustained their resistance and resiliency vis-à-vis enemies. It is also proposed that although these men were opponents, their lives reveal the intersection of Christian and national social imaginaries of faith, even though expressed and understood in decidedly different ways. Lastly, I contend that Hoover and King represent two distinctive expressions of Christian-national social imaginaries of faith present in American political life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through examples of grace and gift of reconciliation the meaning of grace is interpreted in relation to social and political transformation. Grace is understood as the unexpected kairotic moment of change, where the future opens up for new possibilities of reconciliation in situations of conflict. It is a moment you cannot plan for, but hope for to happen. Trusting in the possibility of a gracious moment can influence your work in the present. Hoping and waiting for the gracious moment of reconciliation is linked to a praxis of active nonviolence as seen in the work of Martin Luther King, Jr. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares principled and strategic nonviolent movements. While pragmatic, strategic nonviolence is effective for movements seeking to overthrow corrupt repressive and dictatorial regimes, it is much less successful in the progressive transformation of state and political systems. This is because principled nonviolence and movements associated with such value systems are ambivalent about political power and the role of the Weberian state. Conversely strategic nonviolent movements are willing to utilize the coercive power of the state for their own political purposes and in doing so often become fatally compromised, as happened in Egypt, Palestine and Syria. The promise of principled nonviolence is social, political, and economic institutions capable of transcending Machiavellian politics because of a radical commitment to pacifism and emancipatory political processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The entertainer Sammy Davis, Jr. was the premier celebrity fundraiser for the civil rights movement, but his public image, which consisted of an unusual combination of daring and deferential behavior, also made him vulnerable to charges of 'accommodationism' throughout his career. When, in 1972, Davis kissed the notoriously racist Archie Bunker on an episode of All in the Family and then hugged President Richard Nixon at the Republican National Convention a few months later, his deferential behavior overwhelmed his public image and went on to overshadow Davis's historical legacy. Thus, his political activism has received little examination. I argue that his daring and deferential behavior-reflected most famously in his affiliation with the so-called Rat Pack-allowed him to headline hugely successful benefit shows, rally black supporters of the civil rights movement, help broaden its base, and bring in other celebrities to the cause in the 1950s and 60s, often helping the movement at key moments. When, in the 1970s, the movement shifted its focus from integration to cultural nationalism, Davis continued his political activism with less successful, yet noteworthy, results. This article contributes to the historiography of Davis biographies, the civil rights movement, and the culture of celebrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decolonization movements in Africa and Asia, Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolent resistance, and Christian pacifism merged in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s. I discuss key individuals involved and the tactics they developed to popularize a nonviolent confrontation of segregation, including the use of a comic book. These writers and activists developed new and transformative notions of solidarity and tactics of nonviolent resistance, which continue to influence movements for social justice around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista FSA is the property of Revista FSA (Faculdade Santo Agostinho) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The collapse of the Kerry talks and the devastating cycle of attacks and reprisals that ensued marked the end of an era, the passing of a time when a negotiated peace seemed a realistic possibility. In considering the way forward in the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, this essay examines the relational changes that brought about the settlement ending apartheid in South Africa, with a focus on three key players: Nelson Mandela, F. W. de Klerk, and Roelf Meyer. It then briefly describes the relation-building framework developed by the Stanford Center on International Conflict and Negotiation and explains how it provides an alternative to solutions-based and rights-based approaches to resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Drawing inspiration from Martin Luther King, Jr., it concludes with reflections on the importance of non-violence in altering the discourse between Israelis and Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article traces the resonances and responses to Martin Luther King, Jr.'s assassination and the Apollo space missions in the late 1960s in poetry and song, arguing that performances of the black extraterrestrial—donning the perspective and guise of the alien—articulate partially secularized prophesy and non-national planetary perspective. The black extraterrestrial blurs the different senses of historical and narrative possibility to stake out new historical possibilities. The article concludes with a brief consideration of contemporary popular instances of black anti-humanism, emphasizing the black android as the development of the black extraterrestrial in the post–Cold War era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]