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Theories of argument ellipsis based on PF deletion or LF copying do not generate predictions regarding possible constraints on the semantic type of the elided argument. Yet such constraints obtain, as documented in Landau 2022 : only type- e arguments can be targeted by argument ellipsis. Focusing on quantificational arguments here, I show that when they yield readings expressible by type- e denotations, they may elide, but when they denote genuine generalized quantifiers, they may not. Utilizing the restricted range of interpretations made available by choice function binding and E-type pronouns, the analysis derives a number of peculiar scopal properties of indefinite NPs, quantifiers, and exceptive phrases under argument ellipsis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Intensive research on Obligatory Control (OC) in the past 2 decades has revealed a rich crosslinguistic terrain of deviations from the classical format. Five types of noncanonical OC are surveyed here: Finite control, controlled overt pronouns, partial control, proxy control and crossed control. Each one is described and illustrated, paying attention to methodological difficulties in establishing its characteristic empirical signature. We then turn to a critical assessment of leading theoretical accounts of these phenomena, pointing to merits and faults, and indicating how they can be integrated with broader concerns of syntactic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Advocating a verb‐stranding‐VP‐ellipsis analysis for object‐gap sentences, Andrew Simpson ("In defense of verb‐stranding VP ellipsis") argues that under negation the "adjunct reading" is missing because it depends on focal stress, which cannot be realized on unpronounced material. No such condition holds, I maintain, and the absence of the adjunct reading reflects a syntactic absence: argument‐ellipsis sites contain no VP adjuncts. The adjunct reading emerges in some languages when the antecedent sentence is negative too, an inexplicable contingency for the verb‐stranding‐VP‐ellipsis analysis; in fact, these constructions involve polarity ellipsis (of TP), in which VP adjuncts are included. However, this derivation is not available to all languages, explaining some crosslinguistic differences in adjunct readings under negation. Finally, an optional adjunct reading may emerge in affirmative object‐gap sentences due to pragmatic enrichment, a process sensitive to context in ways that go beyond the predictions of the syntactic analysis advocated by Simpson. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Recent studies reveal that the values of finiteness, tense, modality and polarity in a clause elided under sluicing may be distinct from their correlates in the antecedent clause. Focusing on CP ellipsis in Hebrew (an instance of Argument Ellipsis), we first demonstrate that it is distinct from both Null Complement Anaphora and (null) pronominalization, and then show that the values of force (declarative, imperative, interrogative) can be distinct between the antecedent and the missing clause as well. Possible mismatches are bidirectional, ruling out "subset" theories of identity in ellipsis and challenging certain accounts of the semantics of polar questions. Implications for the general theory of ellipsis are discussed and evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Argument Ellipsis (AE) is a productive process in Hebrew, but some arguments resist ellipsis—precisely those that do not denote individuals. This constraint, a reflection of a general constraint on variables in natural language, is captured if AE sites are descended from a pro element that is derivationally replaced by a constituent recoverable from the antecedent. This must occur after spellout (to escape pronunciation) but prior to LF (to allow overt subextraction). The proposed analysis integrates novel data as well as recent findings from studies of AE in East Asian languages, and offers a new derivational path to ellipsis, which invokes neither PF-deletion nor LF-copying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Sentences like They tricked him into believing them and They charged him with abandoning them raise interesting issues for selection and control. We show that these two sentences exemplify two distinct classes, subsuming P-gerund constructions that are formed with seven distinct prepositions: implicative vs. nonimplicative constructions. The first class displays a cluster of restrictions, both syntactic and semantic, which are absent from the second class: It resists partial control or embedded lexical subjects, and it bans object drop and movement of the P-gerund phrase. The existence of these two classes, as well as their empirical profiles, follow from Landau's (2015) theory of control and challenge alternative approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Gribanova (2013b) observes that when the antecedent clause for an object gap in Russian contains a disjunction of ditransitive VPs, the gap is interpreted as if it contained the disjunction, thus favoring a V‐stranding VP‐ellipsis (VSVPE) analysis over a simple Argument Ellipsis (AE) analysis. We show that VSVPE fails to predict the attested interpretation of the gap when the antecedent VP contains a conjunction. The data are fully explained by combining AE with a pragmatic (scalar) inference triggered in situations of indeterminate ellipsis resolution, leading to multiple "cycles" in the dynamic semantics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Most accounts of sluicing assume it is derived by TP deletion at PF; however, C′ deletion is a viable option, which is even better equipped to explain the Sluicing–Comp Generalization. Nonetheless, this article shows that C′ deletion must be rejected, because it predicts scope enhancement for modals that raise to C in sluicing when in fact they take scope in T or below it. An implication is that some independent principle must block T‐to‐C movement under sluicing. The results further confirm that head movement must be a syntactic operation insofar as it affects semantic interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Ellipsis of a constituent whose head has moved out of it ("headless ellipsis") is possible in some cases but not in others. Headless ellipsis is licensed only if the stranded head has not crossed a Spell-Out domain. The reason is that the silencing instruction responsible for ellipsis must be PF-visible on the head of the elided constituent, and PF-visibility is cut off at Spell-Out domain boundaries. A parallel effect is observed with remnants of head movement that are frozen for movement ("headless movement"). The two effects can possibly be united if ellipsis and copy deletion recruit the same silencing instruction at PF, hosted on the head of the deleted constituent. A third, mirror-image effect is observed with reprise fragments, which must be visibly headed. This time head movement removes the PF instruction that spares these fragments from ellipsis. Overall, these phenomena establish the significance of headedness for the syntax-PF interface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

An increasingly popular analysis of object gap sentences in many languages derives them in two steps: (a) V-raising out of VP, and (b) VP-ellipsis of the remnant, stranding the verb (V-stranding VP-ellipsis, VSVPE). For Hebrew, Hindi, Russian, and Portuguese, I show this analysis to be inadequate. First, it undergenerates elliptical objects in various environments, and second, it overgenerates nonexisting adjunct-including readings. For all the problematic data, simple argument ellipsis provides a unified explanation. The absence of VSVPE in languages that do allow V-raising and Aux-stranding VP-ellipsis raises an intriguing problem for theories addressing the interaction of head movement and ellipsis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

When occurring without their goal argument, communication verbs induce two types of control: obligatory control (OC) by the implicit goal, or nonobligatory control (NOC) by a salient antecedent. Arguments are presented to demonstrate that the two are genuinely distinct, and furthermore, that the NOC option is not reducible to embedded imperatives. The two types of control implicate the same grammatical representations, the single difference being the choice of the context of evaluation for PRO (fixed as the reported context in OC, free in NOC). Finally, evidence is presented (from VP-ellipsis) that reference to deictic antecedents in NOC is not direct but mediated via grammatically present entities (SPEAKER and ADDRESSEE functions). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

'Hybrid' nouns are known for being able to trigger either syntactic or semantic agreement, the latter typically occurring outside the noun's projection. We document and discuss a rare example of a Hebrew noun that triggers either syntactic or semantic agreement within the DP. To explain this and other unusual patterns of nominal agreement, we propose a configurational adaptation of the concord- index distinction, originated in Wechsler and Zlatić (). Morphologically-rooted (= concord) features are hosted on the noun stem while semantically-rooted (= index) features are hosted on Num, a higher functional head. Depending on where attributive adjectives attach, they may display either type of agreement. The observed and unobserved patterns of agreement follow from general principles of selection and syntactic locality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The article presents an analysis on the aspects of partial control (PC) in linguistics and the use of grammatical test to determine the null comitative phrase. It examines the attributes to simple reciprocal verbs in English language through a null comitative analysis and comitative phrase. It also highlights the complexity of singular subject and a comitative phrase in English language. more...

Controlled null subjects (PRO) are semantically bound variables that bear morphological features. In certain environments of partial control, the morphological ϕ-features (specifically, [person]) and the semantic value of PRO diverge. A natural explanation of the fact that the [person] feature of PRO is uninterpreted is that it is assigned at Phonological Form (PF). Given that this feature participates in agreement relations, we conclude that agreement must be (optionally or exclusively) a PF phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Verbs of detaching ( clear, wipe, squeeze, etc.) may occur in two frames in Hebrew. In the Change of Location (COL) frame, the stuff is a direct object and the location is a locative source PP. In the Change of State (COS) frame, the location is a direct object and the stuff is an oblique PP. We demonstrate that this PP is headed by a null preposition, which is responsible for a cluster of peculiar syntactic effects. COL and COS in the two frames instantiate scalar changes. Alternating verbs do not lexicalize any scalar change; nonalternating verbs lexicalize either COL (e.g., remove) or COS (e.g., relieve), failing to occur in the opposite frame due to a constraint against the encoding of multiple scalar changes per event. The advantages of this analysis are critically compared against previous accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copy raising sentences ( Charlie looks like his prospects are bright) are ambiguous between a thematic and a nonthematic reading for the subject, corresponding to whether or not it is the perceptual source. On the basis of Hebrew and English data, this paper motivates a novel generalization: a pronominal copy in the complement is necessary if and only if the matrix subject is not thematic. This follows if (i) a nonthematic DP must be licensed by predication, (ii) the clausal complement is turned into a predicate by merging with a null operator, and (iii) the pronominal copy is the variable required by the operator. Contra previous analyses, I argue that the complement in copy raising may be propositional, forming an 'aboutness' relation with the subject. When it is predicative, however, a null operator is necessary, since CPs are not natural predicates. The dichotomy between propositional and predicative CPs cuts across the gap/copy distinction, and is manifested in other constructions, also discussed (hanging topic vs. left dislocation, rationale vs. purpose clauses, and proleptic object constructions). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Although they participate in control relations, implicit arguments are standardly viewed as unprojected θ-roles, absent from the syntax. I challenge this view and argue that implicit arguments are syntactically represented. The argument rests on the observation that implicit arguments can exercise partial control, and the claim that partial control must be encoded in the syntax (given plausible assumptions on the limits of lexical relations). I further argue that the syntactic constitution of implicit arguments is more impoverished than that of pro, explaining their differential visibility to various syntactic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The study of adjectival diathesis alternations lags behind the study of verbal diathesis and nominalization. This paper aims to diminish the gap by applying to the adjectival domain theoretical tools with proven success elsewhere. We focus on evaluative adjectives, which display a systematic alternation between a basic variant (John was rude) and a derived one (That was rude of John). The alternation brings about a cluster of syntactic and semantic changes - in the semantic type of the predicate, its valency and the mode of argument projection. We argue that the adjectival variants are related by the joint application of two operators: a lexical SATURATION operator (also seen in verbal passive) and a syntactic REIFICATION operator (also seen in nominalization). The analysis straightforwardly extends to similar alternations with Subject- and Object-Experiencer adjectives (proud, irritating). Among its important implications are (i) lexical saturation is not restricted to external arguments (internal ones may also be saturated), and (ii) ' referential ' (R) roles are not restricted to nominal predicates (adjectives may assign them as well). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The article differentiates between genuine copy raising (GCR) and apparent copy raising (ACR) in the context of linguistics. It is stated that in GCR, a matrix DP is linked to a "copy" pronoun in the highest embedded subject position, while ACR, the associated pronominal copy is not the highest embedded subject. In certain English accent, GCR exhibits the hallmarks of standard noncopy raising, while ACR does not. GCR is said to involve a nonmovement A-chain, subject to standard locality conditions, while ACR involves simple coindexation between two thematic positions. more...

A rich literature on Icelandic syntax has established that infinitival complements of obligatory control verbs constitute a case assignment domain independent from the matrix clause, and in this differ systematically from all types of A-movement, which manifest case dependence/preservation. As Landau (2003) has observed, these facts provide significant counterevidence to the movement theory of control (Hornstein 1999 and subsequent work). Boeckx and Hornstein (2006a) attempt to defend this theory in light of data from Icelandic. We offer here a review of the relevant literature, and we show that Boeckx and Hornstein's reply fails on several counts. We further argue that contrary to their claims, PRO in Icelandic receives structural rather than default (nominative) case, leaving the movement theory with no account for the distinction between PRO and lexical subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The unpronounced subject of infinitives, PRO, bears standard case, which is reflected on agreeing predicative elements in languages like Russian, Icelandic, Ancient Greek, etc. This case can be independent from the case of the controller DP, or identical to it (‘case transmission’). We report the findings of a novel study of case transmission in Russian, based on data collected from 30 speakers. The findings contradict some key generalizations that have gone unchallenged in the field for decades; specifically, case transmission is much more prevalent than previously assumed, often co-occurring with the option of independent case. The pattern of case transmission is determined by the interaction of a complex set of factors—the grammatical function of the controller, the shape of the complementizer, the type of control relation (exhaustive or partial), and more. The proposed analysis builds on “The Agreement Model of Obligatory Control (OC)” (Landau , , ) and strongly supports the claim that OC exploits two routes—either a direct Agree relation with PRO, or one mediated by the infinitival C. It is derivationally local and free of the “look-ahead” properties inherent to earlier accounts. Finally, we provide a description of the documented crosslinguistic variation in this domain, and situate it within a tight typological model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Partial VP-fronting, in which a verb is fronted with one argument, stranding the other one, is subject to a curious restriction in both Hebrew and English: The fronted VP-portion must be a potential independent VP in the language. It is shown that both incremental merger and remnant VP-fronting cannot explain the restriction, whereas an analysis incorporating late adjunction of the stranded argument can. Late adjunction, in turn, cannot apply too deeply, which explains why the same set of environments inaccessible to partial VP-fronting force adjunct reconstruction. The analysis implies that not only Spell-Out, but also interpretive constraints, like the θ-Criterion, apply at the phase level. Furthermore, Condition A is shown to be another such constraint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The fact that the specifier of T0 is subject both to the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and to the Empty Category Principle (ECP) has remained an unexplained accident within Government-Binding Theory. I propose a principled account of this correlation. The EPP is a selectional requirement of functional heads (e.g., T, Top, C) that applies at PF--an instance of p-selection for an overt element. Like all selectional requirements, it applies to the head of the selected phrase, explaining why null heads cannot appear in EPP positions (thus deriving certain representational ECP effects). A wide range of empirical results follow, all unified by the exclusion of null-headed phrases from EPP positions: subject-object asymmetries in the distribution of bare nouns in Romance and sentential complements; failure of certain adjuncts to occur in clause-initial position; resistance of indirect objects to Ā -movement; and phonological doubling of heads of fronted categories. I argue against the agreement/checking view of the EPP and show that only the selectional construal allows a natural explanation of its puzzling properties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Deriving the distribution of PRO in a principled manner is a central task for the theory of control. Traditionally, Case has been identified as the key to this problem: PRO was argued to bear no Case at all, or some special ("null") Case. I argue that PRO bears standard case like normal lexical DPs; clear evidence comes from languages with case-concord (Russian, Hungarian, Icelandic). Moreover, PRO (and obligatory control) may occur in finite clauses (Hebrew, Balkan languages). Conclusion: PRO's distribution must be completely divorced from Case, possibly because abstract Case does not exist. The alternative is to tie the distribution of PRO to the specific values of [T] and [Agr] on the I0 and C0 heads of the embedded clause ( Landau 2004 ). A feature-based algorithm predicts the distribution of PRO in a variety of clausal complements. It is shown that the system naturally explains some intriguing correlations between obligatory control and agreement in Basque and Welsh complementation structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The copy theory of movement receives the strongest form of support from instances of movement leaving phonetically visible copies. Such is the case in Hebrew V(P)-fronting, where the fronted verb surfaces as an infinitive, and its “trace” is pronounced as an inflected verbal copy. This paper argues that V-doubling is explained by the same algorithm that determines pronunciation of single copies in canonical chains. The phonetic resolution of chains is PF-internal, strictly local, and need not appeal to cross-interface recoverability constraints. Crosslinguistic variation in predicate clefts largely reflects different morpho-phonological strategies of realizing the fronted predicate head. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Presents a comprehensive critique of the reductionist view of control advocated in minimalist studies, focusing on the theory proposed by Norbert Hornstein. Background on Hornstein's theory; Status of the minimal distance principle; Results that Hornstein presents as independent benefits of his theory. more...

This article explores the possibility that the distinction between interpretable (valued) and uninterpretable (unvalued) features has grammatical manifestations beyond its role in feature checking. I argue that both selection and lexical insertion are sensitive to this distinction; thus, a head may determine not only which features its complement must bear but also whether they should be interpretable or not. Empirical consequences are explored in Hebrew, where infinitival complements to negative verbs ('refrain', 'prevent') display a number of surprising syntax-semantics correlations. Those are traced to the operation of negative features in the Comp position. The analysis also provides insight into the recalcitrant prevent DP from V-ing construction in English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Previous analyses of control in Super-Equi have failed to account forthe entire paradigm of relevant cases. A new generalization is stated:Obligatory Control (OC) obtains in extraposition only under psychologicalpredicates. It is argued that extraposition is driven by the requirement thatVP-internal clauses be peripheral at PF. This is satisfied by a causer infinitive which is projected below an experiencer DP, but not by one projected above a theme goal DP. Thus extraposition is blocked in the former case and licensed in the latter. Crucially, only when the infinitive is extraposed to an adjunct position (or intraposed to a subject position) can it give rise to Non-Obligatory Control (NOC); this is supported by a correlation between NOC and failure of extraction from the infinitive. It is claimed that in OC an Agree relation is established between the matrix functional head that licenses the controller and an anaphoric infinitival Agr, which raises to the embedded C as a ‘free-rider’ on T. Since Agree issensitive to islands, the distributional distinction between OC and NOC reducesto the CED. Failing syntactic identification, the infinitival Agr is licensed as a logophor, explaining some well-known properties of NOC in Super-Equi. Theproposed account unifies a wide range of phenomena unrelated under alternativeanalyses of control and Super-Equi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...